LIBRARY 

THE  UNIVERSITY 
OF  CALIFORNIA 

SANTA  BARBARA 


PRESENTED  BY 

ESTATE  OF 
HUBERT  ORRISS 


1 


HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CJ1SAK. 

VOL.    I. 


The  Publishers  hereby  announce  that  all  rights  of  translation  and  repro- 
duction abroad  are  reserved. 

This  volume  was  entered  at  the  office  of  the  Minister  of  the  Interior  (depose 
au  Ministere  de  FInte'rieur)  in  March,  1865. 

The  only  Editions  and  Translations  sanctioned  by  the  Author  are  the  fol- 
lowing : 

French. — HENRI  PLON,  Printer  and  Publisher  of  the  "History  of  Julius  Casar," 
8  Eue  Garanciere,  Paris. 

English. — CASSELL,  PETTER,  and  GALPIN,  Publishers,  La  Belle  Sauvage  Yard, 
Ludgate  Hill,  London,  E.G. 

American. — HARPER  and  BROTHERS,  Franklin  Square,  New  York.  (Author- 
ized by  the  English  Publishers.) 

German. — CHARLES  GEROLD,  FILS,  Printers  and  Publishers,  Vienna. 

Italian. — LEMONNIER,  Printer  and  Publisher,  Florence. 

Portuguese. — V.  AILLACD,  GUILLARD,  and  Co.,  Paris,  Publishers,  and  Agents 
for  Portugal  and  Brazil. 

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Danish,  Norwegian,  Swedish. — CARL  B.  LORCK,  Consul  General  for  Denmark, 
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Hungarian.-- MAURICE  RATH,  Bookseller  and  Publisher,  Pesth. 


HISTORY 


OF 


JULIUS   CAESAR. 


VOL.   I. 


NEW   YORK: 
HARPER    &    BROTHERS,    PUBLISHERS, 

FRANKLIN     SQUARE. 

1865. 


CONTENTS. 

BOOK  I. 
ROMAN  HISTORY  BEFORE  CLESAR. 

CHAPTER  I. 

ROME   UNDER  THE  KINGS. 

PAQI 

I.  THE  KINGS  FOUND  THE  ROMAN  INSTITUTIONS 1 

II.  SOCIAL  ORGANISATION 3 

III.  POLITICAL  ORGANISATION 6 

IV.  RELIGION 15 

V.  RESULTS  OBTAINED  BY  ROYALTY 20 

CHAPTER  II. 

ESTABLISHMENT  OF  THE   CONSULAR  REPUBLIC   (244-416). 

I.  ADVANTAGE  OP  THE  REPUBLIC 25 

II.  INSTITUTIONS  OF  THE  REPUBLIC , 31 

III.  TRANSFORMATION  OF  THE  ARISTOCRACY 36 

IV.  ELEMENTS  OF  DISSOLUTION 42 

V.  RESUME 63 

CHAPTER  III. 

CONQUEST  OF  ITALY  (416-488). 

I.  DESCRIPTION  OF  ITALY 62 

II.  DISPOSITIONS  OF  THE  PEOPLE  OF  ITALY  IN  REGARD  TO  ROME...  65 

III.  TREATMENT  OF  THE  VANQUISHED  PEOPLES 68 

IV.  SUBMISSION  OF  LATIUM  AFTER  THE  FIRST  SAMNITE  WAR 75 

V.  SECOND  SAMNITE  WAR 78 

VI.  THIRD  SAMNITE  WAR — COALITION  OF  SAMNITES,  ETRUSCANS,  UM- 

BRIANS,  AND   HERNICI   (443-449) 82 

VII.  FOURTH  SAMNITE  WAR  —  SECOND  COALITION  OF  THE  SAMNITES, 

ETRUSCANS,  UMBRIANS,  AND  GAULS  (456-464) 85 

VIII.  THIRD  COALITION  OF  THE  ETRUSCANS,  GAULS,  LUCANIANS,  AND 

TARENTUM  (469-474) 88 

IX.  PYRRHUS  IN  ITALY — SUBMISSION  OF  TARENTUM  (474-488) 89 

X.  PREPONDERANCE  OF  ROME 92 

XL  STRENGTH  OF  THE  INSTITUTIONS 97 


vi  CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

PROSPERITY   OF   THE  .BASIN  OF  THE   MEDITERRANEAN   BEFORE  THE   PUNIC 

WARS. 

P4GB 

I.  COMMERCE  OF  THE  MEDITERRANEAN 104 

II.  NORTHERN  AFRICA 105 

III.  SPAIN ~ 110 

IV.  SOUTHERN  GAUL 114 

V.  LIGURIA,  CISALPINE  GAUL,  VENETIA,  AND  ILLTRIA 115 

VI.  EPIRUS .. 118 

VIJ.  GREECE 119 

VIII.  MACEDONIA 124 

IX.  ASIA  MINOR 126 

X.  KINGDOM  OF  PONTUS ^ 127 

XI.  BITHYNIA 130 

XII.  CAPPADOCIA 131 

XIII.  KINGDOM  OF  PERGAMUS 132 

XIV.  CARIA,  LYCIA,  AND  CILICIA 135 

XV.  SYRIA 137 

XVI.  EGYPT 143 

XVII.  CYRENAICA 14G 

XVIII.  CYPRUS 147 

XIX.  CRETE 148 

XX.  RHODES 148 

XXI.  SARDINIA 151 

XXII.  CORSICA 152 

XXIII.  SICILY 152 

CHAPTER  V. 

PUNIC    WARS    AND   WARS   OF   MACEDONIA   AND   ASIA  (488-621). 

I.  COMPARISON  BETWEEN  ROME  AND  CARTHAGE 155 

II.  FIRST  PUNIC  WAR  (490-513) 158 

III.  WAR  OF  ILLYRIA  (525) 165 

IV.  INVASION  OF  THE  CISALPINES  (528) 167 

V.  SECOND  PUNIC  WAR  (536-552) 169 

VI.  RESULTS  OF  THE  SECOND  PUNIC  WAR 182 

VII.  THE  MACEDONIAN  WAR  (554) 189 

VIII.  WAR  AGAINST  ANTIOCHUS  (563) 194 

IX.  THE  WAR  IN  THE  CISALPINE  (558-579) 196 

X.  WAR  AGAINST  PERSIA  (583) 199 

XI.  MODIFICATION  OF  ROMAN  POLICY 204 

XII.  THIRD  PUNIC  WAR  (605-608)... 212 

XIII.  GREECE,  MACEDONIA,  NUMANTIA,  AND  PERGAMUS  REDUCED  TO 

PROVINCES 215 

XIV.  SUMMARY...  ....« 219 


CONTENTS.  vji 

CHAPTER  VI. 

THE   GRACCHI,  MARIUS,  AND    SYLLA  (621-676). 

FA« 

I.  STATE  OF  THE  REPUBLIC 224 

II.  TIBERIUS  GRACCHUS  (621) 232 

III.  CAIUS  GRACCHUS  (631) 238 

IV.  WAR  OF  JUGURTHA  (637) 246 

V.  MARIUS  (647) 249 

VI.  WARS  OF  THE  ALLIES 256 

VII.  SYLLA  (666) 262 

VIII.  EFFECTS  OF  SYLLA'S  DICTATORSHIP ..  278 


BOOK   II. 
HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

CHAPTER  I. 
(654-684.) 

I.  FIRST  YEARS  OF  CAESAR ,...  281 

II.  CESAR  PERSECUTED  BY  SYLLA  (672) 290 

III.  OESAR  IN  ASIA  (673,  674) 293 

IV.  CESAR  ON  HIS  RETURN  TO  ROME  (676) 296 

V.  CESAR  GOES  TO  RHODES  (678-680) 299 

VI.  CESAR  PONTIFF  AND  MILITARY  TRIBUNE  (680-684) 302 

CHAPTER  II. 
(684-691.) 

I.  STATE  OF  THE  REPUBLIC  (684) 307 

II.  CONSULSHIP  OF  POMPEY  AND  CRASSUS 316 

•*— III.  CESAR  QU^STOR  (686) 323 

IV.  THE  GABINIAN  LAW  (687) 327 

V.  THE  MANILIAN  LAW  (688) 330 

-**VI.  CESAR  CURULE.  ^DILE  (689) 334 

-*"VII.  CESAR  Judex  Qucestionis  (660) 339 

VIII.  CONSPIRACIES  AGAINST  THE  SENATE  (690) 340 

IX.  THE  DIFFICULTY  OF  CONSTITUTING  A  NEW  PARTY 342 

CHAPTER  III. 
(691-695.) 

I.  CICERO  AND  ANTONIUS  CONSULS  (691) 345 

II.  AGRARIAN  LAW  OF  RULLUS 347 

III.  TRIAL  OF  RABIRIUS  (691) 352 

T  IV.  CESAR  GRAND  PONTIFF  (691) 354 


viii  CONTENTS. 

V.  CATILINE'S  CONSPIRACY 357 

VI.  ERROR  OF  CICERO. 379 

• — VII.  CESAR  PR^TOR  (692) 381 

VIII.  ATTEMPT  OF  CLODIUS  (692) 386 

IX.  POMPEY'S  TRIUMPHAL  RETURN*(692) 388 

X.  DESTINY  REGULATES  EVENTS 397 

CHAPTER  IV. 
(693-695.) 

I.  CKSAR  PROPR.ETOR  IN  SPAIN  (693) 402 

II.  CJGSAR  DEMANDS  A  TRIUMPH  AND  THE  CONSULSHIP  (694) 409 

.  ALLIANCE  OF  C^SAR,  POMPEY,  AND  CRASSUS 413 

.  CESAR'S  ELECTION 418 

CHAPTER  V. 

CONSULSHIP   OF   C^SAR   AND   BIBULUS    (695). 

I.  ATTEMPTS  AT  CONCILIATION 421 

II.  AGRARIAN  LAWS 424 

'"""III.  CAESAR'S  VARIOUS  LAWS 432 

^  IV.  CESAR  RECEIVES  THE  GOVERNMENT  OF  THE  GAULS 445 

V.  OPPOSITION  OF  THE  PATRICIANS 448 

VI.  LAW  OF  CLODIUS — EXILE  OF  CICERO 456 

"^  VII.  THE  EXPLANATION  OF  CESAR'S  CONDUCT 460 


PREFACE. 


HISTORIC  truth  ought  to  be  no  less  sacred  than  re- 
ligion. If  the  precepts  of  faith  raise  our  soul  above 
the  interests  of  this  world,  the  lessons  of  history,  in 
their  turn,  inspire  us  with  the  love  of  the  beautiful 
and  the  just,  and  the  hatred  of  whatever  presents  an 
obstacle  to  the  progress  of  humanity.  These  lessons, 
to  be  profitable,  require  certain  conditions.  It  is  nec- 
essary that  the  facts  be  produced  with  a  rigorous  ex- 
actness, that  the  changes  political  or  social  be  ana- 
lysed philosophically,  that  the  exciting  interest  of  the 
details  of  the  lives  of  public  men  should  not  divert 
attention  from  the  political  part  they  played,  or  cause 
us  to  forget  their  providential  mission. 

Too  often  the  writer  represents  the  different  phases 
of  history  as  spontaneous  events,  without  seeking  in 
preceding  facts  their  true  origin  and  their  natural 
deduction ;  like  the  painter  who,  in  re-producing  the 
characteristics  of  Nature,  only  seizes  their  picturesque 
effect,  without  being  able,  in  his  picture,  to  give  their 
scientific  demonstration.  The  historian  ought  to  be 
more  than  a  painter;  he  ought,  like  the  geologist, 


x  PREFACE. 

who  explains  the  phenomena  of  the  globe,  to  unfold 
the  secret  of  the  transformation  of  societies. 

But,  in  writing  history,  by  what  means  are  we  to 
arrive  at  truth?  By  following  the  rules  of  logic. 
Let  us  first  take  for  granted  that  a  great  effect  is  al- 
ways due  to  a  great  cause,  never  to  a  small  one ;  in 
other  words,  an  accident,  insignificant  in  appearance, 
never  leads  to  important  results  without  a  pre-exist- 
ing cause,  which  has  permitted  this  slight  accident  to 
produce  a  great  effect.  The  spark  only  lights  up  a 
vast  conflagration  when  it  falls  upon  combustible 
matters  previously  collected.  Montesquieu  thus  con- 
firms this  idea :  "  It  is  not  fortune,"  he  says, "  which 
rules  the  world.  .  .  .  There  are  general  causes, 
whether  moral  or  physical,  which  act  in  every  mon- 
archy, raising,  maintaining,  or  overthrowing  it;  all 
accidents  are  subject  to  these  causes,  and  if  the  for- 
tune of  a  battle — that  is  to  say,  a  particular  cause — 
has  ruined  a  state,  there  was  a  general  cause  which 
made  it  necessary  that  that  state  should  perish 
through  a  single  battle:  in  a  word,  the  principal 
cause  drags  with  it  all  the  particular  accidents."  (*) 

If  during  nearly  a  thousand  years  the  Romans  al- 
ways came  triumphant  out  of  the  severest  trials  and 
greatest  perils,  it  is  because  there  existed  a  general 
cause  which  made  them  always  superior  to  their  ene- 
mies, and  which  did  not  permit  partial  defeats  and 

(l)  Montesquieu,  Grandeur  et  Decadence  des  Romains,  xviii. 


PREFACE.  xj 

misfortunes  to  entail  the  fall  of  the  empire.  If  the 
Romans,  after  giving  an  example  to  the  world  of  a 
people  constituting  itself  and  growing  great  by  lib- 
erty, seemed,  after  Caesar,  to  throw  themselves  blind- 
ly into  slavery,  it  is  because  there  existed  a  general 
reason  which  by  fatality  prevented  the  Republic 
from  returning  to  the  purity  of  its  ancient  institu- 
tions ;  it  is  because  the  new  wants  and  interests  of  a 
society  in  labour  required  other  means  to  satisfy 
them.  Just  as  logic  demonstrates  that  the  reason  of 
important  events  is  imperious,  in  like  manner  we  must 
recognise  in  the  long  duration  of  an  institution  the 
proof  of  its  goodness,  and  in  the  incontestable  influ- 
ence of  a  man  upon  his  age  the  proof  of  his  genius. 

The  task,  then,  consists  in  seeking  the  vital  element 
which  constituted  the  strength  of  the  institution,  as 
the  predominant  idea  which  caused  man  to  act.  In 
following  this  rule,  we  shall  avoid  the  errors  of  those 
historians  who  gather  facts  transmitted  by  preceding 
ages,  without  properly  arranging  them  according  to 
their  philosophical  importance;  thus  glorifying  that 
which  merits  blame,  and  leaving  in  the  shade  that 
which  calls  for  the  light.  It  is  not  a  minute  analysis 
of  the  Roman  organisation  which  will  enable  us  to 
understand  the  duration  of  so  great  an  empire,  but 
the  profound  examination  of  the  spirit  of  its  institu- 
tions ;  no  more  is  it  the  detailed  recital  of  the  most 
trivial  actions  of  a  superior  man  which  will  reveal 


xii  PREFACE. 

the  secret  of  his  ascendency,  but  the  attentive  inves- 
tigation of  the  elevated  motives  of  his  conduct. 

When  extraordinary  facts  attest  an  eminent  genius, 
what  is  more  contrary  to  good  sense  than  to  ascribe 
to  him  all  the  passions  and  sentiments  of  mediocrity? 
What  more  erroneous  than  not  to  recognise  the  pre- 
eminence of  those  privileged  beings  who  appear  in 
history  from  time  to  time  like  luminous  beacons,  dis- 
sipating the  darkness  of  their  epoch,  and  throwing 
light  into  the  future?  To  deny  this  pre-eminence 
would,  indeed,  be  to  insult  humanity,  by  believing  it 
capable  of  submitting,  long  and  voluntarily,  to  a  dom- 
ination which  did  not  rest  on  true  greatness  and  in- 
contestable utility.  Let  us  be  logical,  and  we  shall 

be  just. 

• 

Too  many  historians  find  it  easier  to  lower  men  of 
genius,  than,  with  a  generous  inspiration,  to  raise 
them  to  their  due  height,  by  penetrating  their  vast 
designs.  Thus,  as  regards  Caesar,  instead  of  showing 
us  Rome,  torn  to  pieces  by  civil  wars  and  corrupted 
by  riches,  trampling  under  foot  her  ancient  institu- 
tions, threatened  by  powerful  peoples,  such  as  Gauls, 
Germans,  and  Parthians,  incapable  of  sustaining  her- 
self without  a  central  power  stronger,  more  stable, 
and  more  just ;  instead,  I  say,  of  tracing  this  faithful 
picture,  Caesar  is  represented,  from  an  early  age,  as 
already  aspiring  to  the  supreme  power.  If  he  op 
poses  Sylla,  if  he  disagrees  with  Cicero,  if  he  allies 


PREFACE. 

himself  with  Pompey,  it  is  the  result  of  that  far-sight- 
ed astuteness  which  divined  everything  with  a  view 
to  bring  everything  under  subjection.  If  he  throws 
himself  into  Gaul,  it  is  to  acquire  riches  by  pillage  (*) 
or  soldiers  devoted  to  his  projects ;  if  he  crosses  the 
sea  to  carry  the  Roman  eagles  into  an  unknown  coun- 
try, but  the  conquest  of  which  will  strengthen  that 
of  Gaul,  (2)  it  is  to  seek  there  pearls  which  were  be- 
lieved to  exist  in  the  seas  of  Great  Britain.  (3)  If, 
after  having  vanquished  the  formidable  enemies  of 
Italy  on  the  other  side  of  the  Alps,  he  meditates  an 
expedition  against  the  Parthians,  to  avenge  the  de- 
feat of  Crassus,  it  is,  as  certain  historians  say,  because 
activity  was  a  part  of  his  nature,  and  that  his  health 
was  better  when  he  was  campaigning.  (4)  If  he  ac- 
cepts from  the  Senate  with  thankfulness  a  crown  of 
laurel,  and  wears  it  with  pride,  it  is  to  conceal  his 
bald  head.  If,  lastly,  he  is  assassinated  by  those 
whom  he  had  loaded  with  benefits,  it  is  because  he 
sought  to  make  himself  king;  as  though  he  were 
to  his  contemporaries,  as  well  as  for  posterity,  the 
greatest  of  all  kings.  Since  Suetonius  and  Plutarch, 
such  are  the  paltry  interpretations  which  it  has 
pleased  people  to  give  to  the  noblest  actions.  But 

(l)  Suetonius,  Caesar,  22. 

(!)  "Caesar  resolved  to  pass  into  Britain,  the  people  of  which  had,  in  nearly 
all  wars,  assisted  the  Gauls."     (Caesar,  Gallic  War,  IV.  20.) 

(3)  Suetonius,  Ctesar,  47. 

(4)  Appian,  Civil  Wars,  1. 110,  326,  edit.  Schweighauiser. 


PREFACE. 

by  what  sign  are  we  to  recognise  a  man's  greatness  ? 
By  the  empire  of  his  ideas,  when  his  principles  and 
his  system  triumph  in  spite  of  his  death  or  defeat.  Is 
it  not,  in  fact,  the  peculiarity  of  genius  to  survive  de- 
struction, and  to  extend  its  empire  over  future  gener- 
ations? Caesar  disappeared,  and  his  influence  pre- 
dominates still  more  than  during  his  life.  Cicero, 
his  adversary,  is  compelled  to  exclaim :  "  All  the  acts 
of  Caesar,  his  writings,  his  words,  his  promises,  his 
thoughts,  have  more  force  since  his  death,  than  if  he 
were  still  alive."  (T)  For  ages  it  was  enough  to  tell 
the  world  that  such  was  the  will  of  Caesar,  for  the 
world  to  obey  it. 

The  preceding  remarks  sufficiently  explain  the  aim 
I  have  in  view  in  writing  this  history.  This  aim  is 
to  prove  that,  when  Providence  raises  up  such  men 
as  Caesar,  Charlemagne,  and  Napoleon,  it  is  to  trace 
out  to  peoples  the  path  they  ought  to  follow;  to 
stamp  with  the  seal  of  their  genius  a  new  era ;  and 
to  accomplish  in  a  few  years  the  labour  of  many  cen- 
turies. Happy  the  peoples  who  comprehend  and 
follow  them !  woe  to  those  who  misunderstand  and 
combat  them !  They  do  as  the  Jews  did,  they  cruci- 
fy their  Messiah ;  they  are  blind  and  culpable :  blind, 
for  they  do  not  see  the  impotence  of  their  efforts  to 
suspend  the  definitive  triumph  of  good ;  culpable,  for 

(')  Cicero,  Epistolce  ad  Atticum,  XIV.  10. 


PREFACE.  xv 

they  only  retard  progress,  by  impeding  its  prompt 
and  fruitful  application. 

In  fact,  neither  the  murder  of  Csesar,  nor  the  cap- 
tivity of  St.  Helena,  have  been  able  to  destroy  irrev- 
ocably two  popular  causes  overthrown  by  a  league 
which  disguised  itself  under  the  mask  of  liberty. 
Brutus,  by  slaying  Caesar,  plunged  Home  into  the 
horrors  of  civil  war ;  he  did  not  prevent  the  reign  of 
Augustus,  but  he  rendered  possible  those  of  Nero  and 
Caligula.  The  ostracism  of  Napoleon  by  confeder- 
ated Europe  has  been  no  more  successful  in  prevent- 
ing the  Empire  from  being  resuscitated ;  and,  never- 
theless, how  far  are  we  from  the  great  questions 
solved,  the  passions  calmed,  and  the  legitimate  satis- 
factions given  to  peoples  by  the  first  Empire ! 

Thus  every  day  since  1815  has  verified  the  proph- 
ecy of  the  captive  of  St.  Helena : 

"  How  many  struggles,  how  much  blood,  how  many 
years  will  it  not  require  to  realise  the  good  which  I 
intended  to  do  for  mankind !"  (*) 

Palace  of  the  Tuilenes,  March  20th,  1862. 

NAPOLEON. 

(')  In  fact,  how  many  disturbances,  civil  wars,  and  revolutions  in  Europe 
since  1815!  in  France,  Spain,  Italy,  Poland,  Belgium,  Hungary,  Greece,  and 
Germany ! 


JULIUS    CAESAR. 


BOOK   I. 
ROMAN    HISTOKY    BEFOEE    CJESAR. 


tions- 


CHAPTER   I. 
ROME   UNDER  THE  KINGS. 

I.  "!N  the  birth  of  societies,"  says  Montesquieu,  "it 
is  tne  chiefs  of  the  republics  who  form 
the  institution,  and  in  the  sequel  it  is 
the  institution  which  forms  the  chiefs  of  the  repub- 
lics." And  he  adds,  "  One  of  the  causes  of  the  pros- 
perity of  Rome  was  the  fact  that  its  kings  were  all 
great  men.  We  find  nowhere  else  in  history  an  un- 
interrupted series  of  such  statesmen  and  such  military 
commanders."  (J) 

The  story,  more  or  less  fabulous,  of  the  foundation 
of  Rome  does  not  come  within  the  limits  of  our  de- 
sign ;  and  with  no  intention  of  clearing  up  whatever 
degree  of  fiction  these  earliest  ages  of  history  may 
contain,  we  purpose  only  to  "remind  our  readers  that 
the  kind's  laid  the  foundations  of  those  institutions  to 

O 

which  Rome  owed  her  greatness,  and  so  many  extra- 

(')  Grandeur  et  Decadence  des  Remains. 

1  A 


2  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  OESAR. 

ordinary  men  who  astonished  the  world  by  their  vir- 
tues and  exploits. 

The  kingly  power  lasted  a  hundred  and  forty-four 
years,  and  at  its  fall  Rome  had  become  the  most  pow- 
erful state  in  Latium.  The  town  was  of  vast  extent, 
for,  even  at  that  epoch,  the  seven  hills  were  nearly 
all  inclosed  within  a  wall  protected  internally  and 
externally  by  a  consecrated  space  called  the  Pomes- 
rium.  (*) 

This  line  of  inclosure  remained  long  the  same,  al- 
though the  increase  of  the  population  had  led  to  the 
establishment  of  immense  suburbs,  which  finally  in- 
closed the  Pomoerium  itself.  (z) 

The  Roman  territory  properly  so  called  was  cir- 
cumscribed, but  that  of  the  subjects  and  allies  of 
Rome  was  already  rather  considerable.  Some  colo- 
nies had  been  founded.  The  kings,  by  a  skilful  pol- 
icy, had  succeeded  in  drawing  into  their  dependence 
a  great  number  of  neighbouring  states,  and,  when 
Tarquinius  Superbus  assembled  the  Hernici,  the  Lat- 
ins, and  the  Volsci,  for  a  ceremony  destined  to  seal 
his  alliance  with  them,  forty -seven  different  petty 

(')  Titus  Livius  I.  44. — Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus,  speaking  of  the  portion 
of  the  rampart  between  the  Porta  -^Esquilina  and  the  Porta  Collina,  says, 
"Rome  is  fortified  by  a  fosse  thirty  feet  deep  and  a  hundred  or  more  wide  in 
the  narrowest  part.  Above  this  fosse  rises  a  wall  supported  internally  by  a 
lofty  and  wide  terrace,  so  that  it  cannot  be  shaken  by  battering  rams,  or  over- 
thrown by  undermining."  (Antiq.  Roman.,  IX.  68.) 

(2)  "Since  that  time  (the  time  of  Servius  Tullius)  Rome  has  been  no  far- 
ther enlarged  .  .  .  and  if,  in  fa.ce  of  this  spectacle,  any  one  would  form  a 
notion  of  the  magnitude  of  Rome,  he  would  certainly  fall  into  error,  for  he  would 
not  be  able  to  distinguish  where  the  town  ends  and  where  it  is  limited,  so 

close  the  suburbs  come  up  to  the  town The  Aventine,  till  the  reign 

of  Claudius,  remained  outside  the  Pomo3rium,  notwithstanding  its  numerous  in- 
habitants." (Aulus  Gellius,  XIII.  14. — Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus,  IV.  13.) 


ROME  UNDER  THE  KINGS.  3 

states  took  part  in  the  inauguration  of  the  temple  of 
Jupiter  Latialis.  (') 

The  foundation  of  Ostia,  by  Ancus  Martius,  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Tiber,  shows  that  already  the  political 
and  commercial  importance  of  facilitating  communi- 
cation with  the  sea  was  understood ;  while  the  treaty 
of  commerce  concluded  with  Carthage  at  the  time  of 
the  fall  of  the  kingly  power,  the  details  of  which  are 
preserved  by  Polybius,  indicates  more  extensive  for- 
eign relations  than  we  might  have  supposed.  (2) 

II.  The  Roman  social  body,  which  originated  prob- 
ably in  ancient  transformations  of  socie- 

Social  Organisation.  . 

ty,  consisted,  from  the  earliest  ages,  of  a 
certain  number  of  aggregations,  called  gentes,  formed 
of  the  families  of  the  conquerors,  and  bearing  some 
resemblance  to  the  clans  of  Scotland  or  to  the  Ara- 
bian tribes.  The  heads  of  families  (patresfamilias) 
and  their  members  (patricii)  were  united  among 
themselves,  not  only  by  kindred,  but  also  by  political 
and  religious  ties.  Hence  arose  an  hereditary  nobili- 
ty having  for  distinctive  marks  family  names,  special 
costume,  (3)  and  waxen  images  of  their  ancestors  (jus 
imaginuni). 

(')  Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus,  IV.  49. 

(*)  "By  this  treaty,  the  Romans  and  their  allies  engage  not  to  navigate  be- 
yond the  Bonum  Promontorium  (a  cape  situated  to  the  north  and  opposite 

Carthage,  and  now  called  by  navigators  the  Cape  of  Porto-Farino) 

The  Carthaginians  undertake  to  respect  the  Ardeates,  the  Antiates,  the  Lau- 
rentes,  the  Circeii,  the  Tarracinians,  and  indeed  all  the  Latin  peoples  subject 
to  Rome."  (Polybius,  III.  22.) 

(')  "When  Tarquinius  Prisons  regulated,  with  the  foresight  of  a  skilful 
prince,  the  state  of  the  citizens,  he  attached  great  importance  to  the  dress  of 
children  of  condition  ;  and  he  decreed  that  the  sons  of  patricians  should  wear 
the  bulla  with  the  robe  hemmed  with  purple :  but  even  this  privilege  was  re- 


4  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CLESAR. 

The  plebeians,  perhaps  a  race  who  had  been  con- 
quered at  an  earlier  period,  were,  in  regard  to  the 
dominant  race,  in  a  situation  similar  to  that  of  the 
Anglo-Saxons  in  regard  to  the  Normans  in  the  elev- 
enth century  of  our  era,  after  the  invasion  of  England. 
They  were  generally  agriculturists,  excluded  original- 
ly from  all  military  and  civil  office.  (') 

The  patrician  families  had  gathered  round  them, 
under  the  name  of  clients,  either  foreigners,  or  a  great 
portion  of  the  plebeians.  Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus 
even  pretends  that  Romulus  had  required  that  each 
of  these  last  should  choose  himself  a  patron.  (2)  The 
clients  cultivated  the  fields  and  formed  part  of  the 
family.  (3)  The  relation  of  patronage  had  created 
such  reciprocal  obligations  as  amounted  almost  to  the 
ties  of  kindred.  For  the  patrons,  they  consisted  in 
giving  assistance  to  their  clients  in  affairs  public  and 
private ;  and  for  the  latter,  in  aiding  constantly  the 
patrons  with  their  person  and  purse,  and  in  preserv- 
ing towards  them  an  inviolable  fidelity:  they  could 
not  cite  each  other  reciprocally  in  law,  or  bear  wit- 
ness one  against  the  other,  and  it  would  have  been  a 
scandal  to  see  them  take  different  sides  in  a  political 

stricted  to  the  children  of  those  fathers  who  had  exercised  a  curule  dignity ; 
the  sons  of  other  patricians  had  merely  the  pnetexta,  and  it  was  necessary 
that  even  their  fathers  should  have  served  the  prescribed  time  in  the  cavalry." 
(Macrobius,  Saturnalia,  I.  6.) 

(')  "The  plebeians  were  excluded  from  all  offices,  and  put  only  to  agricul- 
ture, the  breeding  of  cattle,  and  mercantile  occupations."  (Dionysius  of  Hali- 
carnassus, II.  9.) — "Numa  encouraged  the  agriculturists;  they  were  excused 
from  service  in  war,  and  discharged  from  the  care  of  municipal  affairs."  (Di- 
onysitis  of  Halicarnassus,  II.  76.) 

(s)  Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus,  II.  9. — Plutarch,  Romulus,  13. 

(3)  "Agrorum  partes  attribuerant  tennioribus."  (Festus,  under  the  word 
Patres,  p.  246,  edit.  O.  Miiller.) 


EOME  UNDER  THE  KINGS.  5 

question.  It  was  a  state  of  things  which  had  some 
analogy  to  feudalism;  the  great  protected  the  little, 
and  the  little  paid  for  protection  by  rents  and  serv- 
ices ;  yet  there  was  this  essential  difference,  that  the 
clients  were  not  serfs,  but  free  men. 

Slavery  had  long  formed  one  of  the  constituent 
parts  of  society.  The  slaves,  taken  among  foreigners 
and  captives,  (j)  and  associated  in  all  the  domestic  la- 
bours of  the  family,  often  received  their  liberty  as  a 
recompense  for  their  conduct.  They  were  then  named 
freedmen,  and  were  received  among  the  clients  of  the 
patron,  without  sharing  in  all  the  rights  of  a  citi- 
zen. (2) 

The  gens  thus  consisted  of  the  reunion  of  patrician 
families  having  a  common  ancestor;  around  it  was 
grouped  a  great  number  of  clients,  freedmen,  and 
slaves.  To  give  an  idea  of  the  importance  of  the 
yentcs  in  the  first  ages  of  Rome,  it  is  only  necessary 
to  remind  the  reader  that  towards  the  year  251,  a 
certain  Attus  Clausus,  afterwards  called  Appius 
Claudius,  a  Sabine  of  the  town  of  Regillum,  distin- 
guished, according  to  Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus,  no 
less  for  the  splendour  of  his  birth  than  for  his  great 
wealth,  took  refuge  among  the  Romans  with  his  kins- 
men, his  friends,  and  his  clients,  with  all  their  fami- 
lies, to  the  number  of  five  thousand  men  capable  of 
bearing  arms.  (3)  When,  in  275,  the  three  hundred 

(*)  Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus,  IV.  24. 

(2)  These  questions  have  been  the  object  of  learned  researches ;  but,  after  an 
attentive  perusal  of  the  works  of  Beaufort,  Niebuhr,  Gcettling,  Duruy,  Mar- 
quardt,  Mommsen,  Lange,  &c.,  the  difference  of  opinions  is  discouraging :  we 
have  adopted  those  which  appeared  most  probable. 

(*)  Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus,  V.  40. — Titus  Livius,  II.  16. 


6  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS 

Fabii,  forming  the  gens  Fabia,  offered  alone  to  fight 
the  Veians,  they  were  followed  by  four  thousand  cli- 
ents. (*)  The  high  class  often  reckoned,  by  means  of 
its  numerous  adherents,  on  carrying  measures  by  it- 
self. In  286,  the  plebeians  having  refused  to  take 
part  in  the  consular  comitia,  the  patricians,  followed 
by  their  clients,  elected  the  consuls ;  (2)  and  in  296,  a 
Claudius  declared  with  pride  that  the  nobility  had 
no  need  of  the  plebeians  to  carry  on  war  against  the 
Volsci.  (3)  The  families  of  ancient  origin  long  formed 
the  state  by  themselves.  To  them  exclusively  the 
name  ofpcpulus  applied,  (4)  as  that  of  plebs  was  giv- 
en to  the  plebeians.  (5)  Indeed,  although  in  the  se- 
quel the  word  populus  took  a  more  extensive  signifi- 
cation, Cicero  says  that  it  is  to  be  understood  as  ap- 
plying, not  to  the  universality  of  the  inhabitants,  but 
to  a  reunion  of  men  associated  by  a  community  of 
rights  and  interests.  (6) 

III.  In  a  country  where  war  was  the  principal  oc- 

poiuicai  o^anisa-  cupation,  the  political  organisation  must 

naturally  depend  on  the  military  organi- 

(')  Titus  Livius,  II.  48. — Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus,  IX.  15. 

(a)  Titns  Livius,  II.  64.  (3)  Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus,  X.  15. 

(*)  "They  called  &  decree  of  the  people  (scitum  populi}  the  measure  which 
the  order  of  patricians  had  voted,  on  the  proposal  of  a  patrician,  without  the 
participation  of  the  plebs."  (See  Festus,  under  the  words  Scitttm  populi,  p. 
330.) — Titus  Livius,  speaking  of  the  tribunes,  puts  the  following  words  into  the 
mouth  of  Appius  Claudius:  "Non  enSm populi,  sed  plebis,  eum  magistratum 
esse."  (Titns  Livius,  II.  56.) 

(5)  "The  plebs  was  composed  of  all  the  mass  of  the  people  which  was  nei- 
ther senator  nor  patrician."  (See  Festus,  under  the  words  Scitum  populi.) 

(')  "  Populns  antem  non  omnis  hominum  coetus  quoquo  modo  congregatus, 
sed  coetus  multitudinis  juris  consensu  et  utilitatis  communione  sociatus." — 
(Cicero,  De  Repvblica,  I.  25. 


ROME  UNDER  THE  KINGS.  7 

sation.  A  single  chief  had  the  superior  direction,  an 
assembly  of  men  pre-eminent  in  importance  and  age 
formed  the  council,  while  the  political  rights  belong- 
ed only  to  those  who  supported  the  fatigues  of  war. 

The  king,  elected  generally  by  the  assembly  of  the 
gentes,  (')  commanded  the  army.  Sovereign  pontiff, 
legislator,  and  judge  in  all  sacred  matters,  he  dispensed 
justice  (2)  in  all  criminal  affairs  which  concerned  the 
Republic.  He  had  for  insignia  a  crown  of  gold  and 
a  purple  robe,  and  for  escort  twenty-four  lictors,  (3) 
some  carrying  axes  surrounded  with  rods,  others 
merely  rods.  (*)  At  the  death  of  the  king,  a  magis- 
trate, called  interrex,  was  appointed  by  the  Senate  to 
exercise  the  royal  authority  during  the  five  days 

(')  "Populus  curiatis  eum  (Numam)  comitiis  regem  esse  jusserat.  Tullum 
Hostilium  populus  regem,  interrege  rogante,  comitiis  curiatis  creavit.  Servius, 
Tarquinio  sepulto,  populum  de  se  ipse  consuluit  jussusque  regnare  legem  de  im- 
perio  suo  curiatam  tulit."  (Cicero,  De  Republica,  II.  13-21.) 

(2)  ' '  The  predecessors  of  Servius  Tullius  brought  all  causes  before  their  tri- 
bunal, and  pronounced  judgment  themselves  in  all  disputes  which  regarded  the 
State  or  individuals.     He  separated  these  two  things,  and,  reserving  to  him- 
self the  cognizance  of  affairs  which  concerned  the  State,  abandoned  to  other 
judges  the  causes  of  individuals,  with  injunctions,  nevertheless,  to  regulate  their 
judgments  according  to  the  laws  which  he  had  passed."    (Dionysius  of  Hali- 
carnassus,  IV.  25.) 

(3)  "The  consuls,  like  the  ancient  kings,  have  twelve  lictors  carrying  axes 
and  twelve  lictors  carrying  rods."     (Appian,  Syrian  Wars,  15.) 

(*)  "From  that  time  Tarquinius  Superbus  carried,  during  the  rest  of  his  life, 
a  crown  of  gold,  a  toga  of  embroidered  purple,  and  a  sceptre  of  ivory,  and  his 
throne  was  also  of  ivory ;  when  he  administered  justice,  or  walked  abroad  in 
the  town,  he  was  preceded  by  twelve  lictors,  who  carried  axes  surrounded  with 
rods.  (Dionysius  overlooks  the  twelve  other  lictors  who  carried  rods  only.)  After 
the  kings  had  been  expelled  from  Rome,  the  annual  consuls  continued  to  use 
all  these  insignia,  except  the  crown  and  the  robe  with  purple  embroidery. 
These  two  only  were  withdrawn,  because  they  were  odious  and  disagreeable  to 
the  people.  But  even  these  were  not  entirely  abolished,  since  they  still  used 
ornaments  of  gold  and  dress  of  embroidered  purple,  when,  after  a  victory,  the 
Senate  decreed  them  the  honours  of  the  triumph."  (Dionysius  of  Halicarnas- 
sus,  III.  62.) 


8  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

which  intervened  before  the  nomination  of  his  suc- 
cessor. This  office  continued,  with  the  same  title,  un- 
der the  Consular  Republic,  when  the  absence  of  the 
consuls  prevented  the  holding  of  the  comitia. 

The  Senate,  composed  of  the  richest  and  most  illus- 
trious of  the  patricians,  to  the  number  at  first  of  a 
hundred,  of  two  hundred  after  the  union  with  the  Sa- 
bines,  and  of  three  hundred  after  the  admission  of  the 
gentes  minores  under  Tarquin,  was  the  council  of  the 
ancients,  taking  under  its  jurisdiction  the  interests  of 
the  town,  in  which  were  then  concentrated  all  the  in- 
terests of  the  State. 

The  patricians  occupied  all  offices,  supported  alone 
the  burden  of  war,  and  consequently  had  alone  the 
right  of  voting  in  the  assemblies. 

The  gentes  were  themselves  divided  into  three  tribes. 
Each,  commanded  by  a  tribune,  (*)  was  obliged,  under 
Romulus,  to  furnish  a  thousand  soldiers  (indeed,  miles 
conies  from  mille)  and  a  hundred  horsemen  (celeres). 
The  tribe  was  divided  into  ten  curise ;  at  the  head  of 
each  curia  was  a  curion.  The  three  tribes,  furnishing 
three  thousand  foot  soldiers  and  three  hundred  horse- 
men, formed  at  first  the  legion.  Their  number  was 
soon  doubled  by  the  adjunction  of  new  cities.  (2) 

(1)  "  The  soldiers  of  Romulus,  to  the  number  of  three  thousand,  were  divided 
into  three  bodies,  called  '  tribes.' "     (Dio  Cassius,  Fragm.,  XIV.,  edit.  Gros. — 
Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus,  II.  7. — Plutarch,  Romulus,  25.) — "The  name  of 
tribune  of  the  soldiers  is  derived  from  the  circumstance  that  the  three  tribes 
of  the  Ramnes,  the  Luceres,  and  the  Tatiens  each  sent  three  to  the  army." 
(Varro,  De  Lingua  Latino,  V.  §  81,  p.  32,  edit.  O.  Miiller.) 

(2)  Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus,  II.  35.     Attempts  have  been  made  to  ex- 
plain in  different  ways  the  origin  of  the  word  curia.     Some  have  derived  it 
from  the  word  curare,  or  from  the  name  of  the  town  of  Cures,  or  from  Kvpioc., 
"  a  lord:"  it  seems  more  natural  to  trace  it  to  quiris  (curis),  which  had  the  sig- 
nification of  a  lance  (Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus,  II.  48.— Plutarch,  Romulus, 


HOME  UNDER  THE  KINGS.  9 

The  curia,  into  which  a  certain  number  of  yentes 
entered,  was  then  the  basis  of  the  political  and  mili- 
tary organisation,  and  hence  originated  the  name  of 
Quirites  to  signify  the  Roman  people. 

The  members  of  the  curia  were  constituted  into  re- 
ligious associations,  having  each  its  assemblies  and 
solemn  festivals  which  established  bonds  of  affilia- 
tion between  them.  When  their  assemblies  had  a 
political  aim,  the  votes  were  taken  by  head ;  (*)  they 
decided  the  question  of  peace  or  war ;  they  nomina- 
ted the  magistrates  of  the  town ;  and  they  confirmed 
or  abrogated  the  laws.  (2) 

The  appeal  to  the  people,  (3)  which  might  annul 
the  judgments  of  the  magistrates,  was  nothing  more 
than  the  appeal  to  the  curia ;  and  it  was  by  having 
recourse  to  it,  after  having  been  condemned  by  the 
decemvirs,  that  the  survivor  of  the  three  Horatii  was 
saved. 

The  policy  of  the  kings  consisted  in  blending  to- 
gether the  different  races  and  breaking  down  the 
barriers  which  separated  the  different  classes.  To 
effect  the  first  of  these  objects,  they  divided  the  low- 

41),  for  thus  we  obtain  a  term  analogous  with  that  of  the  Middle  Agejs,  where 
spear  signified  a  man-at-arms,  accompanied  by  six  or  eight  armed  followers. 
And  as  the  principal  aim  of  the  formation  of  the  curia  was  to  furnish  a  cer- 
tain number  of  armed  citizens,  it  is  possible  that  they  may  have  given  to  the 
whole  the  name  of  a  part.  We  read  in  Ovid,  Fasti,  II.  lines  477-480  :— 
"Sive  quod  hasta  curia  priscis  est  dicta  Sabinis, 

Bellicua  a  telo  venit  in  astra  deus : 
Sive  suo  regi  nomen  poauere  Quirites, 
Seu  quia  Romania  junxerat  ille  Cures." 

(1)  Titus  Livins,  I.  43. 

(2)  Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus,  II.  14,  and  IV.  20. 

(3)  "The  appeal  to  the  people  existed  even  under  the  kings,  as  the  books  of 
the  pontiffs  show."    (Cicero,  De  Republica,  II.  31.) 

1* 


10  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

er  class  of  the  people  into  corporations,  (')  and  aug- 
mented the  number  of  the  tribes  and  changed  their 
constitution ;  (2)  but  to  effect  the  second,  they  intro- 
duced, to  the  great  discontent  of  the  higher  class,  ple- 
beians among  the  patricians,  (3)  and  raised  the  freed- 
men  to  the  rank  of  citizens.  (4)  In  this  manner,  each 
curia  became  considerably  increased  in  numbers;  but, 
as  the  votes  were  taken  by  head,  the  poor  patricians 
were  numerically  stronger  than  the  rich. 

Servius  Tullius,  though  he  preserved  the  curiae,  de- 
prived them  of  their  military  organisation,  that  is,  he 
no  longer  made  it  the  basis  of  his  system  of  recruit- 
ing. He  instituted  the  centuries,  with  the  double 
aim  of  giving  as  a  principle  the  right  of  suffrage  to  all 
the  citizens,  and  of  creating  an  army  which  was  more 
national,  inasmuch  as  he  introduced  the  plebeians  into 
it;  his  design  was  indeed  to  throw  on  the  richest 
citizens  the  burden  of  war,  (5)  which  was  just,  each 
equipping  and  maintaining  himself  at  his  own  cost. 
The  citizens  were  no  longer  classified  by  castes,  but 
according  to  their  fortunes.  Patricians  and  plebeians 
were  placed  in  the  same  rank  if  their  income  was 
equal.  The  influence  of  the  rich  predominated,  with- 
out doubt,  but  only  in  proportion  to  the  sacrifices  re- 
quired of  them. 

0)  Plutarch,  Numa,  17.— Pliny,  Natural  History,  XXXIV.  1. 

(*)  "  Sen-ins  Tullius  conformed  no  longer  as  aforetime  to  the  ancient  order 
of  three  tribes,  distinguished  by  origin,  but  to  the  four  new  tribes  which  he  had 
established  by  quarters."  (Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus,  IV.  14.) 

(3)  Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus,  III.  61. — Titus  Livius,  I.  35. 

(*)  Dionysins  of  Halicarnassns,  IV.  22. 

(s)  Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus,  IV.  19.  "  Servius  Tullius,  by  these  means, 
threw  back  upon  the  richest  all  the  costs  and  dangers  of  war."  (Dionysius  of 
Halicarnassus,  IV.  20.) 


ROME  UNDER  THE  KINGS.  H 

Servius  Tullius  ordered  a  general  report  of  the  pop- 
ulation to  be  made,  in  which  every  one  was  obliged 
to  declare  his  age,  his  fortune,  the  name  of  his  tribe 
and  that  of  his  father,  and  the  number  of  his  children 
and  of  his  slaves.  This  operation  was  called  census.  (*) 
The  report  was  inscribed  on  tables,  (2)  and,  once  ter- 
minated, all  the  citizens  were  called  together  in  arms 
in  the  Campus  Martius.  This  review  was  called  the 
closing  of  the  lustrum,  because  it  was  accompanied 
with  sacrifices  and  purifications  named  lustrations. 
The  term  lustrum  was  applied  to  the  interval  of  five 
years  between  two  censuses.  (3)  \ 

The  citizens  were  divided  into  six  classes,  (4)  and 

(')  "If  Numa  was  the  legislator  of  the  religious  institutions,  posterity  pro- 
claims Servius  as  the  founder  of  the  order  which  distinguishes  in  the  Republic 
the  difference  of  rank,  dignity,  and  fortune.  It  was  he  who  established  the 
census,  the  most  salutary  of  all  institutions  for  a  people  destined  to  so  much 
greatness.  Fortunes,  and  not  individuals,  were  called  upon  to  support  the 
burdens  of  the  State.  The  census  established  the  classes,  the  centuries,  and 
that  order  which  constitutes  the  ornament  of  Rome  during  peace  and  its 
strength  during  war."  (Titus  Livius,  I.  42.) 

(*)  Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus,  IV.  1 6. 

(3)  "When  Servius  Tullius  had  completed  the  taking  of  the  census,  he  or- 
dered all  the  citizens  to  assemble  in  arms  in  the  greatest  of  the  fields  situated 
near  the  town,  and,  having  arranged  the  horsemen  in  squadrons,  the  footmen 
in  phalanx,  and  the  light-armed  men  in  respective  orders,  he  submitted  them 
to  a  lustration,  by  the  immolation  of  a  bull,  a  ram,  and  a  he-goat.  He  ordered 
that  the  victims  should  be  led  thrice  round  about  the  army,  after  which  he  sac- 
rificed to  Mars,  to  whom  this  field  was  dedicated.  From  that  epoch  to  the  pres- 
ent time  the  Romans  have  continued  to  have  the  same  ceremony  performed,  by 
the  most  holy  of  magistracies,  at  the  completion  of  each  census;  it  is  what  they 
call  a  lustrum.  The  total  number  of  all  the  Romans  enumerated,  according  to 
the  writing  of  the  tables  of  the  census,  gave  300  men  less  than  85,000."  (Dio- 
nysius of  Halicarnassus,  IV.  22.) 

(*)  "This  good  order  of  government  (under  Servius  Tullius)  was  sustained 
among  the  Romans  during  several  centuries,  but  in  our  days  it  has  been 
changed,  and,  by  force  of  circumstances,  has  given  place  to  a  more  demo- 
cratic system.  It  is  not  that  the  centuries  have  been  abolished,  but  the  voters 
were  no  longer  called  together  with  the  ancient  regularity,  and  their  judgments 


12  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CJESAK. 

into  a  hundred  and  ninety-three  centuries,  according 
to  the  fortune  of  each,  beginning  with  the  richest  and 
ending  with  the  poorest.  The  first  class  comprised 
ninety-eight  centuries,  eighteen  of  which  were  knights; 
the  second  and  fourth,  twenty- two ;  the  third,  twenty; 
the  fifth,  thirty ;  and  the  sixth,  although  the  most  nu- 
merous, forming  only  one.  (*)  The  first  class  contain- 
ed a  smaller  number  of  citizens,  yet,  having  a  greater 
number  of  centuries,  it  was  obliged  to  pay  more  than 
half  the  tax,  and  furnish  more  legionaries  than  any 
other  class. 

The  votes  continued  to  be  taken  by  head,  as  in  the 
curise,  but  the  majority  of  the  votes  in  each  century 
counted  only  for  one  suffrage.  Now,  as  the  first  class 
had  ninety -eight  centuries,  while  the  others,  taken 
together,  had  only  ninety-five,  it  is  clear  that  the  votes 
of  the  first  class  were  enough  to  carry  the  majority. 
The  eighteen  centuries  of  knights  first  gave  their 
votes,  and  then  the  eighty  centuries  of  the  first  class : 
if  they  were  not  agreed,  appeal  was  made  to  the  vote 
of  the  second  class,  and  so  on  in  succession ;  but,  says 
Livy,  it  hardly  ever  happened  that  they  were  obliged 
to  descend  to  the  last.  (2)  Though,  according  to  its 
original  signification,  the  century  should  represent  a 
hundred  men,  it  already  contained  a  considerably 
greater  number.  Each  century  was  divided  into  the 
active  part,  including  all  the  men  from  eighteen  to 
forty-six  years  of  age,  and  the  sedentary  part,  charged 

have  no  longer  the  same  equity,  as  I  have  observed  in  my  frequent  attendance 
at  the  comitia."  (Dionysius  of  Halicarnnssus,  IV.  21.) 

(')  "The  poorest  citizens,  in  spite  of  their  great  number,  were  the  last  to 
give  their  vote,  and  made  but  one  century,"  (Dionysins  of  Halicarnassus,  IV. 
21.)  (»)  Titus  Livius,  1.43. 


ROME  UNDER  THE  KINGS.  13 

with  the  guard  of  the  town,  composed  of  men  from 
forty-six  to  sixty  years  old.  (*) 

With  regard  to  those  of  the  sixth  class,  omitted  al- 
together by  many  authors,  they  were  exempt  from 
all  military  service,  or,  at  any  rate,  they  were  enrolled 
only  in  case  of  extreme  danger.  (2)  The  centuries  of 
knights,  who  formed  the  cavalry,  recruited  among  the 
richest  citizens,  tended  to  introduce  a  separate  order 
among  the  nobility,  (3)  which  shows  the  importance 
of  the  chief  called  to  their  command.  In  fact,  the 
chief  of  the  celeres  was,  after  the  king,  the  first  magis- 
trate of  the  city,  as,  at  a  later  period,  under  the  Re- 
public, the  magister  equitum  became  the  lieutenant 
of  the  dictator. 

The  first  census  of  Servius  Tullius  gave  a  force  of 

(')  "From  the  age  of  seventeen  years,  they  were  called  to  be  soldiers. 
Youth  began  with  that  age,  and  continued  to  the  age  of  forty-six.  At  that 
date  old  age  began."  (Aulus  Gellius,  X.  28. — Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus,  IV. 
16.; 

(*)  Titus  Livius  speaks  only  of  a  hundred  and  ninety-two  centuries ;  Diony- 
sius of  Halicarnassus  reckons  a  hundred  and  ninety-three.  "In  the  Roman 
plebs,  the  poorest  citizens,  those  who  reported  to  the  census  not  more  than  fif- 
teen hundred  ases,  were  called  proletarii;  those  who  were  not  worth  more  than 
three  hundred  and  seventy-five  ases,  and  who  thus  possessed  hardly  anything, 
were  called  capite  censi.  Now,  the  fortune  and  patrimony  of  the  citizen  being 
for  the  State  a  sort  of  guarantee,  the  pledge  and  foundation  of  his  love  for  his 
country,  the  men  of  the  two  last  classes  were  only  enrolled  in  case  of  extreme 
danger.  Yet  the  position  of  the  proletarii  was  a  little  more  honourable  than 
that  of  the  capite  censi;  in  times  of  difficulty,  when  there  was  want  of  young 
men,  they  were  incorporated  in  the  hastily-formed  militia,  and  equipped  at  the 
cost  of  the  State;  their  name  contained  no  allusion  to  the  mere  poll-tax  to  which 
they  were  subjected ;  less  humiliating,  it  reminded  one  only  of  their  destination 
to  give  children  to  their  country.  The  scantiness  of  their  patrimony  preventing 
them  from  contributing  to  the  aid  of  the  State,  they  at  least  contributed  to  the 
population  of  the  city."  (Aulus  Gellius,  XVI.  10.) 

(3)  "Tarquinius  Priscus  afterwards  gave  to  the  knights  the  organisation 
which  they  have  preserved  to  the  present  time."  (Cicero,  De  Rej>ub/ica,  II. 
20.) 


14  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  C^SAR. 

eighty  thousand  men  in  a  condition  to  bear  arms,  (J) 
which  is  equivalent  to  tAvo  hundred  and  ninety  thou- 
sand persons  of  the  two  sexes,  to  whom  may  be  add- 
ed, from  conjectures,  which,  however,  are  rather  vague, 
fifteen  thousand  artisans,  merchants,  or  indigent  peo- 
ple, deprived  of  all  rights  of  citizenship,  and  fifteen 
thousand  slaves.  (2) 

(')  "  It  is  said  that  the  number  of  citizens  inscribed  under  this  title  was 
80,000.  Fabius  Pictor,  the  most  ancient  of  our  historians,  adds  that  this  num- 
ber only  includes  the  citizens  in  condition  to  bear  arms."  (Titus  Livius,  L  44.) 

(!)  The  different  censuses  of  the  people  furnished  by  the  ancient  historians 
have  been  explained  in  different  manners.  Did  the  numbers  given  designate 
all  the  citizens,  or  only  the  heads  of  families,  or  those  who  had  attained  the 
age  of  puberty  ?  In  my  opinion,  these  numbers  in  Livy,  Dionysius  of  Halicar- 
nassus,  and  Plutarch,  applied  to  all  the  men  in  a  condition  to  cany  arms, 
that  is,  according  to  the  organisation  of  Servius  Tullius,  to  those  from  seven- 
teen to  sixty  years  old.  This  category  formed,  in  fact,  the  true  Roman  citizens. 
Under  seventeen,  they  were  too  young  to  count  in  the  State ;  above  sixty,  they 
were  too  old. 

We  know  that  the  aged  sexagenarians  were  called  depontani,  because  they  were 
forbidden  the  bridges  over  which  they  must  go  to  the  place  of  voting.  (Festus, 
under  the  word  sexagenarius,  p.  334. — Cicero,  Pro  S.  Roscio  Amerino,  35.) 

80,000  men  in  condition  to  carry  arms  represent,  according  to  the  statistics 
of  the  present  time,  fifty-five  hundredths  of  the  male  part  of  the  population,  say 
145,000  men,  and  for  the  two  sexes,  supposing  them  equal  in  number,  290,000 
souls.  In  fact,  in  France,  in  a  hundred  inhabitants,  there  are  35  who  have.not 
passed  the  age  of  seventeen,  55  aged  from  seventeen  to  sixty  years,  and  10  of 
more  than  sixty. 

In  support  of  the  above  calculation,  Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus  relates  that 
in  the  year  247  of  Rome  a  subscription  was  made  in  honour  of  Horatius  Codes : 
300,000  persons,  men  and  women,  gave  the  value  of  what  each  might  expend 
in  one  day  for  his  food.  (V.  25.) 

As  to  the  number  of  slaves,  we  find  in  another  passage  of  Dionysius  of  Hali- 
carnassus (IX.  25)  that  the  women,  children,  slaves,  merchants,  and  artisans 
amounted  to  a  number  triple  of  that  of  the  citizens. 

If,  then,  the  number  of  citizens  in  condition  to  carry  arms  was  80,000,  and 
the  rest  of  the  population  equalled  three  times  that  number,  we  should  have  for 
the  total  4  +  80,000=320,000  souls.  And,  subtracting  from  this  number  the 
290,000  obtained  above,  there  would  remain  30, 000  for  the  slaves  and  artisans. 

Whatever  proportion  we  admit  between  these  two  last  classes,  the  result  will 
be  that  the  slaves  were  at  that  period  not  numerous. 


ROME  UNDER  THE  KINGS.  15 

The  comitia  by  centuries  were  charged  with  the 
election  of  the  magistrates,  but  the  comitia  by  curiae, 
being  the  primitive  form  of  the  patrician  assembly, 
continued  to  decree  on  the  most  important  religious 
and  military  affairs,  and  remained  in  possession  of  all 
which  had  not  been  formally  given  to  the  centuries. 
Solon  effected,  about  the  same  epoch,  in  Athens,  a  sim- 
ilar revolution,  so  that,  at  the  same  time,  the  two  most 
famous  towns  of  the  ancient  world  no  longer  took 
birth  as  the  basis  of  the  right  of  suffrage,  but  fortune. 

Servius  Tullius  promulgated  a  great  number  of 
laws  favourable  to  the  people;  he  established  the 
principle  that  the  property  only  of  the  debtor,  and 
not  his  person,  should  be  responsible  for  his  debt. 
He  also  authorised  the  plebeians  to  become  the  pa- 
trons of  their  freedmen,  which  allowed  the  richest  of 
the  former  to  create  for  themselves  a  clientele  resem- 
bling that  of  the  patricians.  (*) 

IV.  Religion,  regulated  in  great  part  by  Numa,  was 
at  Rome  an  instrument  of  civilisation,  but, 
above  all,  of  government.     By  bringing 
into  the  acts  of  public  or  private  life  the  interven- 
tion of  the  Divinity,  everything  was  impressed  with 
a  character  of  sanctity.     Thus  the  inclosure  of  the 
town  with  its  services,  (2)  the  boundaries  of  estates, 
the  transactions  between  citizens,  engagements,  and 

(')  Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus,  IV.  9,  23. 

(2)  "Within  the  town,  the  buildings  were  not  allowed  to  approach  the  ram- 
parts, which  they  now  ordinarily  touch,  and  outside  a  space  extended  which  it 
was  forbidden  to  cultivate.  To  all  this  space,  which  it  was  not  permitted  to 
inhabit  or  cultivate,  the  Romans  gave  the  name  of  Pomcerium.  When,  in  con- 
sequence of  the  increase  of  the  town,  the  rampart  was  carried  farther  out,  this 
consecrated  zone  on  each  side  was  still  preserved."  (Titus  Lirius,  I.  44.) 


16  HISTOKY  OF  JULIUS 

even  the  important  facts  of  history  entered  in  the  sa- 
cred books,  were  placed  under  the  safeguard  of  the 
gods.  (*)  In  the  interior  of  the  house,  the  gods  Lares 
protected  the  family ;  on  the  field  of  battle,  the  em- 
blem placed  on  the  standard  was  the  protecting  god 
of  the  legion.  (2)  The  national  sentiment  and  belief 
that  Rome  would  become  one  day  the  mistress  of 
Italy  was  maintained  by  oracles  or  prodigies ;  (3)  but 
if,  on  the  ©ne  hand,  religion,  with  its  very  imperfec- 
tions, contributed  to  soften  manners  and  to  elevate 
minds,  (4)  on  the  other  it  wonderfully  facilitated  the 
working  of  the  institutions,  and  preserved  the  influ- 
ence of  the  higher  classes. 

Religion  also  accustomed  the  people  of  Latium  to 
the  Roman  supremacy ;  for  Servius  Tullius,  in  per- 
suading them  to  contribute  to  the  building  of  the 
Temple  of  Diana,  (5)  made  them,  says  Livy,  acknowl- 
edge Rome  for  their  capital,  a  claim  they  had  so  often 
resisted  by  force  of  arms. 

The  supposed  intervention  of  the  Deity  gave  the 
power,  in  a  multitude  of  cases,  of  reversing  any  troub- 

(*)  "Founded  on  the  testimony  of  the  sacred  books  which  arc  preserved  with 
great  care  in  the  temples."  (Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus,  XI.  62.) 

(*)  "These  precious  pledges,  which  they  regard  as  so  many  images  of  the 
gods."  (Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus,  VI.  45.) 

(3)  "Hence  is  explained  the  origin  of  the  name  given  to  the  Capitol:  in 
digging  the  foundation  of  the  temple,  they  found  a  human  head ;  and  the  au- 
gurs declared  that  Rome  would  become  the  head  of  all  Italy."  (Dionysius  of 
Halicarnassus,  IV.  61.) 

(*)  "This  recourse  to  the  opinions  of  the  priests  and  the  observations  of  re- 
ligious worship  made  the  people  forget  their  habits  of  violence  and  their  taste 
for  arms.  Their  minds,  incessantly  occupied  with  religious  ideas,  acknowl- 
edged the  intervention  of  Providence  in  human  affairs,  and  all  hearts  were 
penetrated  with  a  piety  so  lively  that  good  faith  and  fidelity  to  an  oath  reigned 
in  Rome  more  than  fear  of  laws  or  punishments."  (Titus  Livins,  I.  21.) 

(*)  Titus  LivitiB,  I.  45. 


ROME  UNDER  THE  KINGS.  17 

lesome  decision.  Thus,  by  interpreting  the  flight  of 
birds,  (*)  the  manner  in  which  the  sacred  chickens 
ate,  the  entrails  of  victims,  the  direction  taken  by 
lightning,  they  annulled  the  elections,  or  eluded  or 
retarded  the  deliberations  either  of  the  comitia  or  of 
the  Senate.  No  one  could  enter  upon  office,  even  the 
king  could  not  mount  his  throne,  if  the  gods  had  not 
manifested  their  approval  by  what  were  reputed  cer- 
tain signs  of  their  will.  There  were  auspicious  and 
inauspicious  days ;  in  the  latter  it  was  not  permitted 
either  to  judges  to  hold  their  audience,  or  to  the  peo- 
ple to  assemble.  (2)  Finally,  it  might  be  said  with 
Camillus,  that  the  town  was  founded  on  the  faith  of 
auspices  and  auguries.  (3) 

The  priests  did  not  form  an  order  apart,  but  all 
citizens  had  the  power  to  enrol  themselves  in  partic- 
ular colleges.  At  the  head  of  the  sacerdotal  hie- 
rarchy were  the  pontiffs,  five  in  number,  (4)  of  whom 
the  king  was  the  chief.  (s)  They  decided  all  ques- 

(*)  "Assemblies  of  people,  levies  of  troops  —  indeed,  the  most  important 
operations — were  abandoned,  if  the  birds  did  not  approve  them."  (Titus  Liv- 
ius,  I.  36.) 

(2)  "Numa  established  also  the  auspicious  and  inauspicious  days,  for  with 
the  people  an  adjourment  might  sometimes  be  useful."     (Titus  Livius,  1. 19.) 

(3)  "  We  have  a  town,  founded  on  the  faith  of  auspices  and  auguries ;  not 
a  spot  within  these  walls  which  is  not  full  of  gods  and  their  worshippers ;  our 
solemn  sacrifices  have  their  days  fixed  as  well  as  the  place  where  they  are  to 
be  made."     (Titus  Livius,  V.  52,  Speech  of  Camillus,  VI.  &c.) 

(«)  Cicero,  De  Republica,  II.  14. 

(*)  "All  religious  acts,  public  and  private,  were  submitted  to  the  decision 
of  the  pontiff;  thus  the  people  knew  to  whom  to  address  themselves,  and  dis- 
orders were  prevented  which  might  have  brought  into  religion  the  neglect  of 
the  national  rites  or  the  introduction  of  foreign  ones.  It  was  the  same  pontiff's 
duty  also  to  regulate  what  concerned  funerals,  and  the  means  of  appeasing  the 
Manes,  and  to  distinguish,  among  prodigies  announced  by  thunder  and  other 
phenomena,  those  which  required  an  expiation."  (Titus  Livius,  I.  20.) 

B 


18  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

tions  which  concerned  the  liturgy  and  religious  wor- 
ship, watched  over  the  sacrifices  and  ceremonies  that 
they  should  be  performed  in  accordance  with  the  tra- 
ditional rites,  (*)  acted  as  inspectors  over  the  other 
minister  of  religion,  fixed  the  calendar,  (2)  and  were 
responsible  for  their  actions  neither  to  the  Senate  nor 
to  the  people.  (3) 

After  the  pontiffs,  the  first  place  belonged  to  the 
curions,  charged  in  each  curia  with  the  religious  func- 
tions, and  who  had  at  their  head  a  grand  curion ;  then 
came  the  flamens,  the  augurs,  (4)  the  vestals  charged 
with  the  maintenance  of  the  sacred  fire ;  the  twelve 
Salian  priests,  (5)  keepers  of  the  sacred  bucklers, 
named  ancilia;  and  lastly,  tliQfeciales,  heralds  at  arms, 
to  the  number  of  twenty,  whose  charge  it  was  to  draw 
up  treaties  and  secure  their  execution,  to  declare  war, 
and  to  watch  over  the  observance  of  all  international 
relations.  (6) 

(*)  "The  grand  pontiff  exercises  the  functions  of  interpreter  and  diviner, 
or  rather  of  hierophant.  He  not  only  presides  at  the  public  sacrifices,  but  he 
also  inspects  those  which  are  made  in  private,  and  takes  care  that  the  ordi- 
nances of  religious  worship  are  not  transgressed.  Lastly,  it  is  he  who  teaches 
what  each  individual  ought  to  do  to  honour  the  gods  and  to  appease  them." 
(Plutarch,  Nwna,  12.) 

(5)  "Numa  divided  the  year  into  twelve  months,  according  to  the  moon's 
courses;  he  added  January  and  February  to  the  year."    (Titus  Livius,  I.  19. 
— Plutarch,  Nvma,  18.)  (*)  Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus,  II.  73. 

(*)  Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus,  II.  64. 

(4)  Salian  is  derived  from  salire  (to  leap,  to  dance).  (Dionysius  of  Halicar- 
nassus, II.  70.) — It  was  their  duty,  on  certain  occasions,  to  execute  sacred 
dances,  and  to  chant  hymns  in  honour  of  the  god  of  war. 

(6)  Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus,  II.  72. — "The  name  of  fedales  is  derived 
from  the  circumstance  that  they  presided  over  the  public  faith  between  peo- 
ples ;  for  it  was  by  their  intervention  that  war  when  undertaken  assumed  the 
character  of  a  just  war,  and,  that  once  terminated,  peace  was  guaranteed  by  a 
treaty.     Before  war  was  undertaken,  some  of  the  fedales  were  sent  to  make 
whatever  demands  had  to  be  made."     (Varro,  De  Lingua  Latina,  V.  §  8G.)->- 


ROME  UNDER  THE  KINGS.  19 

There  were  also  religious  fraternities  (sodalitates), 
instituted  for  the  purpose  of  rendering  a  special  wor- 
ship to  certain  divinities.  Such  was  the  college  of 
the  fratres  Arvales,  whose  prayers  and  processions 
called  down  the  favour  of  Heaven  upon  the  harvest ; 
such  also  was  the  association  having  for  its  mission 
to  celebrate  the  festival  of  the  Lupercalia,  founded  in 
honour  of  the  god  Lupercus,  the  protector  of  cattle 
and  destroyer  of  wolves.  The  gods  Lares,  tutelar  ge- 
nii of  towns  or  families,  had  also  their  festival  insti- 
tuted by  Tullus  Hostilius,  and  celebrated  at  certain 
epochs,  during  which  the  slaves  were  entirely  exempt 
from  labour.  (*) 

The  kings  erected  a  great  number  of  temples  for 
the  purpose  of  deifying,  some,  glory,  (2)  others,  the 
virtues,  (3)  others,  utility,  (4)  and  others,  gratitude  to 
the  gods.  (5) 

The  Romans  loved  to  represent  everything  by  ex- 

"If  allies  complained  that  the  Romans  had  done  them  wrong,  and  demanded 
reparation  for  it,  it  was  the  business  of  the  fedales  to  examine  if  there  were 
any  violation  of  treaty."  (Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus,  II.  72.) — These  fecial 
priests  had  been  instituted  by  Numa,  the  mildest  and  most  just  of  kings,  to  be 
guardians  of  peace,  and  the  judges  and  arbiters  of  the  legitimate  motives  for 
undertaking  war.  (Plutarch,  Camillus,  20.) 

(:)  Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus,  IV.  14. — Pliny,  Natural  History,  XXI.  8. 

(2)  Numa  raised  a  temple  to  Romulus,  whom  he  deified  under  the  name  of 
Quiriims.     (Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus,  II.  63.) 

(3)  "  Temple  of  Vesta,  emblem  of  chastity ;  temple  to  Public  Faith ;  raised 
by  Numa."     (Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus,  II.  65  and  75.) 

(*)  "  The  god  Terminus ;  the  festival  in  honour  of  Pales,  the  goddess  of 
shepherds ;  Saturn,  the  god  of  agriculture ;  the  god  of  fallow-grounds,  pas- 
ture," &c.  (Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus,  II.  74.) 

(5)  "  After  having  done  these  things  in  peace  and  war,  Servius  Tullius  erect- 
ed two  temples  to  Fortune,  who  appeared  to  have  been  favourable  to  him  all 
his  life,  one  in  the  oxen-market,  the  other  on  the  banks  of  the  Tiber,  and  he 
gave  her  the  surname  of  Virilis,  which  she  has  preserved  to  the  present  day 
among  the  Romans."  (Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus,  IV.  270 


20  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CJESAR. 

ternal  signs  :  thus  Numa,  to  impress  better  the  verity 
of  a  state  of  peace  or  war,  raised  a  temple  to  Janus, 
which  was  kept  open  during  war  and  closed  in  time 
of  peace  ;  and,  strange  to  say,  this  temple  was  only 
closed  three  times  in  seven  hundred  years.  (J) 

V.  The  facts  which  precede  are  sufficient  to  con- 
obtained  by  vince  us  tliat  tte  Roman  Republic  (2)  had 


already  acquired  under  the  kings  a  strong 
organisation.  (3)  Its  spirit  of  conquest  overflowed 
beyond  its  narrow  limits.  The  small  states  of  Lati- 
um  which  surrounded  it  possessed,  perhaps,  men  as 
enlightened  and  citizens  equally  courageous,  but  there 
certainly  did  not  exist  among  them,  to  the  same  de- 
gree as  at  Rome,  the  genius  of  war,  the  love  of  coun- 
try, faith  in  high  destinies,  the  conviction  of  an  incon- 
testible  superiority,  powerful  motives  of  activity,  in- 
stilled into  them  perseveringly  by  great  men  during 
two  hundred  and  forty-four  years. 

Roman  society  was  founded  upon  respect  for  fami- 
ly, for   religion,  and  for  property;  the  government, 

(l)  "The  Temple  of  Janus  had  been  closed  twice  since  the  reign  of  Numa: 
the  first  time  by  the  consul  Titus  Manlius,  at  the  end  of  the  first  Punic  war  ; 
the  second,  when  the  gods  granted  to  our  age  to  see,  after  the  battle  of  Actium, 
Caesar  Augustus  Imperator  give  peace  to  the  universe."  (Titus  Livius,  I.  19.) 
—  And  Plutarch  says,  in  his  Life  of  Numa,  xx.,  "Nevertheless,  this  temple  was 
closed  after  the  victory  of  Caesar  Augustus  over  Antony,  and  it  had  previously 
been  closed  under  the  consulate  of  Marcus  Atilius  and  of  Titus  Manlius,  for  a 
short  time,  it  is  true  ;  it  was  almost  immediately  opened  again,  for  a  new  war 
broke  out.  But,  during  the  reign  of  Numa,  it  was  not  seen  open  a  single  day." 

(a)  We  employ  intentionally  the  word  republic,  because  all  the  ancient  an- 
thors  give  this  name  to  the  State,  under  the  kings  as  well  as  under  the  emper- 
ors. It  is  only  by  translating  faithfully  these  denominations  that  we  can  form 
an  exact  idea  of  ancient  societies. 

(3)  "We  acknowledge  how  many  good  and  useful  institutions  the  Republic 
owed  to  each  of  our  kings."  (Cicero,  De  Republica,  II.  21.) 


ROME  UNDER  THE  KINGS.  21 

upon  election ;  the  policy,  upon  conquest.  At  the 
head  of  the  State  is  a  powerful  aristocracy,  greedy  of 
glory,  but,  like  all  aristocracies,  impatient  of  kingly 
power,  and  disdainful  towards  the  multitude.  The 
kings  strive  to  create  a  people  side  by  side  with  the 
privileged  caste,  and  introduce  plebeians  into  the  Sen- 
ate, freedmen  among  the  citizens,  and  the  mass  of  cit- 
izens into  the  ranks  of  the  soldiery. 

Family  is  strongly  constituted ;  the  father  reigns  in 
it  absolute  master,  sole  judge  (*)  over  his  children,  his 
wife,  and  his  slaves,  and  that  during  all  their  lives : 
yet  the  wife's  position  is  not  degraded  as  among  the 
barbarians ;  she  enjoys  a  community  of  goods  with 
her  husband ;  mistress  of  her  house,  she  has  the  right 
of  acquiring  property,  and  shares  equally  with  her 
brothers  the  paternal  inheritance.  (2) 

The  basis  of  taxation  is  the  basis  of  recruiting  and 
of  political  rights ;  there  are  no  soldiers  but  citizens ; 
there  are  no  citizens  without  property.  The  richer  a 
man  is,  the  more  he  has  of  power  and  dignities ;  but 
he  has  more  charges  to  support,  more  duties  to  fulfil. 
In  fighting,  as  well  as  in  voting,  the  Romans  are  di- 
vided into  classes  according  to  their  fortunes,  and  in 
the  comitia,  as  on  the  field  of  battle,  the  richest  are  in 
the  first  ranks. 

Initiated  in  the  apparent  practice  of  liberty,  the 

(')  "Among  the  Romans,  the  children  possess  nothing  of  their  own  during 
their  father's  life.  He  can  dispose  •  not  only  of  all  the  goods,  but  even  of  the 
lives  of  his  children."  (Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus,  VIII.  79;  II.  25.) 

(3)  Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus,  II.,  25,  26. — "From  the  beginning,"  says 
Mommsen,  "the  Roman  family  presented,  in  the  moral  order  which  reigned 
among  its  members,  and  their  mutual  subordination,  the  conditions  of  a  supe- 
rior civilisation."  (Roman  History,  2nd  edit.,  I.,  p.  54.) 


22  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

people  is  held  in  check  by  superstition  and  respect  for 
the  high  classes.  By  appealing  to  the  intervention  of 
the  Divinity  in  every  action  of  life,  the  most  vulgar 
things  become  idealised,  and  men  are  taught  that 
above  their  material  interests  there  is  a  Providence 
which  directs  their  actions.  The  sentiment  of  right 
and  justice  enters  into  their  conscience,  the  oath  is  a 
sacred  thing,  and  virtue,  that  highest  expression  of 
duty,  becomes  the  general  rule  of  public  and  private 
life.  (a)  Law  exercises  its  entire  empire,  and,  by  the 
institution  of  the  feciales,  international  quest-ions  are 
discussed  with  a  view  to  what  is  just,  before  seeking 
a  solution  by  force  of  arms.  The  policy  of  the  State 
consists  in  drawing  by  all  means  possible  the  peo- 
ples around  under  the  dependence  of  Rome;  and, 
when  their  resistance  renders  it  necessary  to  conquer 
them,  (2)  they  are,  in  different  degrees,  immediately 
associated  with  the  common  fortune,  and  maintained 
in  obedience  by  colonies — advanced  posts  of  future 
dominion.  (3) 

(')  "  Morals  were  so  pure  that,  during  two  hundred  and  thirty  years,  no  hus- 
band was  known  to  repudiate  his  wife,  nor  any  woman  to  separate  from  her 
husband."  (Plutarch,  Parallel  of  Theseus  and  Romulus.} 

(2)  Cicero  admires  the  profound  wisdom  of  the  first  kings  in  admitting  the 
conquered  enemies  to  the  number  of  the  citizens.     "Their  example,"  he  says, 
' '  has  become  an  authority,  and  our  ancestors  have  never  ceased  granting  the 
rights  of  citizens  to  conquered  enemies."    {Oration  for  Balbus,  xxxi.) 

(3)  ROMAN  COLONIES  (COLONIZE  cmuM  CUM  JURE  SUFFKAOII  ET  HONORUM). 
— First  period :  1-244  (under  the  kings). 

Ccenina  (Sabine).     Unknown. 
Antemnce.  (Sabine).     Unknown. 
Cameria  (Sabine).     Destroyed  in  252.     Unknown. 
Meduttia  (Sabine).     SanC- Angela. — See  Gell.,  Topogr.  of  Rome,  100. 
Crustvmeria  (Sabine).     Unknown. 

Fidence  (Sabine).     Ruins  near  Giubileo  and  Serpentina.     Re-colonised  in 
326.     Destroyed,  according  to  an  hypothesis  of  M.  Madvig. 


ROME  UNDER  THE  KINGS.  23 

The  arts,  though  as  yet  rude,  find  their  way  in  with 
the  Etruscan  rites,  and  corne  to  soften  manners,  and 
lend  their  aid  to  religion ;  everywhere  temples  arise, 
circuses  are  constructed,  (*)  great  works  of  public  util- 
ity are  erected,  and  Rome,  by  its  institutions,  paves 
the  way  for  its  pre-eminence. 

Almost  all  the  magistrates  are  appointed  by  elec- 
tion ;  once  chosen,  they  possess  an  extensive  power, 
and  put  in  motion  resolutely  those  two  powerful  le- 
vers of  human  actions,  punishment  and  reward.  To 
all  citizens,  for  cowardice  before  the  enemy  or  for  an 
infraction  of  discipline,  (2)  the  rod  or  the  axe  of  the 
lictor ;  to  all,  for  noble  actions,  crowns  of  honour ;  (3) 
to  the  generals,  the  ovation,  the  triumph,  (4)  the  best 

Collatia. 

Ostia  (the  mouth  of  the  Tiber).     Ruins  between  Torre  Bovacciano  and 

Ostia. 
LATIN  COLONIES  (COLONLE  LATINS). — First  period :  1-244  (under  the  kings). 

We  cannot  mention  with  certainty  any  Latin  colony  founded  at  this  epoch, 
from  ancient  authorities.  The  colonies  of  Signia  and  Circeii  were  both  re- 
colonised  in  the  following  period,  and  we  shall  place  them  there. 

(1)  "Tarquin  embellished  also  the  great  circus  between  the  Aventine  and 
Palatine  hills ;  he  was  the  first  who  caused  the  covered  seats  to  be  made  round 
this  circus."    (Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus,  III.  68.) 

(2)  Titus  Livius,  I.  44. — "Immediately  the  centurions,  whose  centuries  had 
taken  flight,  and  the  antesignani  who  had  lost  their  standard,  were  condemned 
to  death:  some  had  their  heads  cut  off;  others  were  beaten  to  death.     As  to 
the  rest  of  the  troops,  the  consul  caused  them  to  be  decimated ;  in  every  ten 
soldiers,  he  upon  whom  the  lot  fell  was  conducted  to  the  place  of  execution,  and 
suffered  for  the  others.     It  is  the  usual  punishment  among  the  Romans  for 
those  who  have  quitted  their  ranks  or  abandoned  their  standards."    (Dionysius 
of  Halicarnassus,  IX.  1.) 

(3)  "  Romulus  placed  upon  their  hair  a  crown  of  laurels."    (Plutarch,  Rom- 
ulus, xx.) 

(*)  "  The  Senate  and  the  people  decreed  to  King  Tarquin  the  honours  of  the 
triumph."  (Combat  of  the  Romans  and  Etruscans,  Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus, 
III.  60.) — "An  ovation  differs  from  a  triumph,  first,  because  he  who  receives 
the  honours  of  it  enters  on  foot  at  the  head  of  the  army,  and  not  mounted  in  a 


24  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  C^SAR. 

of  the  spoils ;  (*)  to  the  great  men,  apotheosis.  To 
honour  the  dead,  and  for  personal  relaxation  after 
their  sanguinary  struggles,  the  citizens  crowd  to  the 
games  of  the  circus,  where  the  hierarchy  gives  his 
rank  to  each  individual.  (2) 

Thus  Home,  having  reached  the  third  century  of 
her  existence,  finds  her  constitution  formed  by  the 
kings  with  all  the  germs  of  grandeur  which  will  de- 
velop themselves  in  the  sequel.  Man  has  created  her 
institutions:  we  shall  see  now  how  the  institutions 
are  going  to  form  the  men. 

car ;  secondly,  that  he  has  neither  the  crown  of  gold,  nor  the  toga  embroidered 
with  gold  and  of  different  colours,  but  he  carries  only  a  white  trabea  bordered 
with  purple,  the  ordinary  costume  of  the  generals  and  consuls.  Besides  having 
only  a  crown  of  laurel,  he  does  not  carry  a  sceptre.  This  is  what  the  little 
triumph  has  less  than  the  great;  in  all  other  respects  there  is  no  difference." 
(Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus,  V.  47.) 

(')  "Romulus  kills  Acron,  routs  the  enemies,  and  returns  to  offer  to  Jupiter 
Feretrius  the  opima  spolia  taken  from  that  prince. 

"After  Romulus,  Cornelius  Cossus  was  the  first  who  consecrated  to  the  same 
gods  similar  spoils,  having  slain  with  his  own  hand,  in  a  combat  where  he  com- 
manded the  cavalry,  the  general  of  the  Fidenates. 

"  We  must  not  separate  the  example  of  M.  Marcellus  from  the  two  preceding. 
He  had  the  courage  and  intrepidity  to  attack  on  the  banks  of  the  P6,  at  the 
head  of  a  handful  of  horsemen,  the  king  of  the  Gauls,  though  protected  by  a 
numerous  army ;  he  struck  off  his  head,  and  carried  off"  his  armour,  of  which  he 
made  an  offering  to  Jupiter  Feretrius.  (Year  of  Rome  531.) 

"The  same  kind  of  bravery  and  combat  signalised  T.  Manlius  Torquatns, 
Valerius  Corvus,  and  Scipio  JEmilianus.  These  warriors,  challenged  by  the 
chieftains  of  the  enemies,  made  them  bite  the  dust ;  but,  as  they  had  fought 
under  the  auspices  of  a  superior  chief,  they  did  not  offer  their  spoils  to  Jupi- 
ter." (Year  of  Rome  392,  404,  602.)  (Valerius  Maximns,  III.  2,  §§  3,  4,  5,  6.) 

(a)  "Tarquin  divided  the  seats  (of  the  great  circus)  among  the  thirty  curia?, 
assigning  to  each  the  place  which  belonged  to  him. "  (Dionysius  of  Halicar- 
nassus, III.  68.) — "It  was  then  (after  the  war  against  the  Latins)  that  the  site 
was  chosen  which  is  now  called  the  great  circus.  They  marked  out  in  it  the 
particular  places  for  the  senators  and  for  the* knights."  (Titus  Livius,  I.  35.) 


CHAPTER  II. 

ESTABLISHMENT  OF  THE   CONSULAR  REPUBLIC. 
(From  244  to  416.) 

I.  THE  kings  are  expelled  from  Rome.  They  dis- 
AdvantageoftheRe-  appear  because  their  mission  is  accom- 
public-  plished.  There  exists,  one  would  say, 

in  moral  as  well  as  physical  order,  a  supreme  law 
which  assigns  to  institutions,  as  to  certain  beings,  a 
fated  limit,  marked  by  the  term  of  their  utility.  Un- 
til this  providential  term  has  arrived,  no  opposition 
prevails ;  conspiracies,  revolts,  everything  fails  against 
the  irresistible  force  which  maintains  what  people 
seek  to  overthrow ;  but  if,  on  the  contrary,  a  state  of 
things  immovable  in  appearance  ceases  to  be  useful 
to  the  progress  of  humanity,  then  neither  the  empire 
of  traditions,  nor  courage,  nor  the  memory  of  a  glori- 
ous past,  can  retard  by  a  day  the  fall  which  has  been 
decided  by  destiny. 

Civilisation  appears  to  have  been  transported  from 
Greece  into  Italy  to  create  there  an  immense  focus 
from  which  it  might  spread  itself  over  the  whole 
world.  From  that  moment  the  genius  of  force  and 
imagination  must  necessarily  preside  over  the  first 
times  of  Rome.  This  is  what  happened  under  the 
kings,  and,  so  long  as  their  task  was  not  accomplish- 
ed, it  triumphed  over  all  obstacles.  In  vain  the  sen- 

2 


26  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

ators  attempted  to  obtain  a  share  in  the  power  by 
each  exercising  it  for  five  days ;  (*)  in  vain  men's  pas- 
sions rebelled  against  the  authority  of  a  single  chief: 
all  was  useless,  and  even  the  murder  of  the  kings  only 
added  strength  to  royalty.  But  the  moment  once  ar- 
rived when  kings  cease  to  be  indispensable,  the  sim- 
plest accident  hurls  them  down.  A  man  outrages  a 
woman,  the  throne  gives  way,  and,  in  falling,  it  di- 
vides itself  into  two :  the  consuls  succeed  to  all  the 
prerogatives  of  the  kings.  (2)  Nothing  is  changed  in 
the  Republic,  except  that  instead  of  one  chief,  elect- 
ive for  life,  there  will  be  henceforward  two  chiefs, 
elected  for  a  year.  This  transformation  is  evidently 
the  work  of  the  aristocracy;  the  senators  will  possess 
the  government,  and,  by  these  annual  elections,  each 
hopes  to  take  in  his  turn  his  share  in  the  sovereign 
power.  Such  is  the  narrow  calculation  of  man  and 
his  mean  motive  of  action.  Let  us  see  what  superior 
impulse  he  obeyed  without  knowing  it. 

That  corner  of  land,  situated  on  the  bank  of  the 
Tiber,  and  predestined  to  hold  the  empire  of  the 
world,  enclosed  within  itself,  as  we  see,  fruitful  germs 

(l)  "The  hundred  senators  were  divided  into  ten  decuries,  and  each  chose 
one  of  its  members  to  exercise  this  authority.  The  power  was  collective :  one 
alone  carried  the  insignia  of  it,  and  walked  preceded  by  the  lictors.  The  du- 
ration of  this  power  was  for  five  days,  and  each  exercised  it  in  turn.  .  .  . 
The  plebs  was  not  long  before  it  began  to  murmur.  Its  servitude  had  only 
been  aggravated ;  instead  of  one  master,  it  had  a  hundred.  It  appeared  dis- 
posed to  suffer  only  one  king,  and  to  choose  him  itself."  (Titus  Livius,  1. 17.) 

(!)  "For  the  rest,  this  liberty  consisted  at  first  rather  in  the  annual  election 
of  the  consuls  than  in  the  weakening  of  the  royal  power.  The  first  consuls  as- 
sumed all  its  prerogatives  and  all  its  insignia ;  only  it  was  feared  that,  if  both 
possessed  the  fasciae,  this  solemnity  might  inspire  too  much  terror,  and  Brutus 
owed  to  the  deference  of  his  colleague  the  circumstance  of  possessing  them 
first."  (Titus  Livius,  II.  1.) 


ESTABLISHMENT  OF  THE  CONSULAR  EEPUBLIC.         27 

which  demanded  a  rapid  expansion.  This  could  only 
be  effected  by  the  absolute  independence  of  the  most 
enlightened  class,  seizing  for  its  own  profit  all  the 
prerogatives  of  royalty.  The  aristocratic  government 
has  this  advantage  over  monarchy,  that  it  is  more 
immutable  in  its  duration,  more  constant  in  its  de- 
signs, more  faithful  to  traditions,  and  that  it  can  dare 
everything,  because  where  a  great  number  share  the 
responsibility,  no  one  is  individually  responsible. 
Rome,  with  its  narrow  limits,  had  no  longer  need  of 
the  concentration  of  authority  in  a  single  hand,  but 
it  was  in  need  of  a  new  order  of  things,  which  should 
give  to  the  great  free  access  to  the  supreme  power, 
and  should  second,  by  the  allurement  of  honours,  the 
development  of  the  faculties  of  each.  The  grand  ob- 
ject was  to  create  a  race  of  men  of  choice,  who,  suc- 
ceeding each  other  with  the  same  principles  and  the 
same  virtues,  should  perpetuate,  from  generation  to 
generation,  the  system  most  calculated  to  assure  the 
greatness  of  their  country.  The  fall  of  the  kingly 
power  was  thus  an  event  favourable  to  the  develop- 
ment of  Rome. 

The  patricians  monopolised  during  a  long  time  the 
civil,  military,  and  religious  employments,  and,  these 
employments  being  for  the  most  part  annual,  there 
was  in  the  Senate  hardly  a  member  who  had  not 
filled  them;  so  that  this  assembly  was  composed  of 
men  formed  to  the  combats  of  the  Forum  as  well  as 
to  those  of  the  field  of  battle,  schooled  in  the  difficul- 
ties of  the  administration,  and  indeed  worthy,  by  an 
experience  laboriously  acquired,  to  preside  over  the 
destinies  of  the  Republic. 


28  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CJESAR. 

They  were  not  classed,  as  men  are  in  our  modern 
society,  in  envious  and  rival  specialities ;  the  warrior 
was  not  seen  there  despising  the  civilian,  the  lawyer 
or  orator  standing  apart  from  the  man  of  action,  or 
the  priest  isolating  himself  from  all  the  others.  In 
order  to  raise  himself  to  State  dignities,  and  merit  the 
suffrages  of  his  fellow-citizens,  the  patrician  was  con- 
strained, from  "his  youngest  age,  to  undergo  the  most 
varied  trials.  He  was  required  to  possess  dexterity 
of  body,  eloquence,  aptness  for  military  exercises,  the 
knowledge  of  civil  and  religious  laws,  the  talent  of 
commanding  an  army  or  directing  a  fleet,  of  adminis- 
trating the  town  or  commanding  a  province ;  and  the 
obligation  of  these  different  apprenticeships  not  only 
gave  a  full  flight  to  all  capacities,  but  it  united,  in 
the  eyes  of  the  people,  upon  the  magistrate  invested 
with  different  dignities,  the  consideration  attached  to 
each  of  them.  During  a  long  time,  he  who  was  hon- 
oured with  the  confidence  of  his  fellow-citizens,  be- 
sides nobility  of  birth,  enjoyed  the  triple  prestige 
given  by  the  function  of  judge,  priest,  and  warrior. 

An  independence  almost  absolute  in  the  exercise  of 
command  contributed  further  to  the  development  of 
the  faculties.  At  the  present  day,  our  constitutional 
habits  have  raised  distrust  towards  power  into  a  prin- 
ciple ;  at  Rome,  trust  was  the  principle.  In  our  mod- 
ern societies,  the  depositary  of  any  authority  what- 
ever is  always  under  the  restraint  of  powerful  bonds; 
he  obeys  a  precise  law,  a  minutely  detailed  rule,  a 
superior.  The  Roman,  on  the  contrary,  abandoned 
to  his  own  sole  responsibility,  felt  himself  free  from 
all  shackles;  he  commanded  as  master  within  the 


ESTABLISHMENT  OF  THE  CONSULAR  EEPUBLIC.         29 

sphere  of  his  attributes.  The  counterpoise  of  this  in- 
dependence was  the  short  duration  of  his  office,  and 
the  right,  given  to  every  man,  of  accusing  each  magis- 
trate at  the  end  of  it. 

The  preponderance  of  the  high  class,  then,  rested 
upon  a  legitimate  superiority,  and  this  class,  besides, 
knew  how  to  work  to  its  advantage  the  popular  pas- 
sions. They  desired  liberty  only  for  themselves,  but 
they  knew  how  to  make  the  image  glitter  in  the  eyes 
of  the  multitude,  and  the  name  of  the  people  was  al- 
ways associated  with  the  decrees  of  the  Senate. 
Proud  of  having  contributed  to  the  overthrow  of  the 
power  of  one  individual,  they  took  care  to  cherish 
among  the  masses  the  imaginary  fear  of  the  return 
of  kingly  power.  In  their  hands  the  Jiate  of  tyrants 
will  become  a  weapon  to  be  dreaded  by  all  who  shall 
seek  to  raise  themselves  above  their  fellows,  either 
by  threatening  their  privileges,  or  by  acquiring  too 
much  popularity  by  their  acts  of  benevolence.  Thus, 
under  the  pretext,  renewed  incessantly,  of  aspiring  to 
kingly  power,  fell  the  consul  Spurius  Cassius,  in  269, 
because  he  had  presented  the  first  agrarian  law ; 
Spurius  Melius,  in  315,  because  he  excited  the  jeal- 
ousy of  the  patricians  by  distributing  wheat  to  the 
people  during  a  famine ;  (*)  in  369,  Manlius,  the  sav- 
iour of  Kome,  because  he  had  expended  his  fortune 
in  relieving  insolvent  debtors.  (2)  Thus  will  fall  vic- 
tims to  the  same  accusation  the  reformer  Tiberius 

(l)  "The  death  of  Melius  was  justified,"  said  Quinctius,  "to  appease  the 
people,  although  he  might  be  innocent  of  the  crime  of  aspiring  to  the  kingly 
power."  (Titus  Livius,  IV.  15.) 

(s)  "From  these  inflexible  hearts  came  a  sentence  of  death,  which  was  odi- 
ous to  the  judges  themselves."  (Titus  Livius,  VI.  20.) 


80  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  C^SAR. 

Sempronius  Gracchus,  and  lastly,  at  a  later  period,  the 
great  Caesar  himself. 

But  if  the  pretended  fear  of  the  return  of  the  an- 
cient regime  was  a  powerful  means  of  government  in 
the  hands  of  the  patricians,  the  real  fear  of  seeing 
their  privileges  attacked  by  the  plebeians  restrained 
them  within  the  bounds  of  moderation  and  justice. 

In  fact,  if  the  numerous  class,  excluded  from  all  of- 
fice, had  not  interfered  by  their  clamours  to  set  limits 
to  the  privileges  of  the  nobility,  and  thus  compelled 
it  to  render  itself  worthy  of  power  by  its  virtues,  and 
re-invigorated  it,  in  some  sort,  by  the  infusion  of  new 
blood,  corruption  and  arbitrary  spirit  would,  some 
ages  earlier,  have  dragged  it  to  its  ruin.  A  caste 
which  is  not  renewed  by  foreign  elements  is  con- 
demned to  disappear ;  and  absolute  power,  whether 
it  belongs  to  one  man  or  to  a  class  of  individuals,  fin- 
ishes always  by  being  equally  dangerous  to  him  who 
exercises  it.  This  concurrence  of  the  plebeians  ex- 
cited in  the  Republic  a  fortunate  emulation  which 
produced  great  men,  for,  as  Machiavelli  says :  (a)  "The 
fear  of  losing  gives  birth  in  men's  hearts  to  the  same 
passions  as  the  desire  of  acquiring."  Although  the 
aristocracy  had  long  defended  with  obstinacy  its  priv- 
ileges, it  made  opportunely  useful  concessions.  Skil- 
ful in  repairing  incessantly  its  defeats,  it  took  again, 
under  another  form,  what  it  had  been  constrained  to 
abandon,  losing  often  some  of  its  attributes,  but  pre- 
serving its  prestige  always  untouched. 

Thus,  the  characteristic  fact  of  the  Roman  institu- 
tions was  to  form  men  apt  for  all  functions.  As  long 

(')  .Discourse  on  Titus  Livius,  I.  5. 


ESTABLISHMENT  OF  THE  CONSULAR  REPUBLIC.    31 

as  on  a  narrow  theatre  the  ruling  class  had  the  wis- 
dom to  limit  its  ambition  to  promoting  the  veritable 
interests  of  their  country,  as  the  seduction  of  riches 
and  unbounded  power  did  not  come  to  exalt  it  be- 
yond measure,  the  aristocratic  system  maintained  it- 
self with  all  its  advantages,  and  overruled  the  insta- 
bility of  institutions.  It  alone,  indeed,  was  capable 
of  supporting  long,  without  succumbing,  a  regime  in 
which  the  direction  of  the  State  and  the  command  of 
the  armies  passed  annually  into  different  hands,  and 
depended  upon  elections  the  element  of  which  is  ever 
fickle.  Besides,  the  laws  gave  rise  to  antagonisms 
more  calculated  to  cause  anarchy  than  to  consolidate 
true  liberty.  Let  us  examine,  in  these  last  relations, 
the  constitution  of  the  Republic. 

II.  The  two  consuls  were  originally  generals,  judges, 
motions  of  the  and  administrators ;  equal  in  powers,  they 
Republic.  were  often  in  disagreement,  either  in  the 

Forum,  (x)  or  on  the  field  of  battle.  (2)     Their  dissen- 

(*)  Proofs  of  the  disagreement  of  the  two  consuls :  "  Cassius  brought  secret- 
ly as  many  Latins  and  Hernici  as  he  possibly  could  to  have  their  suffrages ; 
there  arrived  in  Rome  such  a  great  number,  that  in  a  short  time  the  town  was 
full  of  strangers.  Virginius,  who  was  informed  of  it,  cansed  a  herald  to  pro- 
claim in  all  the  public  places  that  all  those  who  had  no  domicile  in  Rome 
should  withdraw  immediately ;  but  Cassius  gave  orders  contrary  to  those  of 
his  colleague,  forbidding  any  one  who  had  the  right  of  Roman  freedom  to  quit 
the  town  until  the  law  was  confirmed  and  received."  (Year  of  Rome  268.) 
(Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus,  VIII.  72.)— "Quinctius,  more  indulgent  than  his 
colleague,  willed  the  concession  to  the  people  of  all  their  just  and  reasonable 
demands;  Appius,  on  the  contrary,  was  willing  to  die  rather  than  to  yield." 
(Year  of  Rome  283.)  (Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus,  IX.  48.) 

(2)  ' '  The  two  consuls  were  of  the  most  opposite  tempers,  and  were  always  in 
discord  (dissimiles  discordesque)."  (Titus  Livius,  XXII.  41.) — "While  they 
lost  their  time  in  quarrels  rather  than  in  deliberations."  (Titus  Livius,  XXII. 
45.) 


32  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CLESAR. 

sions  were  repeated  many  times  until  the  consulate 
of  Caesar  and  Bibulus;  and  they  were  liable  to  be- 
come the  more  dangerous  as  the  decision  of  one  con- 
sul was  annulled  by  the  opposition  of  his  colleague. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  short  duration  of  their  magis- 
tracy constrained  them  either  to  hurry  a  battle  in  or- 
der to  rob  their  successor  of  the  glory,  (a)  or  to  inter- 
rupt a  campaign  in  order  to  proceed  to  Rome  to  hold 
the  comitia.  The  defeats  of  the  Trebia  and  Cannae, 
with  that  of  Servilius  Caepio  by  the  Cimbri,  (3)  were 
fatal  examples  of  the  want  of  unity  in  the  direction 
of  war. 

In  order  to  lessen  the  evil  effects  of  a  simultaneous 
exercise  of  their  prerogatives,  the  consuls  agreed  to 
take  in  campaign  the  command  alternately  day  by 
day,  and  at  Rome  each  to  have  the  fasces  during  a 
month ;  but  this  innovation  had  also  vexatious  conse- 
quences. (3)  It  was  even  thought  necessary,  nine 
years  after  the  fall  of  the  kings,  to  have  recourse  to 
the  dictatorship ;  and  this  absolute  authority,  limited 
to  six  months,  that  is,  to  the  longest  duration  of  a 
campaign,  only  remedied  temporarily,  and  under  ex- 
traordinary circumstances,  the  want  of  power  concen- 
trated in  a  single  individual. 

(')  Titus  Livius,  XXI.  52. — Dio  Cassias,  Fragments,  CCLXXf.  edit.  Gros. 

(*)  Titus  Livius,  XXI.  52. 

(3)  "In  the  Roman  army  the  two  consuls  enjoyed  an  equal  power;  but  the 
deference  of  Agrippa  in  concentrating  the  authority  in  the  hands  of  his  col- 
league, established  the  unity  so  necessary  for  the  success  of  great  enterprises." 
(Titus  Livius,  III.  70.) — "The  two  consuls  commanded  often  both  in  the  day 
of  battle."  (Titus  Livius,  Battle  of  Mount  Vesuvius,  VIII.  9 ;  Battle  o/Senti- 
WMWI,  X.  27. ) — "  A  fatal  innovation  ;  from  that  time  each  had  in  view  his  per- 
sonal interest,  and  not  the  general  interest,  preferring  to  see  the  Republic  ex- 
perience a  check  than  his  colleague  covered  with  glory,  and  evils  without  num- 
ber atHicU-d  the  fatherland."  (Dio  Cassius,  Fragments,  LI.  edit.  Gros.) 


ESTABLISHMENT  OF  THE  CONSULAR  REPUBLIC.    33 

This  dualism  and  instability  of  the  supreme  au- 
thority were  not,  therefore,  an  element  of  strength; 
the  unity  and  fixity  of  direction  necessary  among  a 
people  always  at  war  had  disappeared ;  but  the  evil 
would  have  been  more  serious  if  the  conformity  of 
interests  and  views  of  individuals  belonging  to  the 
same  caste  had  not  been  there  to  lessen  it.  The  man 
was  worth  more  than  the  institutions  which  had 
formed  him: 

The  creation  of  tribunes  of  the  people,  whose  part 
became  subsequently  so  important,  was,  in  260,  a  new 
cause  of  discord ;  the  plebeians,  who  composed  the 
greater  part  of  the  army,  claimed  to  have  their  mili- 
tary chiefs  for  magistrates;  (])  the  authority  of  the 
tribunes  was  at  first  limited:  we  may  convince  our- 
selves of  this  by  the  following  terms  of  the  law  which 
established  the  office :  (2) — 

"  Nobody  shall  constrain  a  tribune  of  the  people, 
like  a  man  of  the  commonalty,  to  do  anything  against 
his  will;  it  shall  not  be  permitted  either  to  strike 
him,  or  to  cause  him  to  be  maltreated  by  another,  or 
to  slay  him  or  cause  him  to  be  slain."  (3) 

We  may  judge  by  this  the  degree  of  inferiority  to 

(')  "  They  called  tribunes  of  the  people  those  who,  from  tribunes  of  the  sol- 
diers, which  they  were  first,  were  charged  with  the  defence  of  the  people  during 
its  retreat  at  Crustumerium."  (Varro,  De*Lingua  Latino,  V.  81,  edition  of  O. 
Miiller.) 

(2)  "  The  discontented  obtained  from  the  patricians  the  confirmation  of  their 
magistrates ;  afterwards  they  demanded  of  the  Senate  the  permission  to  elect 
annually  two  plebeians  (ediles)  to  second  the  tribunes  in  all  things  in  which 
they  might  have  need  of  aid,  to  judge  the  causes  which  these  might  entrust 
into  their  hands,  to  have  care  of  the  sacred  and  public  edifices,  and  to  ensure 
the  supplying  of  the  market  with  provisions."     (Year  of  Rome  260.)     (Diony- 
sius  of  Halicarnassus,  VI.  90.) 

(3)  Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus,  VI.  89. 

2*  C 


34  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CJESAR. 

which  the  plebeians  were  reduced.  The  veto  of  the 
tribunes  could  nevertheless  put  a  stop  to  the  propo- 
sal of  a  law,  prevent  the  decisions  of  the  consuls  and 
Senate,  arrest  the  levies  of  troops,  prorogue  the  con- 
vocation of  the  comitia,  and  hinder  the  election  of 
magistrates.  (*)  From  the  year  297,  their  number 
was  raised  to  ten,  that  is,  two  for  each  of  the  five 
classes  specially  subject  to  the  recruitment ;  (2)  but 
the  plebeians  profited  little  by  this  measure ;  the 
more  the  number  of  tribunes  was  augmented,  the  eas- 
ier it  became  for  the  aristocracy  to  find  among  them 
an  instrument  for  its  designs.  Gradually  their  influ- 
ence increased ;  in  298,  they  laid  claim  to  the  right  of 
convoking  the  Senate,  and  yet  it  was  still  a  long  time 
before  they  formed  part  of  that  body.  (3) 

As  to  the  comitia,  the  people  had  there  only  a  fee- 
ble influence.  In  the  assemblies  by  centuries,  the 
vote  of  the  first  classes,  composed  of  the  richest  citi- 
zens, as  we  have  seen,  prevailed  over  all  the  others ; 

(')  The  tribunes  oppose  the  enrolment  of  troops.  (Year  of  Rome  269.) 
(Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus,  VIII.  81.) — "Licinius  and  Sextius  re-elected 
tribunes  of  the  people,  allowed  no  curule  magistrate  to  be  elected ;  and,  as  the 
people  continued  to  re-appoint  the  two  tribunes,  who  always  threw  out  the 
elections  of  the  military  tribunes,  the  town  remained  five  years  deprived  of 
magistrates."  (Year  of  Rome  378.)  (Titus  Livius,  VI.  35.)— "Each  time 
the  consuls  convoked  the  people  to  confer  the  consulship  on  the  candidates,  the 
tribunes,  in  virtue  of  their  powers,  prevented  the  holding  of  the  assemblies.  So 
also,  when  these  assembled  the  people  to  make  the  election,  the  consuls  opposed 
it,  pretending  that  the  right  of  convoking  the  people  and  collecting  the  suffrages 
belonged  to  them  alone."  (Year  of  Rome  271.)  (Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus, 
VIII.  90.) — "  Sometimes  the  tribunes  prevented  the  patricians  from  assem- 
bling for  the  election  of  the  interrex,  sometimes  they  forbade  the  interrex  him- 
self making  the  senatus  consultus  for  the  consular  comitia."  (Year  of  Rome 
333.)  (Titus  Livius,  IV.  43.) 

(5)  Titus  Livius,  III.  30. 

(3)  Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus,  X.  31. 


ESTABLISHMENT  OF  THE  CONSULAR  REPUBLIC.    #5 

in  the  comitia  by  curise,  the  patricians  were  absolute 
masters ;  and  when,  towards  the  end  of  the  third  cen- 
tury, the  plebeians  obtained  the  comitia  by  tribes,  (*) 
this  concession  did  not  add  sensibly  to  their  preroga- 
tives. It  was  confined  to  the  power  of  assembling  in 
the  public  places  where,  divided  according  to  tribes, 
they  placed  their  votes  in  urns  for  the  election  of 
their  tribunes  and  ediles,  previously  elected  by  the 
centuries ;  (2)  their  decisions  concerned  themselves 
only,  and  entailed  no  obligations  on  the  patricians ; 
so  that  the  same  town  then  offered  the  spectacle  of  two 
cities  each  having  its  own  magistrates  and  laws.  (3) 

(')  "The  most  remarkable  event  of  this  year  (the  year  of  Rome  282),  in 
which  military  successes  were  so  nearly  balanced,  and  in  which  discord  broke 
out  in  the  camp  and  in  the  town  with  so  much  fury,  was  the  establishment  of 
the  comitia  by  tribes,  an  innovation  which  gave  to  the  plebeians  the  honour  of 
the  victory,  but  little  real  advantage.  In  fact,  the  exclusion  of  the  patricians 
deprived  the  comitia  of  all  their  pomp,  without  augmenting  the  power  of  the 
people  or  diminishing  that  of  the  Senate."  (Titus  Livius,  II.  60.) 

(2)  Assembly  of  the  people  both  of  the  town  and  country ;  the  suffrages  were 
given  in  it,  not  by  centuries,  but  by  tribes: — "The  day  of  the  third  market, 
from  an  early  hour  in  the  morning,  the  public  place  was  occupied  by  so  great  a 
crowd  of  country  people  as  had  never  been  seen  before.     The  tribunes  assem- 
bled the  people  by  tribes,  and,  dividing  the  Forum  by  ropes  stretched  across, 
formed  as  many  distinct  spaces  as  there  were  tribes.     Then,  for  the  first  time, 
the  Roman  people  gave  its  suffrages  by  tribes,  in  spite  of  the  opposition  of  the 
patricians,  who  tried  to  prevent  it,  and  demanded  that  they  should  assemble  by 
centuries,  according  to  the  ancient  custom."     (Year  of  Rome  263.)    (Dio- 
nysius  of  Halicarnassus,  VII.  59.) — "From  that  period  (the  year  283,  consu- 
late of  Appius)  to  our  days,  the  comitia  by  tribes  have  elected  the  tribunes 
and  ediles,  without  auspices  or  observation  of  other  auguries.     Thus  ended 
the  troubles  which  agitated  Rome."     (Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus,  IX.  49.) — 
"The  Roman  people,  more  irritated  than  ever,  demanded  that  for  each  tribe  a 
third  urn  should  be  added  for  the  town  of  Rome,  in  order  to  put  the  suffrages 
in  it."    (Year  of  Rome  308.)    (Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus,  XI.  52.) 

(3)  "  Duas  civitates  ex  una  factas  :  suos  cuique  parti  magistrates,  suas  leges 
esse."    (Titus  Livius,  II.  44.) — "  In  fact,  we  are,  as  you  see  yourselves,  divided 
into  two  towns,  one  of  which  is  governed  by  poverty  and  necessity,  and  the 
other  by  abundance  of  all  things  and  by  pride  and  insolence."     (Year  of 


36  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  C2ESAR. 

At  first  the  patricians  would  not  form  part  of  the  as- 
sembly by  tribes,  but  they  soon  saw  the  advantage  of 
it,  and,  towards  305,  entered  it  with  their  clients.  (') 

III.  This  political  organisation,  the  reflex  of  a  soci- 
Transformationof  et7  composed  of  so  many  different  ele- 

the  Aristocracy.        mentg)    CQul(J    har(Hy    have     constituted    E 

durable  order  of  things,  if  the  ascendency  of  a  privi- 
leged class  had  not  controlled  the  causes  of  dissen- 
sions. This  ascendency  itself  would  soon  have  di- 
minished if  concessions,  forced  or  voluntary,  had  not 
gradually  lowered  the  barriers  between  the  two  or- 
ders. 

In  fact,  the  arbitrary  conduct  of  the  consuls,  who 
were,  perhaps,  originally  nominated  by  the  Senate 
alone,  (2)  excited  sharp  recriminations :  "  the  consular 
authority,"  cried  the  plebeians, "  was,  in  reality,  almost 
as  heavy  as  that  of  the  kings.  Instead  of  one  master 
they  had  two,  invested  with  absolute  and  unlimited 
power,  without  rule  or  bridle,  who  turned  against 
the  people  all  the  threats  of  the  laws,  and  all  their 
punishments."  (3)  Although  after  the  year  283  the 
patricians  and  plebeians  were  subjected  to  the  same 
judges,  (4)  the  want  of  fixed  laws  left  the  goods  and 

Rome  260.)  (Speech  of  Titus  Larcius  to  the  envoys  of  the  Volsci,  Dionysius 
of  Halicarnassus,  VI.  36.) 

(')  The  clients  began  to  vote  in  the  comitia  by  tribes  after  the  law  Valeria 
Horatia  ;  we  see,  by  the  account  of  Titus  Livius  (V.  30,  32),  that  in  the  time 
of  Camillus  the  clients  and  the  patricians  had  already  entered  the  comitia  by 
tribes.  (*)  Appian,  Civil  Wars,  1. 1. 

(3)  Titus  Livius,  III.  9. 

(*)  Lectorius,  the  most  aged  of  the  tribunes  of  the  people,  spoke  of  laws 
which  had  not  been  lonp  made.  "By  the  first,  which  concerned  the  transla- 
tion of  judgments,  the  Senate  granted  to  the  people  the  power  of  judging  any 


ESTABLISHMENT  OF  THE  CONSULAR  REPUBLIC.    37 

lives  of  the  citizens  delivered  to  the  will  either  of  the 
consuls  or  of  the  tribunes.  It  became,  therefore,  in- 
dispensable to  establish  the  legislation  on  a  solid  ba- 
sis, and  in  303  ten  magistrates  called  decemvirs  were 
chosen,  invested  with  the  double  power,  consular  and 
tribunitian,  which  gave  them  the  right  of  convoking 
equally  the  assemblies  by  centuries  and  by  tribes. 
They  were  charged  with  the  compilation  of  a  code  of 
laws  afterwards  known  as  the  Laws  of  the  Twelve  Ta- 
bles, which,  engraved  on  brass,  became  the  foundation 
of  the  Kornan  public  law.  Yet  they  persisted  in 
making  illegal  the  union  contracted  between  persons 
of  the  two  orders,  and  left  the  debtor  at  the  mercy  of 
the  creditor,  contrary  to  the  decision  of  Servius  Tul- 
lius. 

The  decemvirs  abused  their  power,  and,  on  their 
fall,  the  claims  of  the  plebeians  increased ;  the  tribune- 
ship,  abolished  during  three  years,  was  re-established; 
it  was  decided  that  an  appeal  to  the  people  from  the 
decision  of  any  magistrate  should  be  permitted,  and 
that  the  laws  made  in  the  assemblies  by  tribes,  as 
well  as  in  the  assemblies  by  centuries,  should  be  ob- 
ligatory on  all.  (J)  There  were  thus,  then,  three  sorts 

one  of  the  patricians."  (Year  of  Rome  283.)  (Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus, 
IX.  46.) 

(')  "The  laws  voted  by  the  people  in  the  comitia  by  tribes  were  to  be  obli- 
gatory on  all  Romans,  and  have  the  same  force  as  those  which  were  made  in 
the  comitia  by  centuries.  The  pain  of  death  and  confiscation  was  even  pro- 
nounced against  any  one  who  should  be  convicted  of  having  in  anything  abro- 
gated or  violated  this  regulation.  This  new  ordinance  cut  short  the  old  quar- 
rels between  the  plebeians  and  the  patricians,  who  refused  to  obey  the  laws 
made  by  the  people,  under  the  pretext  that  what  was  decided  in  the  assemblies 
by  tribes  was  not  obligatory  on  all  the  town,  but  only  on  the  plebeians ;  and 
that,  on  the  contrary,  what  was  decided  in  the  comitia  by  centuries  became  law 


38  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CJESAR. 

of  comitia ;  the  comitia  by  curise,  which,  conferring 
the  imperium  on  the  magistrates  elected  by  the  cen- 
turies, sanctioned  in  some  sort  the  election  of  the  con- 
suls ;  (a)  the  comitia  by  centuries,  over  which  the  con- 
suls presided ;  and  the  comitia  by  tribes,  over  which 
the  tribunes  presided ;  the  first  named  the  consuls, 
the  second  the  plebeian  magistrates,  and  both,  com- 
posed of  nearly  the  same  citizens,  had  equally  the 
power  of  approving  or  rejecting  the  laws ;  but  in  the 
former,  the  richest  men  and  the  nobility  had  all  the 
influence,  because  they  formed  the  majority  of  the 
centuries  and  voted  first ;  while  in  the  latter,  on  the 
contrary,  the  voters  were  confounded  with  that  of  the 
tribe  to  which  they  belonged.  "  If,"  says  an  ancient 
author,  "  the  suffrages  are  taken  by  gentes  (ex  generi- 
bus  hominum),  the  comitia  are  by  curice  /  if  accord- 
ing to  age  and  census,  they  are  by  qenturies  /  finally, 
if  the  vote  be  given  according  to  territorial  circum- 
scription (regionilms),  they  are  by  tribes"  (2)  In 
spite  of  these  concessions,  antagonism  in  matters  of 
law  reigned  always  between  the  powers,  the  assem- 
blies, and  the  different  classes  of  society. 

The  plebeians  laid  claim  to  all  the  oifices  of  state, 

as  well  for  themselves  as  for  the  other  citizens."  (Year  of  Rome  305.)  (Dio- 
nysius  of  Halicarnassus,  XI.  45.) — "One  point  always  contested  between  the 
two  orders  was  to  know  if  the  patricians  were  subjected  to  the  plebiscite  The 
first  care  of  the  consuls  was  to  propose  to  the  comitia  assembled  by  centuries  a 
law  to  the  effect  that  the  decrees  of  the  people  assembled  by  tribes  should  be 
laws  of  the  State."  (Year  of  Rome  305.)  (Titus  Livius,  III.  55.)— "The  pa- 
tricians pretended  that  they  alone  had  the  power  of  giving  laws."  (Titus  Liv- 
ius, III.  31.) 

(')  "The  comitia  by  curise  for  everything  which  concerns  military  affairs; 
the  comitia  by  centuries  for  the  election  of  your  consuls  and  of  your  military 
tribunes,  &c."  (Titus  Livius,  V.  52.) 

(a)  Aulus  Gellius,  XV.  27. — Festus,  under  the  words  Sritum 


ESTABLISHMENT  OF  THE  CONSULAR  REPUBLIC.    39 

and  especially  to  the  consulship,  refusing  to  enrol 
themselves  until  their  demands  had  been  satisfied; 
and  they  went  so  far  in  their  claims  that  they  insist- 
ed upon  the  plebeian  origin  of  the  kings.  "  Shall  we, 
then,"  cried  the  tribune  Canuleius,  addressing  himself 
to  the  people,  "have  consuls  who  resemble  the  decem- 
virs, the  vilest  of  mortals,  all  patricians,  rather  than 
the  best  of  our  kings,  all  new  men !"  that  is,  men  with- 
out ancestors.  (*) 

The  Senate  resisted,  because  it  had  no  intention  of 
conferring  upon  plebeians  the  right  which  formed  an 
attribute  of  the  consuls,  for  the  convocation  of  the 
comitia,  of  taking  the  great  auspices,  a  privilege  alto- 
gether of  a  religious  character,  the  exclusive  apanage 
of  the  nobility.  (2) 

0)  Titus  Livius,  IV.  3. 

(2)  "The  indignation  of  the  people  was  extreme,  on  account  of  the  refusal 
to  take  the  auspices,  as  if  it  had  been  an  object  for  the  reprobation  of  the  im- 
mortal gods." — "The  tribune  demanded  for  what  reason  a  plebeian  could  not  be 
consul,  and  was  told  in  reply  that  the  plebeians  had  not  the  auspices,  and  that  the 
decemvirs  had  interdicted  marriage  between  the  two  orders  only  to  hinder  the 
auspices  from  being  troubled  by  men  of  equivocal  birth."  (Titus  Livius,  IV. 
G.) — "Now  in  what  hands  are  the  auspices  according  to  the  custom  of  our 
ancestors?  In  the  hands  of  the  patricians,  I  think ;  for  the  auspices  are  never 
taken  for  the  nomination  of  a  plebeian  magistrate." — "  Is  it  not  then  the  same 
thing  as  to  annihilate  the  auspices  in  this  city,  to  take  them,  in  electing  plebe- 
ian consuls,  from  the  patricians,  who  alone  can  observe  them?"  (Year  of 
Rome  386.)  (Titus  Livius,  VI.  41.) 

To  the  consul,  the  praetor,  and  the  censor  was  reserved  the  right  of  taking 
the  great  auspices ;  to  the  less  elevated  magistracies  that  of  taking  the  lesser 
ones.  The  great  auspices  appear,  in  fact,  to  have  been  those  of  which  the  ex- 
ercise was  of  most  importance  to  the  rights  of  the  aristocracy.  The  ancients 
have  not  left  us  a  precise  definition  of  the  two  classes  of  auspices  ;  but  it  ap- 
pears to  result  from  what  Cicero  says  of  them  (De,  Legibus,  II.  12),  that  by  the 
great  auspices  were  understood  those  for  which  the  intervention  of  the  augurs 
was  indispensable ;  the  little  auspices,  on  the  contrary,  were  those  which  were 
taken  without  them.  (See  Aulus  Gellius,  XIII.  15.) 

As  to  the  auspices  taken  in  the  comitia  where  the  consular  tribunes  were 


40  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

In  order  to  obviate  this  difficulty,  the  Senate,  after 
suppressing  the  legal  obstacles  in  the  way  of  mar- 
riages between  the  two  orders,  agreed  in  309  to  the 
creation  of  six  military  tribunes  invested  with  the 
consular  power;  but,  which  was  an  essential  point, 
it  was  the  interrex  who  convoked  the  comitia  and 
took  the  auspices.  (*)  During  seventy-seven  years 
the  military  tribunes  were  elected  alternately  with 
the  consuls,  and  the  consulship  was  only  re-establish- 
ed permanently  in  387,  when  it  was  opened  to  the  ple- 
beians. This  was  the  result  of  one  of  the  laws  of  Li- 
cinius  Stolo.  This  tribune  succeeded  in  obtaining 
the  adoption  of  several  measures  which  appeared  to 
open  a  new  era  which  would  put  an  end  to  disputes. 
Still  the  patricians  held  with  such  tenacity  to  the 
privilege  of  alone  taking  the  auspices,  that  in  398,  in 
the  absence  of  the  patrician  consul,  an  interrex  was 
appointed  charged  with  presiding  over  the  comitia, 
in  order  not  to  leave  this  care  to  the  dictator,  and  the 
other  consul,  who  were  both  plebeians.  (2) 

But  in  permitting  the  popular  class  to  arrive  at  the 
consulship,  care  had  been  taken  to  withdraw  from 
that  dignity  a.  great  part  of  its  attributes,  in  order  to 
confer  them  upon  patrician  magistrates.  Thus  they 

elected,  passages  of  Titus  Livius  (V.  14,  52;  VI.  11)  prove  that  they  were 
the  same  as  for  the  election  of  the  consuls,  and  consequently  that  they  were  the 
great  auspices;  for  we  know  from  Cicero  (De  Divinatione,  I.  17;  II.  35— com- 
pare  Titus  Livius,  IV.  7)  that  it  was  the  duty  of  the  magistrate  who  held  the 
comitia  to  bring  there  an  augur,  of  whom  he  demanded  what  the  presages  an- 
nounced. The  privileges  of  the  nobility  were  maintained  by  causing  the  co- 
mitia for  the  election  of  the  consular  tribunes  to  be  held  by  an  interrex  chosen 
by  the  aristocracy. 

O  Titus  Livius,  VI.  5. 

(a)  Titus  Livius,  VII.  17. 


ESTABLISHMENT  OF  THE  CONSULAR  REPUBLIC.    41 

had  successively  taken  away  from  the  consuls,  by  the 
creation  of  two  questors,  in  307,  the  administration 
of  the  military  chest ;  (>)  by  the  creation  of  the  cen- 
sors, in  311,  the  right  of  drawing  up  the  list  of  the 
census,  the  assessment  of  the  revenue  of  the  State, 
and  of  watching  over  public  morals ;  by  the  creation 
of  the  praetors,  in  387,  the  sovereign  jurisdiction  in 
civil  affairs,  under  the  pretext  that  the  nobility  alone 
possessed  the  knowledge  of  the  law  of  the  Quirites ;' 
and  lastly,  by  the  creation  of  the  curule  ediles,  the 
presidency  of  the  games,  the  superintendence  of  build- 
ings, the  police  and  the  provisioning  of  the  town,  the 
maintenance  of  the  public  roads,  and  the  inspection 
of  the  markets. 

The  intention  of  the  aristocracy  had  been  to  limit 
the  compulsory  concessions;  but  after  the  adoption 
of  the  Licinian  laws,  it  was  no  longer  possible  to  pre- 
vent the  principle  of  the  admission  of  plebeians  to 
all  the  magistracies.  In  386  they  had  arrived  at  the 
important  charge  of  master  of  the  knights  (magister 
equituni),  who  was  in  a  manner  the  lieutenant  of  the 
dictator  (nwgister  populi) ;  (2)  in  387  access  to  the 
religious  functions  had  been  laid  open  to  them ;  (3) 
in  345  they  obtained  the  questorship ;  in  398,  the 

(')  In  333,  the  number  was  increased  to  four.  Two,  overseers  for  the  guard 
of  the  treasury  and  the  disposition  of  the  public  money,  were  appointed  by  the 
consuls ;  the  two  others,  charged  with  the  administration  of  the  military  chest, 
were  appointed  by  the  tribes. 

(')  "  The  master  of  the  knights  was  so  called  because  he  exercised  the  supreme 
power  over  the  knights  and  the  accensi,  as  the  dictator  exercised  it  over  the 
whole  Roman  people;  whence  the  name  of  master  of  the  people,  which  was  also 
given  to  him."  (Varro,  De  Lingua  Latino,  V.  82,  edit.  Miiller.) 

(3)  "The  duumvirs  charged  with  the  sacred  rites  were  replaced  by  the  de- 
cemvirs, half  plebeians,  half  patricians."  (Titus  Livius,  VI.  37.) 


42  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  OESAR. 

dictatorship  itself;  in  403,  the  censorship;  and  lastly, 
in  417,  the  prsetorship. 

In  391,  the  people  arrogated  the  right  of  appoint- 
ing a  part  of  the  legionary  tribunes,  previously  chosen 
by  the  consuls.  (x) 

In  415,  the  law  of  Q.Publilius  Philo  took  from  the 
Senate  the  power  of  refusing  the  auctoritas  to  the 
laws  voted  by  the  comitia,  and  obliged  it  to  declare 
"in  advance  if  the  proposed  law  were  in  conformity 
\vith  public  and  religious  law.  Further,  the  obliga- 
tion imposed  by  this  law  of  having  always  one  cen- 
sor taken  from  among  the  plebeians,  opened  the  doors 
of  the  Senate  to  the  richest  of  them,  since  it  was  the 
business  of  the  censor  to  fix  the  rank  of  the  citizens, 
and  pronounce  on  the  admission  or  exclusion  of  the 
senators.  The  Publilian  law  thus  tended  to  raise  the 
aristocracy  of  the  two  orders  to  the  same  rank,  and 
to  create  the  nobility  (nobilitas),  composed  of  all  the 
families  rendered  illustrious  by  the  offices  they  had 
filled. 

IV.  At  the  beginning  of  the  fifth  century  of  Rome, 
of  Disso-  tne  bringing  nearer  together  of  the  two 
orders  had  given  a  greater  consistence  to 
society  ;  but,  just  as  we  have  seen  under  the  kingly 
rule,  the  principles  begin  to  show  themselves  which 
were  one  day  to  make  the  greatness  of  Rome,  so  now 
we  see  the  first  appearance  of  dangers  which  will  be 
renewed  unceasingly.  Electoral  corruption,  the  law 
of  perduellio,  slavery,  the  increase  of  the  poor  class, 
the  agrarian  laws,  and  the  question  of  debts,  will 

(l)  Titus  LiTius,  VII.  5. 


ESTABLISHMENT  OF  THE  CONSULAR  REPUBLIC.         4.3 

come,  under  different  circumstances,  to  threaten  the 
existence  of  the  Republic.  Let  us  summarily  state 
that  these  questions,  so  grave  in  the  sequel,  were 
raised  at  an  early  date. 

ELECTORAL  CORRUPTION. — Fraud  found  its  way  into 
the  elections  as  soon  as  the  number  of  electors  in- 
creased and  rendered  it  necessary  to  collect  more  suf- 
frages to  obtain  public  charges ;  as  early  as  396,  in- 
deed, a  law  on  solicitation,  proposed  by  the  tribune 
of  the  people,  C.  Poetelius,  bears  witness  to  the  exist- 
ence of  electoral  corruption. 

LAW  OF  HIGH-TREASON. — As  early  as  305  and  369, 
the  application  of  the  law  of  perduellio,  or  design 
against  the  Republic,  furnished  to  arbitrary  power  an 
arm  of  which,  at  a  later  period,  under  the  emperors, 
so  deplorable  a  use  was  made  under  the  name  of  the 
law  of  high- treason.  (*) 

SLAVERY. — Slavery  presented  serious  dangers  for 
society,  for,  on  the  one  hand,  it  tended,  by  the  lower 
price  of  manual  labour,  to  substitute  itself  for  the  la- 
bour of  free  men ;  while,  on  the  other,  discontented 
with  their  lot,  the  slaves  were  always  ready  to  shake 
off  the  yoke  and  become  the  auxiliaries  of  all  wTho 
were  ambitious.  In  253,  294,  and  336,  partial  insur- 
rections announced  the  condition  already  to  be  feared 
of  a  class  disinherited  of  all  the  advantages,  though 
intimately  bound  up  with  all  the  wants,  of  ordinary 
life.  (2)  The  number  of  slaves  increased  rapidly. 

(')  "Appius  convokes  an  assembly,  accuses  Valerius  and  Horatius  of  the 
crime  of  perduellio,  calculating  entirely  on  the  tribunitian  power  with  which 
he  was  invested."  (Year  of  Rome  305.)  (Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus,  XI.  39.) 

(2)  "In  the  interim,  there  was  at  Rome  a  conspiracy  of  several  slaves,  who 
formed  together  the  design  of  seizing  the  forts  and  setting  fire  to  the  different 


44  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

They  replaced  the  free  men  torn  by  the  continual 
wars  from  the  cultivation  of  the  land.  At  a  later  pe- 
riod, when  these  latter  returned  to  their  homes,  the 
Senate  was  obliged  to  support  them  by  sending  as  far 
as  Sicily  to  seek  wheat  to  deliver  to  them  either  gra- 
tis or  at  a  reduced  price.  (l) 

AGRARIAN  LAWS. — As  to  the  Agrarian  laws  and 
the  question  of  debts,  they  soon  became  an  incessant 
cause  of  agitation. 

The  kings,  with  the  conquered  lands,  had  formed  a 
domain  of  the  State  (ager  pullicus),  one  of  its  princi- 
pal resources,  (2)  and  generously  distributed  part  of 
it  to  the  poor  citizens.  (3)  Generally  they  took  from 

quarters  of  the  town."  (Year  of  Rome  253.)  (Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus, 
V.  51.) — "From  the  summit  of  the  Capitol,  Herdonius  called  the  slaves  to 
liberty.  He  had  taken  up  the  cause  of  misfortune ;  he  had  just  restored  to 
their  country  those  whom  injustice  had  banished,  and  delivered  the  slaves  from 
a  heavy  yoke ;  it  is  to  the  Roman  people  that  he  wishes  to  give  the  honour  of 
this  enterprise."  (Year  of  Rome  294.)  (Titus  Livius,  III.  15.) — "The  slaves 
who  had  entered  into  the  conspiracy  were,  at  different  points,  to  set  fire  to  the 
town,  and,  while  the  people  were  occupied  in  carrying  assistance  to  the  houses 
which  were  in  flames,  to  seize  by  force  of  arms  the  citadel  and  the  Capitol. 
Jupiter  baffled  these  criminal  designs.  On  the  denunciation  of  two  slaves,  the 
guilty  were  arrested  and  punished. "  (Year  of  Rome  336.)  (Titus  Livius,  IV. 
45.) 

(')  "Finally,  under  the  consulship  of  M.  Minucius  and  A.  Sempronius,  wheat 
arrived  in  abundance  from  Sicily,  and  the  Senate  deliberated  on  the  price  at 
which  it  must  be  delivered  to  the  citizens."  (Year  of  Rome  263.)  (Titus  Liv- 
ius, II.  34.) — "As  the  want  of  cultivators  gave  rise  to  the  fear  of  a  famine, 
people  were  sent  to  search  for  wheat  in  Etruria,  in  the  Pomptinum,  at  Cumae, 
and  even  as  far  as  Sicily."  (Year  of  Rome  321.)  (Titus  Livius,  IV.  25.) 

(3)  "When  Romulus  had  distributed  all  the  people  in  tribes  and  curias,  he 
also  divided  the  lands  into  thirty  equal  portions,  of  which  he  gave  one  to  each 
curia,  reserving,  nevertheless,  what  was  necessary  for  the  temples  and  the'sac- 
rifices,  and  a  certain  portion  for  the  domain  of  the  Republic."  (Dionysius  of 
Halicarnassus,  II.  7.) 

(3)  "  Numa  distributed  to  the  poorest  of  the  plebeians  the  lands  which  Rom- 
ulus had  conquered  and  a  small  portion  of  the  lands  of  the  public  domain." 
(Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus,  II.  62.) — "Similar  measures  are  attributed  to 


ESTABLISHMENT  OF  THE  CONSULAR  REPUBLIC.    45 

*     • 

the  conquered  peoples  two-thirds  of  their  land.  (J) 
Of  these  two-thirds,  "  the  cultivated  part,"  says  Ap- 
pian,  "was  always  adjudged  to  the  new  colonists, 
either  as  a  gratuitous  grant,  or  by  sale,  or  by  lease 
paying  rent.  As  to  the  uncultivated  part,  which,  as 
a  consequence  of  war,  was  almost  always  the  most 
considerable,  it  was  not  the  custom  to  distribute  it, 
but  the  enjoyment  of  it  was  left  to  any  one  willing  to 
clear  and  cultivate  it,  with  a  reservation  to. the  State 
of  the  tenth  part  of  the  harvest  and  a  fifth  part  of  the 
fruits.  A  similar  tax  was  levied  upon  those  who 
bred  cattle,  large  or  small  (in  order  to  prevent  the 
pasture  land  from  increasing  in  extent  to  the  detri- 
ment of  the  arable  land).  This  was  done  in  view  of 
the  increase  of  the  Italic  population,  which  was  judged 
at  Rome  the  most  laborious,  and  to  have  allies  of 
their  own  race.  But  the  measure  produced  a  result 
contrary  to  that  which  was  expected  from  it.  The 
rich  appropriated  to  themselves  the  greatest  part  of 
the  undistributed  lands,  and  reckoning  that  the  long 
duration  of  their  occupation  would  permit  nobody  to 
expel  them,  they  bought  when  they  found  a  seller,  or 

Tullius  Hostilius  and  Ancus  Martius."  (Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus,  III.  1, 
48.) — "As  soon  as  he  was  mounted  on  the  throne,  Servius  Tullius  distributed 
the  lands  of  the  public  domain  to  the  tketes  (mercenaries)  of  the  Romans." 
(Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus,  IV.  13.) 

(l)  Romulus,  according  to  Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus,  sent  two  colonies  to 
Caenina  and  Antemnne,  having  taken  from  those  two  towns  the  third  of  their 
lands.  (II.  35.) — In  the  year  252,  the  Sabines  lost  ten  thousand  acres  (jugera) 
of  arable  land.  (Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus,  V.  49.) — A  treaty  concluded  with 
the  Hernici,  in  268,  deprived  them  of  two-thirds  of  their  territory.  (Titus  Liv- 
ius,  II.  41.) — "In  413,  the  Privernates  lost  two-thirds  of  their  territory;  in 
U6,  the  Tiburtines  and  Prenestines  lost  a  part  of  their  territory."  (Titus  Liv- 
us,  VIII.  1, 14.) — "In  563,  P.  Cornelius  Scipio  Nasica  took  from  the  Boians 
nearly  half  their  territory."  (Titus  Livius,  XXXVI.  39.) 


46  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CJESAR. 

took  by  force  from  their  neighbouring  lesser  proprie- 
tors their  modest  heritages,  and  thus  formed  vast  do- 
mains, instead  of  the  mere  fields  which  they  had 
themselves  cultivated  before."  (') 

The  kings  had  always  sought  to  put  a  curb  on 
these  usurpations,  (2)  and  perhaps  it  was  a  similar  at- 
tempt which  cost  Servius  Tullius  his  life.  But  after 
the  fall  of  the  kingly  power,  the  patricians,  having  be- 
come more  powerful,  determined  to  preserve  the  lands 
which  they  had  unjustly  seized. (3) 

And  it  must  be  acknowledged,  as  they  supported 
the  greatest  share  of  the  burthen  of  war  and  taxation, 
they  had  a  better  claim  than  the  others  to  the  con- 
quered lands ;  they  thought,  moreover,  that  the  colo- 
nies were  sufficient  to  support  an  agricultural  popu- 
lation, and  they  acted  rather  as  State  farmers  than  as 
proprietors  of  the  soil.  According  to  the  public  law, 
indeed,  the  ager  pullicus  was  inalienable,  and  we  read 
in  an  ancient  author : — "  Lawyers  deny  that  the  soil 
which  has  once  begun  to  belong  to  the  Roman  peo- 

(')  Appian,  Civil  Wars,  I.  vii. — This  citation,  though  belonging  to  a  poste- 
rior date,  applies  nevertheless  to  the  epoch  of  which  we  are  speaking. 

(3)  "Servius  published  an  edict  to  oblige  all  who  had  appropriated,  under 
the  title  of  usufructuaries  or  proprietors,  the  lands  of  the  public  domain,  to  re- 
store them  within  a  certain  time,  and,  by  the  same  edict,  the  citizens  who  pos- 
sessed no  heritage  were  ordered  to  bring  him  their  names."  (Dionysius  of 
Halicarnassus,  IV.  10.) 

(3)  "  We  need  not  be  astonished  if  the  poor  prefer  the  lands  of  the  domain 
to  be  distributed  (to  all  the  citizens)  than  to  suffer  that  a  small  number  of  the 
most  shameless  should  remain  sole  possessors.  But  if  they  see  that  they  are 
taken  from  those  who  gather  their  revenues,  and  that  the  public  is  restored  to 
the  possession  of  its  domain,  they  will  cease  to  be  jealous  of  us,  and  the  desire 
to  see  them  distributed  to  each  citizen  would  diminish,  when  it  shall  be  dem- 
onstrated to  them  that  these  lands  will  be  of  greater  xitility  when  possessed  in 
common  by  the  Republic."  (Year  of  Rome  268.)  (Speech  of  Appius,  Dio- 
nysius of  Halicarnnssus,  VIII.  73.) 


ESTABLISHMENT  OF  THE  CONSULAR  REPUBLIC.         47 

pie,  can  ever,  by  usage  or  possession,  become  the  prop- 
erty of  anybody  else  in  the  world."  (*) 

In  spite  of  this  principle,  it  would  have  been  wis- 
dom to  give,  to  the  poor  citizens  who  had  fought,  a 
part  of  the  spoils  of  the  vanquished ;  for  the  demands 
were  incessant,  and  after  268,  renewed  almost  yearly 
by  the  tribunes  or  by  the  consuls  themselves.  In 
275,  a  patrician, Fabius  Cseso,  taking  the  initiative  in  a 
partition  of  lands  recently  conquered,  exclaimed :  "  Is 
it  not  just  that  the  territories  taken  from  the  enemy 
should  become  the  property  of  those  who  have  paid 
for  it  with  their  sweat  and  with  their  blood  ?"  (2) 
The  Senate  was  as  inflexible  for  this  proposition  as 
for  those  which  were  brought  forward  by  Q.  Considi- 
us  and  T.  Genucius  in  278,  by  Cn.  Genucius  in  280, 
and  by  the  tribunes  of  the  people,  with  the  support 
of  the  consuls  Valerius  and  ^Emilius,  in  284.  (3) 

Yet,  after  fifty  years  of  struggles  since  the  expul- 
sion of  the  Tarquins,  the  tribune  Icilius,  in  298,  ob- 
tained the  partition  of  the  lands  of  Mount  Aventine, 
by  indemnifying  those  who  had  usurped  a  certain 

(')  Agannius  Urbicus,  De  Controversiis  agrorum,  in  the  Gromatici  veteres,  ed. 
Lachmann,  vol.  I.,  p.  82.  (s)  Titus  Livius,  II.  48. 

(3)  "  Lucius  ^Emilius  said  that  it  was  just  that  the  common  goods  should  be 
shared  among  all  the  citizens,  rather  than  leave  the  enjoyment  of  them  to  a 
;mall  number  of  individuals ;  that  in  regard  to  those  who  had  seized  upon  the 
)ublic  lands,  they  ought  to  be  sufficiently  satisfied  that  they  had  been  left  to 
•,njoy  them  during  so  long  a  time  without  being  disturbed  in  their  possession, 
md  that  if  afterwards  they  were  deprived  of  them,  it  ill  became  them  to  be  ob- 
tinate  in  retaining  them.  He  added  that,  besides  the  public  law  acknowledged 
>y  general  opinion,  and  according  to  which  the  public  goods  are  common  to  all 
he  citizens,  just  as  the  goods  of  individuals  belong  to  those  who  have  acquired 
hem  legitimately,  the  Senate  was  obliged,  by  a  special  reason,  to  distribute  the 
inds  to  the  people,  since  it  had  passed  an  ordinance  for  that  purpose  already 
3venteen  years  ago."  (Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus,  IX.  51.) 


48  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CJESAR. 

portion  of  them.  (')  The  application  of  the  law  Icilia 
to  other  parts  of  the  ager  puUicus  (2)  was  vainly  so- 
licited in  298  and  the  following  years ;  but  in  330,  a 
new  tax  was  imposed  upon  the  possessors  of  the 
lands  for  the  pay  of  the  troops.  The  perseverance 
of  the  tribunes  was  unwearied,  and,  during  the  thirty- 
six  years  following,  six  different  propositions  were 
unsuccessful,  even  that  relating  to  the  territory  of  the 
Bolani,  newly  taken  from  the  enemy.  (3)  In  361 
only,  a  senatus  consultus  granted  to  each  father  of  a 
family  and  to  each  free  man  seven  acres  of  the  tenl- 
tory  which  had  just  been  conquered  from  the  Veii.  (4) 
In  371,  after  a  resistance  of  five  years,  the  Senate,  in 
order  to  secure  the  concurrence  of  the  people  in  the 
war  against  the  Volsci,  agreed  to  the  partition  of  the 
territory  of  the  Pomptinum  (the  Pontine  Marshes), 
taken  from  that  people  by  Camillus,  and  already  given 

(')  Titus  Livius,  III.  31. — Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus,  X.  33  et  seq. 

(*)  "The  plebeians  complain  loudly  that  their  conquests  have  been  taken 
from  them ;  that  it  is  disgraceful  that,  having  conquered  so  many  lands  from 
the  enemy,  not  the  least  portion  of  it  remains  to  them  ;  that  the  ager  publicus 
is  possessed  by  rich  and  influential  men  who  take  the  revenue  unjustly,  with- 
out other  title  than  their  power  and  unexampled  acts  of  violence.  They  de- 
mand finally  that,  sharing  with  the  patricians  all  the  dangers,  they  may  also 
have  their  share  in  the  advantages  and  profit  derived  from  them."  (Year  of 
Rome  298.)  (Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus,  X.  36.) 

(s)  "The  moment  would  have  been  well  chosen,  after  having  taken  venge- 
ance on  the  seditious,  to  propose,  in  order  to  soothe  people's  minds,  the  parti- 
tion of  the  territory  of  the  Bolani ;  they  would  thus  have  weakened  the  desire 
for  an  agrarian  law  which  would  expel  the  patricians  from  the  public  estates 
they  had  unjustly  usurped.  For  it  was  an  indignity  which  cut  the  people  to 
the  heart,  this  rage  of  the  nobility  to  retain  the  public  lands  they  occupied  by 
force,  and,  above  all,  their  refusal  to  distribute  to  the  people  even  the  vacant 
lands  recently  taken  from  the  enemy,  which,  indeed,  would  soon  become,  like 
the  rest,  the  prey  of  some  of  the  nobles."  (Year  of  Rome  341.)  (Titus  Livi- 
us, IV.  51.) 

(4)  Titus  Livius,  V.  30. 


ESTABLISHMENT  OF  THE  CONSULAR  REPUBLIC.         49 

up  to  the  encroachments  of  the  aristocracy.  (')  But 
these  partial  concessions  were  not  enough  to  satisfy 
the  plebeians  or  to  repair  past  injustices ;  in  the  Li- 
cinian  law  the  claims  of  the  people,  which  had  been 
resisted  during  a  hundred  and  thirty-six  years,  tri- 
umphed ;  (2)  it  did  not  entirely  deprive  the  nobles  of 
the  enjoyment  of  the  lands  unjustly  usurped,  but  it 
limited  the  possession  of  them  to -five  hundred  jugera. 
When  this  repartition  was  made,  the  land  which  re- 
mained was  to  be  distributed  among  the  poor.  The 
proprietors  were  obliged  to  maintain  on  their  lands  a 
certain  number  of  free  men,  in  order  to  augment  the 
class  from  which  the  legions  were  recruited;  lastly, 
the  number  of  cattle  on  each  domain  was  fixed,  in  or- 
der to  restrain  the  culture  of  the  meadows,  in  general 
the  most  lucrative,  and  augment  that  of  the  arable 
lands,  which  relieved  Italy  from  the  necessity  of  hav- 
ing recourse  to  foreign  corn. 

This  law  of  Licinius  Stolo  secured  happy  results ; 
it  restrained  the  encroachments  of  the  rich  and  great, 
but  only  proceeded  with  moderation  in  its  retrospect- 
ive effects ;  it  put  a  stop  to  the  alarming  extension  of 
the  private  domains  at  the  expense  of  the  public  do- 
main, to  the  absorption  of  the  good  of  the  many  by 
the  few,  to  the  depopulation  of  Italy,  and  consequent- 
ly to  the  diminution  of  the  strength  of  the  armies.  (3) 

The  numerous  condemnations  for  trespasses  against 

(')  Titus  Living,  VI.  21. — It  appears  that  the  Pontine  Marshes  were  then 
very  fertile,  since  Pliny  relates,  after  Licinius  Mucianus,  that  they  included 
upwards  of  twenty-four  flourishing  towns.  (Natural  History,  III.  v.  56,  edit. 
Sillig.)  (2)  Titus  Livius,  VI.  35-42.— Appian,  Civil  Wars,  I.  8. 

(3)  See  the  remarkable  work  of  M.  A.  Mace,  Sur  les  Lois  Agraires,  Paris, 
1846. 

3  D 


50  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

the  law  Licinia  prove  that  it  -was  carried  into  execu- 
tion, and  for  the  space  of  two  hundred  years  it  con- 
tributed, with  the  establishment  of  new  colonies,  (') 
to  maintain  this  class  of  agriculturists — the  principal 
sinews  of  the  State.  We  see  indeed  that,  from  this 
moment,  the  Senate  itself  took  the  initiative  of  new 
distributions  of  land  to  the  people.  (2) 

DEBTS. — The  question  of  debts  and  the  diminution 
of  the  rate  of  interest  had  long  been  the  subject  of 
strong  prejudices  and  of  passionate  debates. 

(*)  ROMAN  COLONIES. — Second  period:  244-416 

Lavici  (Labicum)  (336).     Latium.     (  Via  Lavicana.)    La  Colonna. 

F»<effia(359).     The  Volscians.     (Via  Pranestina.)     Uncertain.     Civitella 
or  Valmontone. 

Satricum  (370).     The  Volscians.     Banks  of  the  Astura.      Casale  di  Conca, 

between  Anzo  and  Velletri. 
LATIN  COLONIES. — Second  period:  244-416. 

Antium  (287).     Volscians.     Torre  d'Anzio  or  Porto  d'Anzio. 

Suessa  Pometla  (287).     Near  the  Pontine  Marshes.     Disappeared  at  an 
early  period. 

Cora.     Volscians  (287).     Cori. 

Signia  (259).     Volscians,     Segni. 

Velitroz  (260).     Volscians.      Velletri. 

Norba  (262).     Volscians.     Near  the  modern  village  of  Norma. 

Ardea(Bl2~).     Rutuli.     Ardea. 

CiVcett  (361).     Anrunces.     Monte  CirceUo:  San  Felice  or  Porto  di  Paolo. 

Satricum  (369).     Volscians.      Casale  di  Conca. 

Sutrium  (371).     Etruria.     (Fta  Cassia.)     Sutri. 

Setia  (372)    Volscians.     Sezze. 

Nepete  (381).     Etruria.     Nepi. 

(s)  It  is  thus  that  we  see,  .in  416,  each  poor  citizen  receiving  two  jugera, 
taken  from  the  land  of  the  Latins  and  their  allies.  In  479,  after  the  departure 
of  Pyrrhus,  the  Senate  caused  lands  to  be  distributed  to  those  who  had  fought 
against  the  King  of  Epirus.  In  531,  the  Flaminian  law,  which  Polybius  ac- 
cuses wrongly  of  having  introduced  corruption  into  Rome,  distributed  by  head 
the  Roman  territory  situated  between  Rimini  and  the  Picenum  ;  in  554,  after 
the  capture  of  Carthage,  the  Senate  made  a  distribution  of  land  to  the  soldiers 
of  Scipio.  For  each  year  of  service  in  Spain  or  Africa,  each  soldier  received 
tviojugera,  and  the  distribution  was  made  by  decemvirs.  (Titus  Livius,  XXXI. 
49.) 


ESTABLISHMENT  OF  THE  CONSULAR  REPUBLIC.    51 

As  the  citizens  made  war  at  their  own  expense,  the 
less  rich,  while  they  were  under  arms,  could  not  take 
care  of  their  fields  or  farms,  but  borrowed  money  to 
provide  for  their  wants  and  for  those  of  their  families. 
The  debt  had,  in  this  case,  a  noble  origin,  the  service 
of  their  country.  (*)  Public  opinion  must,  therefore, 
be  favourable  to  the  debtors  and  hostile  to  those  who, 
speculating  on  -the  pecuniary  difficulties  of  the  de- 
fenders of  the  State,  extorted  heavy  interest  for  the 
money  they  lent.  The  patricians  also  took  advan- 
tage of  their  position  and  their  knowledge  of  legal 
forms  to  exact  heavy  sums  from  the  plebeians  whose 
causes  they  defended.  (2) 

The  kings,  listening  to  the  demands  of  the  citizens 
who  were  overwhelmed  with  debts,  often  showed 
their  readiness  to  help  them ;  (3)  but,  after  their  ex- 

(l)  "  Marcus  Valerius  demonstrated  to  them  that  prudence  did  not  permit 
them  to  refuse  a  thing  of  small  importance  to  citizens  who,  under  the  govern- 
ment of  the  kings,  had  distinguished  themselves  in  so  many  battles  for  the  de- 
fence of  the  Republic."  (Year  of  Rome  256.)  (Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus, 
V.  65.) — "  On  one  hand,  the  plebeians  pretended  not  to  be  in  a  condition  to 
pay  their  debts ;  they  complained  that,  during  so  many  years  of  war,  their  lands 
had  produced  nothing,  that  their  cattle  had  perished,  that  their  slaves  had  es- 
caped or  had  been  carried  away  in  the  different  incursions  of  the  enemies,  and 
that  all  they  possessed  at  Rome  was  expended  for  the  cost  of  the  war.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  creditors  said  that  the  losses  were  common  to  everybody ;  that 
they  had  suffered  no  less  than  their  debtors ;  that  they  could  not  consent  to 
'.ose  what  they  had  lent  in  time  of  peace  to  some  indigent  citizens  in  addition  to 
.vhat  the  enemies  had  taken  from  them  in  time  of  war."  (Year  of  Rome  258.) 

'Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus,  VI.  22.) 
(*)  Those  who  pleaded  the  causes  of  individuals  were  nearly  all  senators, 

md  exacted  for  this  service  very  heavy  sums  under  the  title  of  fees.     (Titus 

.ivius,  XXXIV.  4.) 
(3)  "  The  days  following,  Servius  Tullius  caused  a  report  to  be  drawn  up  of 

he  insolvent  debtors,  of  their  creditors,  and  of  the  respective  amount  of  their 

lebts.     When  this  was  prepared,  he  caused  counters  to  be  established  iH  the 

^orum,  and,  in  public  view,  repaid  the  lenders  whatever  was  due  to  them/' 

Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus,  IV.  10.) 


52  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  C^ESAB. 

pulsion,  the  rich  classes,  more  independent,  became 
more  untractable,  and  men,  ruined  on  account  of  their 
military  service,  were  sold  publicly,  as  slaves,  (*)  by 
their  creditors.  Thus,  when  war  was  imminent,  the 
poor  often  refused  to  serve,  (2)  crying  out,  "What  use 
will  it  be  to  us  to  conquer  the  enemies  without,  if  our 
creditors  put  us  in  bonds  for  the  debts  we  have  con- 
tracted ?  What  advantage  shall  we  have  in  strength- 
ening the  empire  of  Rome,  if  we  cannot  preserve  our 
personal  liberty  ?"  (3)  Yet  the  patricians,  who  con- 
tributed more  than  the  others  to  the  costs  of  the  war, 
demanded  of  their  debtors,  not  without  reason,  the 
payment  of  the  money  they  had  advanced ;  and  hence 
arose  perpetual  dissensions.  (4) 

(')  "  Servilius  caused  a  herald  to  proclaim  tha^t  all  persons  were  forbidden 
te  seize,  sell,  or  retain  in  pledge  the  goods  of  Romans  who  served  against 
the  Volsci,  or  to  take  away  their  children,  or  any  one  of  their  family,  for  any 
contract  whatever." — "An  old  man  complains  that  his  creditor  has  reduced 
him  to  slavery :  he  declares  loudly  that  lie  was  born  free,  that  he  had  served  in 
all  the  campaigns  as  long  as  his  age  permitted,  that  he  was  in  twenty-eight  bat- 
tles, where  he  had  several  times  gained  the  prize  of  valour ;  but  that,  since  the 
times  had  become  bad,  and  the  Republic  was  reduced  to  the  last  extremity,  he 
had  been  constrained  to  borrow  money  to  pay  the  taxes.  After  that,  he  add- 
ed, having  no  longer  wherewith  to  pay  my  debts,  my  merciless  creditor  has  re- 
duced me  to  slavery  with  my  two  children,  and,  because  I  expostulated  slight- 
ly when  he  ordered  me  to  do  things  which  were  too  difficult,  caused  me  to  be 
disgracefully  beaten  with  several  blows."  (Year  of  Rome  259.)  (Dionysius 
of  Halicarnassus,  VI.  29.) — "The  creditors  contributed  to  the  insurrection  of 
the  populace ,  they  cast  aside  all  moderation,  but  threw  their  debtors  into  pris- 
on, and  treated  them  like  the  slaves  whom  they  would  have  bought  for  money." 
(Year  of  Rome  254.)  (Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus,  V.  53.) 

(2)  "The  poor,  especially  those  who  were  not  in  condition  to  pay  their 
debts,  who  formed  the  greatest  number,  refused  to  take  arms,  and  would  hold 
no  communication  with  the  patricians,  until  the  Senate  should  pass  a  law  for 
the  abolition  of  debts."  (Year  of  Rome  256.)  (Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus, 
V.  63.)  (3)  Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus,  V.  64. 

(4)  Appius  Claudius  Sabinus  expressed  an  opinion  quite  contrary  to  that  of 
Marcus  Valerius :  he  said  that  "there  could  be  no  doubt  that  the  rich,  who  were 
not  less  citizens  than  the  poor,  and  who  held  the  first  rank  in  the  Republic,  oc- 


ESTABLISHMENT  OF  THE  CONSULAR  REPUBLIC.    53 

In  305,  the  laws  of  the  Twelve  Tables  decided  that 
the  rate  of  interest  should  be  reduced  to  ten  per  cent, 
a  year;  but  a. law  of  Licinius  Stolo  alone  resolved, in 
an  equitable  manner,  this  grave  question.  It  enacted 
that  the  interests  previously  paid  should  be  deducted 
from  the  principal,  and  that  the  principal  should  be 
repaid  by  equal  portions  during  an  interval  of  three 
years.  This  measure  was  advantageous  to  all,  for,  in 
the  state  of  insolvency  in  which  the  debtors  were  in- 
volved, the  creditors  could  not  obtain  the  interest  of 
their  money,  and  even  risked  the  loss  of  the  principal; 
the  new  law  guaranteed  the  debts;  the  debtors  in 
their  turn,  having  become  landed  proprietors,  found 
the  means  of  freeing  themselves  by  means  of  the 
lands  they  had  received  and  the  delay  which  had 
been  given  them.  The  agreement  established  in  387 
was  of  slight  duration,  and  in  the  midst  of  disagree- 
ments more  or  less  violent,  things  were  carried  so  far, 
in  412,  that  the  entire  abolition  of  debts  and  the  pro- 
hibition to  exact  any  interest  were  decreed  mere  rev- 
olutionary and  transitory  measures. 

V.  This  rapid  sketch  of  the  evils  already  percepti- 
ble which  tormented  Roman  society  leads 
us  to  this  reflection :  it  is  the  lot  of  all 
governments,  whatever  be  their  form,  to  contain  with- 
in themselves  germs  of  life,  which  make  their  strength, 
and  germs  of  dissolution,  which  must  some  day  lead 
to  their  ruin ;  and  accordingly,  as  the  Republic  was 

cupied  the  public  offices,  and  had  served  in  all  the  wars,  would  take  it  very  ill 
if  they  discharged  their  debtors  from  the  obligation  of  paying  what  was  due." 
(Year  of  Rome  256.)  (Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus,  V.  66.) 


54  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CJSSAR. 

in  progress  or  in  decline,  the  first  or  the  second  be- 
came developed  and  dominant  in  turn;  that  is,  so 
long  as  the  aristocracy  preserved  its  virtues  and  its 
patriotism,  the  elements  of  prosperity  predominated ; 
but  no  sooner  did  it  begin  to  degenerate,  than  the 
causes  of  disturbance  gained  the  upper  hand,  and 
shook  the  edifice  which  had  been  erected  so  labori- 
ously. 

If  the  fall  of  the  kingly  power,  in  giving  more  vi- 
tality and  independence  to  the  aristocracy,  rendered 
the  constitution  of  the  State  more  solid  and  durable, 
the  democracy  had  at  first  no  reason  for  congratula- 
tion. Two  hundred  years  passed  away  before  the 
plebeians  could  obtain,  not  equality  of  political  rights, 
but  even  a  share  in  the  ager  publicm  and  an  act  of 
lenity  in  favour  of  debtors,  overwhelmed  with  liabil- 
ities through  incessant  wars.  About  the  same  length 
of  time  was  required  by  the  Republic  to  re-conquer 
the  supremacy  over  the  neighbouring  peoples  which 
she  had  exercised  under  the  last  kings,  (*)  so  many 

(*)  It  results  from  the  testimony  of  Polybius,  Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus, 
Livy,  Florus,  and  Eutropius,  that  at  the  moment  of  the  fall  of  Tarquinius 
Superbus,  the  domination  of  Rome  extended  over  all  Latium,  over  the  greater 
part  of  the  country  of  the  Sabines,  and  even  as  far  as  Ocriculum  (Otricofi)  in 
Umbria ;  that  Etruria,  the  country  of  the  Hernici,  and  the  territory  of  Caare 
(Cervetri),  were  united  with  the  Romans  by  alliances  which  placed  them,  with 
regard  to  these,  in  a  state  of  subjection. 

The  establishment  of  the  consular  government  was,  for  the  peoples  subject  to 
Rome,  the  signal  of  revolt.  In  253,  all  the  peoples  of  Latium  were  leagued 
against  Rome ;  with  the  victory  of  Lake  Regillus,  in  238,  that  is,  fourteen  years 
after  the  overthrow  of  the  Tarquins,  the  submission  of  Latium  began,  and  it 
was  finished  by  the  treaty  concluded  by  Spurius  Cassius  with  the  Latins  in  the 
year  of  Rome  268.  The  Sabines  were  only  finally  reduced  by  the  consul  Ho- 
ratius  in  305.  Fidenae,  which  had  acknowledged  the  supremacy  of  Tarquin, 
was  taken  in  the  year  319,  then  taken  again,  after  an  insurrection,  in  328. 
Anxur  (Terracind)  was  only  finally  subjected  after  the  defeat  of  the  Volsci; 


ESTABLISHMENT  OF  THE  CONSULAR  REPUBLIC.    55 

years  a  country  requires  to  recover  from  the  shocks 
and  enfeebling  influence  of  even  the  most  legitimate 
revolutions. 

Yet  Roman  society  had  been  vigorously  enough 
constituted  to  resist  at  the  same  time  external  at- 
tacks and  internal  troubles.  Neither  the  invasions 
of  Porsenna,  nor  those  of  the  Gauls,  nor  the  conspira- 
cies of  the  neighbouring  peoples,  were  able  to  com- 
promise its  existence.  Already  eminent  men,  such  as 
Valerius  Publicola,  A.  Postumius,  Coriolanus,  Spurius 
Cassius,  Cincinnatus,  and  Camillus,  had  distinguished 
themselves  as  legislators  and  warriors,  and  Rome 
could  put  on  foot  ten  legions,  or  forty-five  thousand 
men.  At  home,  important  advantages  had  been  ob- 
tained, and  notable  concessions  had  been  made  to  ef- 
fect a  reconciliation  between  the  two  orders ;  written 
laws  had  been  adopted,  and  the  attributes  of  the  dif- 
ferent magistracies  had  been  better  defined,  but  the 
constitution  of  society  remained  the  same.  The  facil- 
ity granted  to  the  plebeians  of  arriving  at  all  the 
State  employments  only  increased  the  strength  of  the 
aristocracy,  which  recovered  its  vigour  of  youth  with- 

and  Veii  and  Falerium  only  fell  under  the  power  of  the  Romans  in  the  year 
358  and  359.  Circei,  where  a  Latin  colony  had  been  established  in  the  times 
of  the  Jungs,  only  received  a  new  one  in  the  year  360.  Caere  was  reunited  to 
the  Roman  territory  in  the  year  364,  and  it  was  only  at  the  time  of  the  Gallic 
invasion  that  Antium  and  Ecetra  were  finally  annexed  to  the  Roman  territory. 
In  408,  the  capture  of  Satricum,  at  the  entrance  of  the  country  of  the  Volsci- 
ans,  prevented  that  people  from  supporting  an  insurrection  which  had  already 
begun  among  the  Latins.  In  411,  the  whole  plain  of  Latium  was  occupied  by 
Roman  citizens  or  allies,  but  in  the  mountains  there  remained  Volscian  and 
Latin  cities  which  were  independent  and  secretly  enemies.  Nevertheless  it 
may  be  said  that,  towards  that  period,  the  Republic  had  re-conquered  the  terri- 
tory which  it  possessed  under  the  kings,  although  Rome  had  again,  in  416,  to 
suppress  a  last  insurrection  of  the  Latins. 


56  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

out  modifying  itself,  diminished  the  number  of  its  ad- 
versaries, and  increased  that  of  its  adherents.  The 
rich  and  important  plebeian  families  soon  began  to 
mingle  with  the  ancient  patrician  families,  to  share 
their  ideas,  their  interests,  and  even  their  prejudices ; 
and  a  learned  German  historian  remarks  with  justice 
that  after  the  abolition  of  the  kingly  power  there 
was,  perhaps,  a  greater  number  of  plebeians  in  the 
Senate,  but  that  personal  merit,  without  birth  and 
fortune,  experienced  greater  difficulty  than  ever  in 
reaching  preferment.  (*) 

It  is  not  indeed  sufficient,  for  the  application  of  the 
state  of  society,  to  study  thoroughly  its  laws,  but  We 
must  also  take  into  consideration  the  influence  exer- 
cised by  the  manners  of  the  people.  The  laws  pro- 
claimed equality  and  liberty,  but  the  manners  left  the 
honours  and  preponderance  to  the  upper  class.  The 
admission  to  place  was  no  longer  forbidden  to  the 
plebeians,  but  the  election  almost  always  kept  them 
from  it.  During  fifty-nine  years,  two  hundred  and 
sixty-four  military  tribunes  replaced  the  consuls,  and 
of  this  number  only  eighteen  were  plebeians;  al- 
though these  latter  might  be  candidates  for  the  con- 
sulship, the  choice  fell  generally  upon  patricians.  (2) 
Marriage  between  the  two  orders  had  been  long 
placed  on  a  footing  .of  equality,  and  yet,  in  456,  the 
prejudices  of  caste  were  far  from  being  destroyed,  as 
we  learn  from  the  history  of  the  patrician  Virginia, 
married  to  the  plebeian  Volumnius,  whom  the  ma- 

(')  Mommsen,  Roman  History,  I.,  p.  241,  2nd  edit. 

(2)  In  fourteen  years,  from  399  to  412,  the  patricians  allowed  only  six  ple- 
beians to  arrive  at  the  consulship. 


ESTABLISHMENT  OF  THE  CONSULAR  REPUBLIC.    57 

trons  drove  away  from  the  temple  of  Pudicitia  pa- 
tricia.  (*) 

The  laws  protected  liberty,  but  they  were  rarely 
executed,  as  is  shown  by  the  continual  renewal  of  the 
same  regulations.  Thus  it  had  been  decided  in  305 
that  the  plebiscita  should  have  the  force  of  law,  yet  in 
spite  of  that  it  was  found  necessary  to  re-enact  the 
same  regulation  by  the  laws  Hortensia,  in  466,  and 
Msenia,  in  468.  This  last  sanctioned  also  anew  the 
law  Publilia  of  415.  It  was  the  same  with  the  law 
of  Valerius  Publicola  (of  the  year  246),  which  author- 
ised an  appeal  to  the  people  from  the  judgments  of 
the  magistrates.  It  appears  to  have  been  restored  to 
vigour  by  Valerius  and  Horatius  in  305,  and  again  by 
Valerius  Corvus  in  454.  And,  on  this  occasion,  the 
great  Roman  historian  exclaims, "  I  can  only  explain 
this  frequent  renewal  of  the  same  law  by  supposing 
that  the  power  of  some  of  the  great  ones  always  suc- 
ceeded in  triumphing  over  the  liberty  of  the  peo- 
ple." (2)  The  right  of  admission  to  the  Senate  was 
acknowledged  in  principle,  yet  no  one  could  enter  it 
without  having  obtained  a  decree  of  the  censor,  or  ex- 
ercised a  curule  magistracy — favours  almost  always 
reserved  to  the  aristocracy.  The  law  which  required 
a  plebeian  among  the  censors  remained  almost  always 
in  abeyance,  and,  to  become  censor,  it  was  generally 
necessary  to  have  been  consul. 

All  offices  ought  to  be  annual,  and  yet  the  tribunes, 
as  well  as  the  consuls,  obtained  their  re-election  sev- 
eral times  at  short  intervals — as  in  the  instance  of 
Licinius  Stolo,  re-elected  tribune  during  nine  consecu- 

0)  Titus  Livius,  X.  23.  (")  Titus  Livius,  X.  9. 

3* 


58  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

tive  years;  of  Sulpicius  Peticus,  five  times  consul 
(from  390  to  403) ;  of  Popilius  Lsenas  and  Marcius 
Rutilus,  both  four  times,  the  first  from  395  to  406,  the 
second  from  397  to  412.  The  law  of  412  came  in 
vain  to  require  an  interval  of  ten  years  before  becom- 
ing again  a  candidate  for  the  same  magistracy.  Sev- 
eral personages  were  none  the  less  re-elected  before 
the  time  required,  such  as  Valerius  Corvus,  six  times 
consul  (from  406  to  455)T  and  consecutively  during 
the  last  three  years ;  and  Papirius  Cursor,  five  times 
(from  421  to  441). 

The  lives  of  the  citizens  were  protected  by  the  laws, 
but  public  opinion  remained  powerless  at  the  assassi- 
nation of  those  who  had  incurred  the  hatred  of  the 
Senate ;  and,  in  spite  of  the  law  of  the  consul  Valeri- 
us Publicola,  the  violent  death  of  the  tribune  Genu- 
cius,  or  of  the  rich  plebeian  Spurius  Melius,  was  a 
subject  of  applause. 

The  comitia  were  free,  but  the  Senate  had  at  its 
disposal  either  the  veto  of  the  tribunes  or  the  relig- 
ious scruples  of  the  people.  A  consul  could  prevent 
the  meeting  of  these  assemblies,  or  cut  short  all  their 
deliberations,  either  by  declaring  that  he  was  observ- 
ing the  sky,  or  that  a  clap  of  thunder  or  some  other 
celestial  manifestation  had  occurred;  (J)  and  it  de- 
pended upon  the  declaration  of  the  augurs  to  annul 
the  elections.  Moreover,  the  people  in  reality  were 
satisfied  with  naming  the  persons  on  whom  they 
wished  to  confer  the  magisterial  offices,  for,  to  enter 

(l)  "Who  does  not  see  clearly  that  the  vice  of  the  dictator  (Marcellus)  in 
the  eyes  of  the  augurs  was  that  he  was  a  plebeian  ?"  (Titus  Livius,  VIII.  23. 
-^Cicero,  De  Divinatione,  II.  35,  37 ;  De  Leyibus,  II.  13.) 


ESTABLISHMENT  OF  THE  CONSULAR  REPUBLIC.         59 

upon  their  functions,  the  consuls  and  the  praetors  had 
to  submit  their  powers  to  the  sanction  of  the  curias 
(lex  curiata  de  imperio).  (*)  It  was  thus  in  the  pow- 
er of  the  nobility  to  reverse  the  elections  which  dis- 
pleased them,  a  fact  which  Cicero  explains  in  the  fol- 
lowing terms,  while  presenting  this  measure  in  a  light 
favourable  to  the  people :  "  Your  ancestors  required 
the  suffrages  twice  for  all  magistracies,  for,  when  a  cu- 
riate  law  was  proposed  in  favour  of  the  patrician 
magistrates,  they  voted  in  reality  a  second  time  for 
the  same  persons,  so  that  the  people,  if  they  repented 
of  their  choice,  had  the  power  of  abandoning  it."  (2) 

The  dictatorship  was  also  a  lever  left  in  the  hands 
of  the  nobility  to  overthrow  oppositions  and  influence 
the  comitia.  The  dictator  was  never  elected,  but  ap- 
pointed by  a  consul.  (3)  In  the  space  of  only  twenty- 
six  years,  from  390  to  416,  there  were  eighteen  dicta- 
tors. 

The  Senate  remained,  therefore,  all  powerful  in  spite 
of  the  victory  of  the  plebeians,  for,  independently  of 
the  means  placed  at  its  disposal,  it  was  in  its  power 
to  elude  the  plebiscite,  the  execution  of  which  was  en- 
trusted to  it.  If  the  influence  of  a  predominant  class 
sobered  the  use  of  political  liberty,  the  laws  presented 
a  still  greater  curb  on  individual  liberty.  Thus,  not 
only  all  the  members  of  the  family  were  subjected  to 
the  absolute  authority  of  the  head,  but  each  citizen 

(l)  The  consuls  and  prsetors  could  only  assemble  the  comitia,  command  the 
armies,  or  give  final  judgment  in  civil  affairs,  after  having  been  invested  with 
the  imperium  and  with  the  right  of  taking  the  auspices  (Jus  auspiciorum)  by  a 
curiate  law. 

(")  Second  Oration  on  the  Agrarian  Laiv,  9. 

(3)  Titus  Livius,  IV.  3. 


60  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

was  obliged  further  to  obey  a  multitude  of  rigorous 
obligations.  (')  The  censor  watched  over  the  purity 
of  marriages,  the  education  of  children,  the  treatment 
of  slaves  and  clients,  and  the  cultivation  of  the 
lands.  (2)  "  The  Romans  did  not  believe,"  says  Plu- 
tarch, "  that  each  individual  ought  to  be  allowed  the 
liberty  to  marry,  to  have  children,  to  choose  his  walk 
in  life,  to  give  festivities,  or  even  to  follow  his  desires 
and  tastes,  without  undergoing  a  previous  inspection 
and  judgment."  (3) 

The  condition  of  Rome  then  ,bore  a  great  resem- 
blance to  that  of  England  before  its  electoral  reform. 
For  several  centuries,  the  English  Constitution  was 
vaunted  as  the  palladium  of  liberty,  although  then, 
as  at  Rome,  birth  and  fortune  were  the  unique  source 
of  honours  and  power.  In  both  countries  the  aristoc- 
racy, master  of  the  elections  by  solicitation,  money,  or 
rotten  borougJis,  caused,  as  the  patricians  at  Rome,  the 
members  of  the  nobility  to  be  elected  to  parliament, 
and  no  one  was  citizen  in  either  of  the  two  countries 
without  the  possession  of  wealth.  Nevertheless,  if 
the  people,  in  England,  had  no  part  in  the  direction 

(J)  If  a  citizen  refused  to  give  his  name  for  the  recruitment,  his  goods  were 
confiscated ;  if  he  did  not  pay  his  creditors,  he  was  sold  for  a  slave.  Women 
were  forbidden  the  use  of  wine.  (Polybius,  VI.  2.) — The  number  of  guests 
who  could  be  admitted  to  feasts  was  limited.  (Athenseus,  VI.  p.  274.) — The 
magistrates  also,  on  entering  on  office,  could  not  accept  invitations  to  dinner, 
except  from  certain  persons  who  were  named.  (Aulus  Gellius,  II.  24. — Ma- 
crobius,  II.  13.) — Marriage  with  a  plebeian  or  a  stranger  was  surrounded  with 
restrictive  measures  ;  it  was  forbidden  with  a  slave  or  with  a  freedman.  Celi- 
bacy, at  a  certain  age,  was  punished  with  a  fine."  (Valerius  Maximus,  II.  ix. 
1.) — There  were  regulations  also  for  mourning  and  funerals.  (Cicero,  Zte  Leg- 
ibus,  11.24.) 

(3)  Aulus  Gellius,  IV.  12. 

(3)  Plutarch,  Cato  the  Censor,  23. 


ESTABLISHMENT  OF  THE  CONSULAR  REPUBLIC.    61 

of  affairs,  they  boasted  justly,  before  1789,  a  liberty 
which  shone  brightly  in  the  middle  of  the  silentious 
atmosphere  of  the  Continental  states.  The  disinter- 
ested observer  does  not  examine  if  the  scene  where 
grave  political  questions  are  discussed  is  more  or  less 
vast,  or  if  the  actors  are  more  or  less  numerous :  he 
is  only  struck  by  the  grandeur  of  the  spectacle. 
Thus,  far  be  from  us  the  intention  of  blaming  the  no- 
bility, any  more  in  Rome  than  in  England,  for  having 
preserved  its  preponderance  by  all  the  means  which 
laws  and  habits  placed  at  its  disposal.  The  power 
was  destined  to  remain  with  the  patricians  as  long  as 
they  showed  themselves  worthy  of  it ;  and,  it  cannot 
but  be  acknowledged,  without  their  perseverance  in 
the  same  policy,  without  that  elevation  of  views,  with- 
out that  severe  and  inflexible  virtue,  the  distinguish- 
ing character  of  the  aristocracy,  the  work  of  Roman 
civilisation  would  not  have  been  accomplished. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  fifth  century,  the  Repub- 
lic, consolidated,  is  going  to  gather  the  fruit  of  the 
many  efforts  it  has  sustained.  More  united  hencefor- 
ward, in  the  interior,  the  Romans  will  turn  all  their 
energy  towards  the  conquest  of  Italy,  but  it  will  re- 
quire nearly  a  century  to  realise  it.  Always  stimu- 
lated by  their  institutions,  always  restrained  by  an 
intelligent  aristocracy,  they  will  furnish  the  astonish- 
ing example  of  a  people  preserving,  in  the  name  of 
liberty  and  in  the  midst  of  agitation,  the  immobility 
of  a  system  which  will  render  them  masters  of  the 
world. 


CHAPTER  HI. 

CONQUEST    OF    ITALY. 
(From  416  to  488.) 

I.  ANCIENT  Italy  did  not  comprise  all  the  territory 
which,  has  for  its  natural  limits  the  Alps 

Description  of  Italy.  -      ,  -ITTI  •  n     t      i  • 

and  the  sea.  What  is  called  the  conti- 
nental part,  or  the  great  plain  traversed  by  the  Po, 
which  extends  between  the  Alps,  the  Apennines,  and 
the  Adriatic,  was  separated  from  it.  This  plain,  and 
part  of  the  mountains  on  the  coasts  of  the  Mediterra- 
nean, formed  Liguria,  Cisalpine  Gaul,  and  Venetia. 
The  peninsula,  or  Italy  proper,  was  bounded,  on  the 
north,  by  the  Rubicon,  and,  probably,  by  the  lower 
course  of  the  Arno ;  (J)  on  the  west,  by  the  Mediter- 
ranean ;  on  the  east,  by  the  Adriatic ;  on  the  south, 
by  the  Ionian  Sea.  (See  the  Maps,  No.  1  and  No.  2.) 
The  Apennines  traverse  Italy  in  its  whole  length. 
They  begin  where  the  Alps  end,  near  Savona,  and 
their  chain  proceeds,  continually  rising  in  elevation, 
as  far  as  the  centre  of  the  peninsula.  Mount  Velino 
is  their  culminating  point,  and  from  thence  the  Apen- 
nines continue  decreasing  in  height,  until  they  reach 
the  extremity  of  the  kingdom  of  Naples.  In  the 

(l)  Historians  have  always  assigned  as  the  northern  frontier  of  Italy,  under 
the  Republic,  the  River  Macra,  in  Etruria;  but  that  the  limit  was  farther  south 
is  proved  by  the  fact  that  Caesar  went  to  Lucca  to  take  his  winter  quarters; 
this  town,  therefore,  must  have  been  in  his  command  and  made  part  of  Cisal- 
pine Gaul.  Under  Augustus,  the  northern  frontier  of  Italy  extended  to  the 
Macra. 


CONQUEST  OF  ITALY.  63 

northern  region  they  approach  the  Adriatic;  but,  in 
the  centre,  they  cut  the  peninsula  into  two  parts 
nearly  equal ;  then,  at  Mount  Caruso  (  Vultur'),  near 
the  source  of  the  Bradano  (JBradanus),  they  separate 
into  two  branches,  one  of  which  penetrates  into  Ca- 
labria, the  other  into  the  Terra  di  Bari  as  far  as 
Otranto. 

The  two  slopes  of  the  Apennines  give  birth  to  va- 
rious streams  which  flow  some  into  the  Adriatic  and 
others  into  the  Mediterranean.  On  the  eastern  side 
the  principal  are — the  Rubicon,  the  Pisaurus  (Foglia), 
the  Metaurus  (Metauro),  the  JEsis  (JEsmo),  the  Tru- 
entus  (Tronto),  the  Aternus  (Pescara),  the  Sangrus 
(Sangro), the  Trinius  (Ti"ign6),  the  Frento  (Fortore), 
and  the  Aufidus  (Ofanto),  which  follow  generally  a 
direction  perpendicular  to  the  chain  of  mountains. 
On  the  western  side,  the  Arnus  (Arno),  the  Ombrus 
(Omlirone),  the  Tiber,  the  Amasenus  (Amasend),  the 
Liris  (Garigliano),  the  Vulturnus  (  Volturno),  and  the 
Silarus  (Silaro  or  Sile),  run  parallel  to  the  Apen- 
nines; but  towards  their  mouths  they  take  a  direc- 
tion nearly  perpendicular  to  the  coast.  The  Brada- 
nus  (Bmdajno),  the  Casuentus  (Basiento),  and  the 
Aciris  (Agri),  flow  into  the  Gulf  of  Tarentum. 

We  may  admit  into  ancient  Italy  the  following 
great  divisions  and  subdivisions : — 

To  the  north,  the  Senones,  a  people  of  Gallic  origin, 
occupying  the  shores  of  the  Adriatic  Sea,  from  the 
Rubicon  to  the  neighbourhood  of  Ancona ;  Umbria, 
situated  between  the  Senones  and  the  course  of  the 
Tiber;  Etruria,  between  the  Tiber  and  the  Mediter- 
ranean Sea. 


64  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

In  the  centre  the  territory  of  Picenum,  between  An- 
cona  and  Hadria,  in  the  Abruzzo  Ulteriore ;  Latium, 
in  the  part  between  the  Apennines  and  the  Mediterra- 
nean, from  the  Tiber  to  the  Liris;  to  the  south  of  La- 
tium,  the  Volsci,  and  the  Aurunci,  the  .debris  of  the 
ancient  Ausones,  retired  between  the  Liris  and  the 
Amasenus,  and  bordering  upon  another  people  of  the 
same  race,  the  Sidicines,  established  between  the  Liris 
and  the  Vulturnus ;  the  country  of  the  Sabines,  be- 
tween Picenum  and  Latiuni ;  to  the  east  of  Latium, 
in  the  mountains,  the  ^Equi ;  the  Hernici,  backed  by 
the  populations  of  Sabellian  stock,  namely,  the  Marsi, 
the  Peligni,  the  Vestini,  the  Marrucini,  and  the  Fren- 
tani,  distributed  in  the  valleys  through  which  run  the 
rivers  received  by  the  Adriatic  from  the  extremity 
of  Picenum  to  the  River  Fortore. 

The  territory  of  Samnium,  answering  to  the  great 
part  of  the  Abruzzi  and  the  province  of  Molisa,  ad- 
vanced towards  the  west  as  far  as  the  upper  arm  of 
the  Vulturnus,  on  the  north  to  the  banks  of  the  For- 
tore, and  to  the  south  to  Mount  Vultur.  Beyond  the 
Vulturnus  extended  Campania  (Terra  di  Lav  wo  and 
part  of  tlie  principality  of  Salerno),  from  Sinuessa  to 
the  Gulf  of  Paestum. 

Southern  Italy,  or  Magna  Graecia,  comprised  on  the 
Adriatic :  first,  Apulia  (the  Gapitanata  and  Terra  di 
Bari)  and  Messapia  (Terra  di  Otranto);  this  last 
terminated  in  the  lapygian  Promontory,  and  its  cen- 
tral part  was  occupied  by  the  Salentini  and  divers 
other  Messapian  populations,  while  there  existed  on 
the  seaboard  a  great  number  of  Greek  colonies ;  sec- 
ondly, Lucania,  which  answered  nearly  to  the  modern 


CONQUEST  OF  ITALY.  (55 

province  of  Basilicata,  and  was  washed  by  the  waters 
of  the  Gulf  of  Tarentum ;  thirdly,  Bruttium  (now  the 
Calabrias),  forming  the  most  advanced  point  of  Italy, 
and  terminating  in  the  Promontory  of  Hercules. 

II.  In  416,  Eome  had  finally  subdued  the  Latins, 
Dispositions  of  the  and  possessed  part  of  Campania.  Her 
regard  to  Rome!  m  supremacy  extended  from  the  present  ter- 
ritory of  Viterbo  to  the  Gulf  of  Naples,  from  Antium 
(Porto  di  Anzo)  to  Sora. 

The  frontiers  of  the  Republic  were  difficult  to  de- 
fend, her  limits  ill  determined,  and  her  neighbours  the 
most  warlike  people  of  the  peninsula. 

To  the  north  only,  the  mountains  of  Viterbo,  cov- 
ered with  a  thick  forest  (silva  Ciminia),  formed  a 
rampart  against  Etruria.  The  southern  part  of  this 
country  had  been  long  half  Roman ;  the  Latin  colo- 
nies of  Sutrium  (Sutri)  and  Nepete  (Nepi)  served  as 
posts  of  observation.  But  the  Etruscans,  animated 
for  ages  with  hostile  feeling  towards  Rome,  attempt- 
ed continually  to  recover  the  lost  territory.  The 
Gaulish  Senones,  who,  in  364,  had  taken  and  burnt 
Rome,  and  often  renewed  their  invasions,  had  come 
again  to  try  their  fortune.  In  spite  of  their  defeats 
in  404  and  405,  they  were  always  ready  to  join  the 
Umbrians  and  Etruscans  in  attacking  the  Republic. 

The  Sabines,  though  entertaining  from  time  imme- 
morial tolerably  amicable  relations  with  the  Romans, 
offered  but  a  doubtful  alliance.  Picenum,  a  fertile 
and  populous  country,  was  peaceful,  and  the  greater 
part  of  the  mountain  tribes  of  Sabellic  race,  in  spite 
of  their  bravery  and  energy,  inspired  as  yet  no  fear. 

E 


66  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

Nearer  Rome,  the  JEqui  and  the  Hernici  had  been  re- 
duced to  inaction ;  but  the  Senate  kept  in  mind  their 
hostilities  and  nourished  projects  of  vengeance. 

On  the  southern  coast,  among  the  Greek  towns  de- 
voted to  commerce,  Tarentum  passed  for  the  most 
powerful ;  but  these  colonies,  already  in  decline,  were 
obliged  to  have  recourse  to  mercenary  troops,  to  resist 
the  native  inhabitants.  They  disputed  with  the  Sarn- 
nites  and  the  Romans  the  preponderance  over  the 
people  of  Magna  Grsecia.  The  Samnites,  indeed,  a 
manly  and  independent  race,  aimed  at  seizing  the 
whole  of  Southern  Italy ;  their  cities  formed  a  con- 
federacy, redoubtable  on  account  of  its  close  union  in 
time  of  war.  The  mountain  tribes  gave  themselves 
up  to  brigandage,  and  it  is  worthy  of  attention  that 
recent  events  show  that  in  our  days  manners  have  not 
much  changed  in  that  country.  The  Samnites  had 
amassed  considerable  riches ;  their  arms  displayed  ex- 
cessive extravagance,  and,  if  we  believe  Caesar,  (!)  they 
served  as  models  for  those  of  the  Romans. 

A  jealous  rivalry  had  long  prevailed  between  the 
Romans  and  the  Samnites.  The  moment  these  two 
peoples  found  themselves  in  presence  of  each  other,  it 
was  evident  that  they  would  be  at  war ;  the.  struggle 
was  long  and  terrible,  and,  during  the  fifth  century, 
it  was  round  Samnium  that  they  disputed  the  empire 
of  Italy.  The  position  of  the  Samnites  was  very  ad- 
vantageous. Entrenched  in  their  mountains,  they 
could,  at  their  will,  either  descend  into  the  valley  of 
the  Liris,  thence  reach  the  country  of  the  Aurunci, 

(')  Speech  of  Ctusar  to  the  Senate,  reported  by  Sallust.     (Conapiracy  of  Cat- 
Ulna,  li.) 


CONQUEST  OF  ITALY.  67 

always  ready  to  revolt,  and  cut  off  tlie  communica- 
tions of  Rome  with  Campania ;  or  follow  the  course 
of  the  upper  Liris  into  the  country  of  the  Marsi,  raise 
these  latter,  and  hold  out  the  hand  to  the  Etruscans, 
turning  Rome ;  or,  lastly,  penetrate  into  Campania  by 
the  valley  of  the  Vulturnus,  and  fall  upon  the  Sidi- 
cini,  whose  territoiy  they  coveted. 

In  the  midst  of  so  many  hostile  peoples,  for  a  little 
state  to  succeed  in  raising  itself  above  the  others,  and 
in  subjugating  them,  it  must  have  possessed  peculiar 
elements  of  superiority.  The  peoples  who  surround- 
ed Rome,  warlike  and  proud  of  their  independence, 
had  neither  the  same  unity,  nor  the  same  incentives 
to  action,  nor  the  same  powerful  aristocratic  organi- 
sation, nor  the  same  blind  confidence  in  their  desti- 
nies. They  displayed  more  selfishness  than  ambition. 
When  they  fought,  it  was  much  more  to  increase 
their  riches  by  pillage  than  to  augment  the  number 
of  their  subjects.  Rome  triumphed,  because  alone,  in 
prospect  of  a  future,  she  made  war  not  to  destroy, 
but  to  conserve,  and,  after  the  material  conquest,  al- 
ways set  herself  to  accomplish  the  moral  conquest  of 
the  vanquished. 

During  four  hundred  years  her  institutions  had 
formed  a  race  animated  with  the  love  of  country  and 
with  the  sentiment  of  duty ;  but,  in  their  turn,  the 
men,  incessantly  re-tempered  in  intestine  struggles, 
had  successively  introduced  manners  and  traditions 
stronger  even  than  the  institutions  themselves.  Dur- 
ing three  centuries,  in  fact,  Rome  presented,  in  spite 
of  the  annual  renewal  of  powers,  such  a  perseverance 
in  the  same  policy,  such  a  practice  of  the  same  virtues, 


68  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  C^KSAK. 

that  it  might  have  been  supposed  that  the  govern- 
ment had  but  a  single  head,  a  single  thought,  and  one 
might  have  believed  that  all  its  generals  were  great 
warriors,  all  its  senators  experienced  statesmen,  and 
all  its  citizens  valiant  soldiers. 

The  geographical  position  of  Rome  contributed  no 
less  to  the  rapid  increase  of  its  power.  Situated  in 
the  middle  of  the  only  great  fertile  plain  of  Latium, 
on  the  banks  of  the  only  important  river  of  Central 
Italy,  which  united  it  with  the  sea,  it  could  be  at  the 
same  time  agricultural  and  maritime,  conditions  then 
indispensable  for  the  capital  of  a  new  empire.  The 
rich  countries  which  bordered  the  coasts  of  the  Medi- 
terranean were  sure  to  fall  easily  under  her  dominion; 
and  as  for  the  countries  which  surrounded  her,  it  was 
possible  to  become  mistress  of  them  by  occupying 
gradually  the  openings  from  all  the  valleys.  The 
town  of  the  seven  hills,  favoured  by  her  natural  situ- 
ation as  well  as  by  her  political  constitution,  carried 
thus  in  herself  the  germs  of  her  future  greatness. 

III.  From  the  commencement  of  the  fifth  century 

Treatment  of  the  Van-    R°m6    P^arCS    with    energy    to    Subject 


and  assimilate  to  herself  the  peoples 
who  dwelt  from  the  Rubicon  to  the  Strait  of  Messi- 
na. Nothing  will  prevent  her  from  surmounting  all 
obstacles,  neither  the  coalition  of  her  neighbours  con- 
spiring against  her,  nor  the  new  incursions  of  the 
Gauls,  nor  the  invasion  of  Pyrrhus.  She  will  know 
how  to  raise  herself  from  her  partial  defeats,  and  es- 
tablish the  unity  of  Italy,  not  by  subduing  at  once 
all  these  peoples  to  the  same  laws  and  the  same  rule, 


CONQUEST  OF  ITALY.  69 

but  by  causing  them  to  enter,  by  little  and  little  and 
in  different  degrees,  into  the  great  Roman  family. 
"  Of  one  city  she  makes  her  ally ;  on  another  she  con- 
fers the  honour  of  living  under  the  Quiritary  law,  to 
this  one  with  the  right  of  suffrage,  to  that  with  the 
permission  to  retain  its  own  government.  Municipia 
of  different  degrees,  maritime  colonies,  Latin  colonies, 
Roman  colonies,  prefectures,  allied  towns,  free  towns, 
all  isolated  by  the  difference  of  their  condition,  all 
united  by  their  equal  dependence  on  the  Senate, 
they  will  form,  as  it  were,  a  vast  network  which  will 
entangle  the  Italian  peoples,  until  the  day  when, 
without  new  struggles,  they  will  awake  subjects  of 
Rome."  O 

Let  us  examine  the  conditions  of  these  various  cat- 
egories : 

The  right  of  city,  in  its  plenitude  (jus  civitatis  op- 
timojurO),  comprised  the  political  privileges  peculiar 
to  the  Romans,  and  assured  for  civil  life  certain  ad- 
vantages, of  which  the  concession  might  be  made  sep- 
arately and  by  degrees.  First  came  the  commercium, 
that  is,  the  right  of  possessing  and  transmitting  ac- 
cording to  the  Roman  law ;  next  the  conniibium,  or 
the  right  of  contracting  marriage  with  the  advantages 
established  by  Roman  legislation.  (2)  The  commer- 
cium  and  connubium  united  formed  the  Quiritary  law 
(jus  quiritium). 

There  were  three  sorts  of  municipia :  (3)  first,  the 

(1)  This  paragraph,  expressing  with  great  clearness  the  policy  of  the  Roman 
Senate,  is  extracted  from  the  excellent  Hist.  Romaine  of  M.  Duruy,  1. 1.,  c.  xi. 

(2)  As,  for  example,  to  put  the  wife  in  complete  obedience  to  her  husband  ; 
to  give  the  father  absolute  authority  over  his  children,  etc. 

(3)  In  the  origin,  the  municipia  were  the  allied  towns  preserving  their  au- 


70  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CJESAR. 

nmnicipia  of  which  the  inhabitants,  inscribed  in  the 
tribes,  exercised  all  the  rights  and  were  subjected  to 
all  the  obligations  of  the  Roman  citizens ;  secondly, 
the  municipia  sine  suffragio,  the  inhabitants  of  which 
enjoyed  in  totality  or  in  part  the  Quiritary  law,  and 
might  obtain  the  complete  right  of  Roman  citizens  on 
certain  conditions ;  (*)  it  is  what  constituted  the  jus 
Latii;  these  first  two  categories  preserved  their  au- 
tonomy and  their  magistrates ;  third,  the  towns  which 
had  lost  all  independence  in  exchange  for  the  civil 
laws  of  Rome,  but  without  enjoyment,  for  the  inhab- 
itants, of  the  most  important  political  rights ;  it  was 
the  law  of  the  Ccerites,  because  Caere  was  the  first 
town  which  had  been  thus  treated.  (2) 

Below  the  municipia,  which  had  their  own  magis- 
trates, came,  in  this  social  hierarchy,  the  prefectures,  (3) 
so  called  because  a  prefect  was  sent  there  every  year 
to  administer  justice. 

The  dediticii  were  still  worse  treated.  Delivered 
by  victory  to  the  discretion  of  the  Senate,  they  had 
been  obliged  to  surrender  their  arms  and  give  hos- 
tages, to  throw  down  their  walls  or  receive  a  garrison 
within  them,  to  pay  a  tax,  and  to  furnish  a  determin- 
ate contingent.  With  the  exclusion  of  these  last,  the 

tonomy,  but  engaging  to  render  to  Rome  certain  services  (»mnws) ;  whence  the 
name  of  municipia.  (Aulus  GW&'u*,  XVI.  13.) 

(')  To  be  able  to  enjoy  the  right  of  city,  it  was  necessary  to  be  domiciliated 
at  Rome,  to  have  left  a  son  in  his  majority  in  the  municipium,  or  to  have  exer- 
cised there  a  magistracy. 

(2)  Aul.  Gellius,  XVI.  xiii. — Paulus  Diaconus,  on  the  word  Munldpium,  p.  127. 

(3)  In  this  category  were  sometimes  found  municipia  of  the  third  degree, 
snch  as  Caere.     (See  Festus,  under  the  word  Prefecture?,  p.  233.) — Several  of 
these  towns,  such  as  Fundi,  Formice,  and  Arpinum,  obtained  in  the  sequel  the 
right  of  suffrage ;  they  continued,  however,  by  an  ancient  usage,  to  be  called 
by  the  name  of  jmrfecturce,  which  was  also  applied  by  abuse  to  the  colonies. 


CONQUEST  OF  ITALY.  71  . 

towns  which  had  not  obtained  for  their  inhabitants 
the  complete  rights  of  Roman  citizens  belonged  to  the 
class  of  allies  (fcederati  socii}.  Their  condition  dif- 
fered according  to  the  nature  of  their  engagements. 
Simple  treaties  of  friendship,  (')  or  of  commerce,  (2) 
or  of  oifensive  alliance,  or  offensive  and  defensive,  (3) 
concluded  on  the  footing  of  equality,  were  called  foe- 
dera  cequa.  On  the  contrary,  when  one  of  the  con- 
tracting parties  (and  it  was  never  the  Romans)  sub- 
mitted to  onerous  obligations  from  which  the  other 
was  exempted,  these  treaties  were  called  fcedera  non 
cequa.  They  consisted  almost  always  in  the  cession 
of  a  part  of  the  territory  of  the  vanquished,  and  in  the 
obligation  to  undertake  no  war  of  their  own.  A  cer- 
tain independence,  it  is  true,  was  left  to  them ;  they 
received  the  right  of  exchange  and  free  establishment 
in  the  capital,  but  they  were  bound  to  the  interests 
of  Rome  by  an  alliance  offensive  and  defensive.  The 
only  clause  establishing  the  preponderance  of  Rome 
was  conceived  in  these  terms:  Majestatem populi  Ho- 
mani  comiter  conservanto  /  (4)  that  is,  "They  shall  loy- 
ally acknowledge  the  supremacy  of  the  Roman  peo- 
ple. It  is  a  remarkable  circumstance  that,  dating 
from  the  reign  of  Augustus,  the  freedmen  were  di- 
vided in  categories  similar  to  those  which  existed  for 
the  inhabitants  of  Italy.  (5) 

(')  Socius  et  arnicas  (Titus  Livius,  XXXI.  11). — Compare  Dionysius  of  Hali- 
carnassus,  VI.  95  ;  X.  21. 

(2)  With  Carthage,  for  example.    (Polybius,  III.  22.— Titus  Livius,  VII.  27 ; 
IX.  19,  43.) 

(3)  Thus  with  the  Latins.     "  Ut  eosdem  quos  populus  Roman  us  amicos  at- 
que  hostes  habeant."     (Titus  Livius,  XXXVIII.  8.) 

(*)  Cicero,  Oration  for  Balbus,  xvi. 

(*)  The  freedmen  were,  in  fact,  either  Roman  citizens,  or  Latins,  or  ranged 


72  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

As  to  the  colonies,  they  were  established  for  the 
purpose  of  preserving  the  possessions  acquired,  of  se- 
curing the  new  frontiers,  and  of  guarding  the  impor- 
tant passes ;  and  even  for  the  sake  of  getting  rid  of 
the  turbulent  class.  (*)  They  were  of  two  sorts :  the 
Roman  colonies  and  the  Latin  colonies.  The  former 
differed  little  from  the  inunicipia  of  the  first  degree, 
the  others  from  the  municipia  of  the  second  degree. 
The  first  were  formed  of  Roman  citizens,  taken  with 
their  families  from  the  classes  subjected  to  military 
service,  and  even,  in  their  origin,  solely  among  the  pa- 
tricians. The  coloni  preserved  the  privileges  attached 
to  the  title  of  citizen,  (2)  and  were  bound  by  the  same 
obligations,  and  the  interior  administration  of  the  col- 
ony was  an  image  of  that  of  Rome.  (3) 

in  the  number  of  the  deditidi;  slaves  who  had,  while  they  were  in  servitude, 
undergone  a  grave  chastisement,  if  they  arrived  at  freedom,  obtained  only  the 
assimilation  to  the  deditidi.  If,  on  the  contrary,  the  slave  had  undergone  no 
punishment,  if  he  was  more  than  thirty  years  of  age,  if,  at  the  same  time,  he 
belonged  to  his  master  according  to  the  law  of  the  quirites,  and  if  the  formali- 
ties of  manumission  or  affranchisement  exacted  by  the  Roman  law  had  been 
observed,  he  was  a  Roman  citizen.  He  was  only  Latin  if  one  of  these  circum- 
stances failed.  (Institutes  of  Gaius,  I.  §  12,  13, 15, 16,  17.) 

(l)  "Valerius  sent  upon  the  lands  conquered  from  the  Volsci  a  colony  of  a 
certain  number  of  citizens  chosen  from  among  the  poor,  both  to  serve  as  a  gar- 
rison against  the  enemies,  and  to  diminish  at  Rome  the  party  of  the  seditious." 
(Year  of  Rome  260.)  (Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus,  VI.  43.) — This  great  num- 
ber of  colonies,  by  clearing  the  population  of  Rome  of  a  multitude  of  indigent 
citizens,  had  maintained  tranquillity  (452).  (Titus  Livius,  X.  6.) 

(3)  Modern  authors  are  not  agreed  on  this  point,  which  would  require  a  long 
discussion  ;  but  we  may  consider  the  question  as  solved  in  the  sense  of  our  text 
by  Madvig,  Oj>vscula,  I.  pp.  244-254. 

(3)  "There  the  people  (populus)  named  their  magistrates ;  the  duumviri  per- 
formed the  functions  of  consuls  or  prators,  whose  title  they  sometimes  took 
(Corpus  Inscriptionum  Latin.,  passim) ;  the  quinquennales  corresponded  to  the 
censors.  Finally,  there  were  questors  and  ediles.  The  Senate,  as  at  Rome, 
was  composed  of  members,  elected  for  life,  to  the  number  of  a  hundred  ;  the 
number  was  filled  up  every  five  years  (lectio  senatus).  (Tabula  Heracleensis, 
cap.  x.  et  seq.) 


CONQUEST  OF  ITALY.  73 

The  Latin  colonies  differed  from  the  others  in  hav- 
ing been  founded  by  the  confederacy  of  the  Latins  on 
different  points  of  Latium.  Emanating  from  a  league 
of  independent  cities,  they  were  not,  like  the  Roman 
colonies,  tied  by  close  bonds  to  the  metropolis.  (J) 
But  the  confederacy  once  dissolved,  these  colonies 
were  placed  in  the  rank  of  allied  towns  (socii  Z/atini). 
The  act  (formula)  which  instituted  them  was  a  sort 
of  treaty  guaranteeing  their  franchise.  (2) 

Peopled  at  first  by  Latins,  it  was  not  long  before 
these  colonies  received  Roman  citizens  who  were  in- 
duced by  their  poverty  to  exchange  their  title  and 
rights  for  the  advantages  assured  to  the  colonists. 
These  did  not  figure  on  the  lists  of  the  censors.  The 
formula  fixed  simply  the  tribute  to  pay  and  the 
number  of  soldiers  to  furnish.  What  the  colony  lost 
in  privileges  it  gained  in  independence.  (3) 

The  isolation  of  the  Latin  colonies,  placed  in  the 
middle  of  the  enemy's  territory,  obliged  them  to  re- 
main faithful  to  Rome,  and  to  keep  watch  on  the 
neighbouring  peoples.  Their  military  importance 
was  at  least  equal  to  that  of  the  Roman  colonies; 
they  merited  as  well  as  these  latter  the  name  ofpro- 
pugnacula  imperil  and  of  specula,  (4)  that  is,  bulwarks 
and  watch-towers  of  the  conquest.  In  a  political 

(')  A  certain  number  of  colonies  figure  in  the  list  given  by  Dionysius  of 
Halicarnassus  of  the  members  of  the  confederacy  (V.  61). 

(2)  Pliny,  Natural  History,  III.  iv.  §  7. 

(3)  Because  it  named  its  magistrates,  struck  money  (Mommsen,  Miinzwesen, 
p.  317),  privileges  refused  to  the  Roman  colonies,  and  preserved  its  own  pecul- 
iar laws  according  to  the  principle:  "Nulla  populi  Romani  lege  ndstricti,  nisi 
in  quam  populus  eorum  fund  us  factus  est."    (Aulus  Gellius,  XVI.  xiii.  6. — 
Compare  Cicero,  Oration  for  Balbtis,  v'rii.  21.) 

(*)  Cicero,  Oration  on  the  Agrarian  Law,  ii.  27. 

4 


74  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

point  of  view  they  rendered  services  of  a  similar  kind. 
If  the  Roman  colonies  announced  to  the  conquered 
people  the  majesty  of  the  Roman  name,  their  Latin 
sisters  gave  an  ever-increasing  extension  to  the  nomen 
Latinum,(f)  that  is,  to  the  language,  manners,  and 
whole  civilisation  of  that  race  of  which  Rome  was 
but  the  first  representative.  The  Latin  colonies  were 
ordinarily  founded  to  economise  the  colonies  of  Ro- 
man citizens,  which  were  charged  principally  with  the 
defence  of  the  coasts  and  the  maintenance  of  com- 
mercial relations  with  foreign  people. 

In  making  the  privileges  of  the  Roman  citizen  an 
advantage  which  every  one  was  happy  and  proud  to 
acquire, the  Senate  held  out  a  bait  to  all  ambitions; 
and  this  general  desire,  not  to  destroy  the  privilege, 
but  to  gain  a  place  among  the  privileged,  is  a  charac- 
teristic trait  of  the  manners  of  antiquity.  In  the  city 
not  less  than  in  the  State,  the  insurgents  or  discon- 
tented did  not  seek,  as  in  our  modern  societies,  to 
overthrow,  but  to  attain  to.  So  every  one,  according 
to  his  position,  aspired  to  a  legitimate  object :  the  ple- 
beians to  enter  into  the  aristocracy,  not  to  destroy  it ; 
the  Italic  peoples,  to  have  a  part  in  the  sovereignty 
of  Rome,  not  to  contest  it ;  the  Roman  provinces  to 
be  declared  allies  and  friends  of  Rome,  and  not  to  re- 
cover their  independence. 

The  peoples  could  judge,  according  to  their  con- 
duct, what  lot  was  reserved  for  them.  The  paltry 
interests  of  city  were  replaced  by  an  effectual  pro- 
tection, and  by  new  rights  often  more  precious,  in 
the  eyes  of  the  vanquished,  than  independence  itself. 

(')  Titos  Livius,  XXVII.  9. 


CONQUEST  OF  ITALY.  75 

This  explains  the  facility  with  which  the  Roman 
domination  was  established.  In  fact,  that  only  is 
destroyed  entirely  which  may  be  replaced  advantage- 
ously. 

A  rapid  glance  at  the  wars  which  effected  the  con- 
quest of  Italy  will  show  how  the  Senate  made  appli- 
cation of  the  principles  stated  above ;  how  it  was 
skilful  in  profiting  by  the  divisions  of  if  s  adversaries, 
in  collecting  its  whole  strength  to  overwhelm  one  of 
them ;  after  the  victoiy  in  making  it  an  ally ;  in  using 
the  arms  and  resources  of  that  ally  to  subjugate  an- 
other people;  in  crushing  the  confederacies  which 
united  the  vanquished  against  it;  in  attaching  them 
to  Rome  by  new  bonds ;  in  establishing  military  posts 
on  all  the  points  of  strategic  importance ;  and,  lastly, 
in  spreading  everywhere  the  Latin  race  by  distribu- 
ting to  Roman  citizens  a  part  of  the  lands  taken  from 
the  enemy. 

But,  before  entering  upon  the  recital  of  events,  we 
must  cast  a  glance  upon  the  years  which  immediately 
preceded  the  pacification  of  Latium. 

IV.  During  a  hundred  and  sixty-seven  years,  Rome 
submission  of  La-  had  been  satisfied  with  struggling  against 

tiuin  after  the  first    •,  •      i    i 

samnite  war.  her  neighbours  to  re-conquer  a  supremacy 
lost  since  the  fall  of  her  kings.  She  held  herself  al- 
most always  on  the  defensive ;  but,  with  the  fifth  cen- 
tury, she  took  the  offensive,  and  inaugurated  the  sys- 
tem of  conquests  continued  to  the  moment  when  she 
herself  succumbed. 

In  411,  she  had,  in  concert  with  the  Latins,  com- 
bated the  Samnites  for  the  first  time,  and  commenced 


76  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

against  that  redoubtable  people  a  struggle  which  last- 
ed seventy-two  years,  and  which  brought  twenty-four 
triumphs  to  the  Roman  generals.  (x)  Proud  of  hav- 
ing contributed  to  the  two  great  victories  of  Mount 
Gaurus  and  Suessula,  the  Latins,  with  an  exaggerated 
belief  in  their  own  strength  and  a  pretension  to  equal- 
ity  with  Rome,  went  so  far  as  to  require  that  one  of 
the  two  consuls,  and  half  of  the  senators,  should  be 
chosen  from  their  nation.  War  was  immediately  de- 
clared. The  Senate  was  willing  enough  to  have  al- 
lies and  subjects,  but  it  could  not  suffer  equals ;  it  ac- 
cepted without  scruple  the  services  of  those  who  had 
just  been  enemies,  and  the  Romans,  united  with  the 
Sainnites,  the  Hernici,  and  the  Sabellian  peoples,  were 
seen  in  the  fields  of  the  Veseris  and  Trifanurn,  fight- 
ing against  the  Latins  and  Volsci.  Latiuni  once  re- 
duced, it  remained  to  determine  the  lot  of  the  van- 
quished. Livy  reports  a  speech  of  Camillus  which 
explains  clearly,  the  policy  recommended  by  that 
great  citizen.  "Will  you,"  he  exclaims,  addressing 
the  members  of  the  assembly,  "  use  the  utmost  rig- 
our of  the  rights  of  victory  ?  You  are  masters  to  de- 
stroy all  Latiuni,  and  to  make  a  vast  desert  of  it,  after 
having  often  drawn  from  it  powerful  succours.  Will 
you,  on  the  contrary,  after  the  example  of  your  fa- 
thers, augment  the  resources  of  Rome  ?  Admit  the 
vanquished  among  the  number  of  your  citizens ;  it  is 
a  fruitful  means  of  increasing  at  the  same  time  your 
power  and  your  glory."  (2)  This  last  counsel  pre- 
vailed. 
The  first  step  was  to  break  the  bonds  which  made 

(')  Florus,  I.  16.  (s)  Titus  Livius,  VIII.  13, 14. 


CONQUEST  OF  ITALY.  77 

of  the  Latin  people  a  sort  of  confederacy.  All  polit- 
ical communalty,  all  war  on  their  own  account,  all 
rights  of  commercium  and  conmibium,  between  the 
different  cities,  were  taken  from  them.  (') 

The  towns  nearest  Rome  received  the  rights  of  city 
and  suffrage.  (2)  Others  received  the  title  of  allies 
and  the  privilege  of  preserving  their  own  institutions, 
but  they  lost  a  part  of  their  territory.  (3)  As  to  the 
Latin  colonies  founded  before  in  the  old  country  of 
the  Volsci,  they  formed  the  nucleus  of  the  Latin  allies 
(socii  nominis  Latini}.  Velitrse,  alone,  having  al- 
ready revolted  several  times,  was  treated  with  great 
rigour ;  Antium  was  compelled  to  surrender  its  ships, 
and  become  a  maritime  colony. 

These  severe,  but  equitable  measures,  had  pacified 
Latium  •  applied  to  the  rest  of  Italy,  and  even  to  for- 
eign countries,  they  will  facilitate  everywhere  the 
progress  of  Roman  domination. 

The  momentary  alliance  with  the  Samnites  had 
permitted  Rome  to  reduce  the  Latins;  nevertheless 
the  Senate,  without  hesitation,  turned  against  the  for- 
mer again  as  soon  as  the  moment  appeared  conven- 
ient. It  concluded,  in  422,  a  treaty  with  the  Gauls 
and  Alexander  Molossus,  who,  having  landed  near 
Psestum,  attacked  the  Lucanians  and  the  Samnites. 
This  King  of  Epirus,  the  uncle  of  Alexander  the 
Great,  had  been  called  into  Italy  by  the  Tarentines ; 
but  his  premature  death  disappointed  the  hopes  to 

(')  Titus  Living,  VIII.  14.  These  towns  had  the  right  of  city  without  suf- 
frage ;  of  this  number  were  Capua  (in  consideration  of  its  knights,  who  had  re- 
fused to  take  part  in  the  revolt),  Cumse,  Fundi,  and  Formise. 

(2)  Velleius  Paterculus,  1. 15. 

(3)  Titus  Livins,  VIII.  14. 


"78  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CJESAR. 

which  his  co-operation  had  given  rise,  and  the  Sam- 
nites  recommenced  their  incursions  on  the  lands  of 
their  neighbours.  The  intervention  of  Rome  put  a 
stop  to  the  war.  All  the  forces  of  the  Republic  were 
employed  in  reducing  the  revolt  of  the  Volscian 
towns  of  Fundi  and  Privernum.  (J)  In  425,  Anxur 
(Terradna)  was  declared  a  Roman  colony,  and,  in 
426,  Fregellse  (Cepranof),  a  Latin  colony. 

The  establishment  of  these  fortresses,  and  of  those 
of  Gales  and  Antium,  secured  the  communications 
with  Campania ;  the  Liris  and  the  Vulturnus  became 
in  that  direction  the  principal  lines  of  defence  of  the 
Romans.  The  cities  situated  on  the  shores  of  that 
magnificent  gulf  called  Crater  by  the  ancients,  and  in 
our  days  the  Gulf  of  Naples,  perceived  then  the  dan- 
gers which  threatened  them.  They  turned  their  eyes 
towards  the  population  of  the  interior,  who  were  no 
less  alarmed  for  their  independence. 

V.  The  fertile  countries  which  bordered  the  west- 
ern shore  of  the  peninsula  were  destined 

Second  Samnite  War.  .  r>      i         T» 

to  excite  the  covetousness  ot  the  Ko- 
mans  and  the  Samnites,  and  become  the  prey  of  the 
conqueror.  "  Campania,  indeed,"  says  Floras,  (2)  "  is 
the  finest  country  of  Italy,  and  even  of  the  whole 
world.  There  is  nothing  milder  than  its  climate. 
Spring  flourishes  there  twice  every  year.  There  can 
be  nothing  more  fertile  than  its  soil.  It  is  called  the 
garden  of  Ceres  and  Bacchus.  There  is  not  a  more 
hospitable  sea  than  that  which  bathes  its  shores." 

(')  Titus  Livius,  VIII.  14,  et  teq. — Valerius  Maximus,  VI.  ii.  1. 
(')  Florus,  1.16. 


CONQUEST  OF  ITALY.  79 

In  427,  the  two  peoples  disputed  the  possession  of  it, 
as  they  had  done  in  411.  The  inhabitants  of  False- 
opolis  having  attacked  the  Roman  colonists  of  the 
ager  Campanus,  the  consuls  marched  against  that 
place,  which  soon  received  succour  from  the  Samnites 
and  the  inhabitants  of  Nola,  while  Rome  formed  an 
alliance  with  the  Apulians  and  the  Lucanians.  The 
siege  dragged  on,  and  the  necessity  of  continuing  the 
campaign  beyond  the  ordinary  limit  led  to  the  pro- 
longation of  the  command  of  Publilius  Philo  with  the 
title  of  proconsul,  which  appeared  for  the  first  time  in 
the  military  annals.  The  Samnites  were  soon  driven 
from  Campania;  the  Palseopolitans  submitted;  their 
town  was  demolished ;  but  they  formed  close  to  it  a 
new  establishment,  at  Naples  (Neapolis),  where  a  new 
treaty  guaranteed  them  an  almost  absolute  independ- 
ence, on  the  condition  of  furnishing  a  certain  number 
of  vessels  to  Rome.  After  that,  nearly  all  the  Greek 
towns,  reduced  one  after  another,  obtained  the  same 
favourable  conditions,  and  formed  the  class  of  the  so- 
cii  navales.  (*) 

Yet  the  war  was  protracted  in  the  mountains  of 
the  Apennine.  Tarentum  united  with  the  Samnites, 
the  only  people  who  were  still  to  be  feared,  (*)  and 
the  Lucanians  abandoned  the  alliance  of  the  Romans ; 
but,  in  429,  the  two  most  celebrated  captains  of  the 
time,  Q.  Fabius  Rullianus  and  Papirius  Cursor,  pene- 
trated into  the  country  of  Sainnium,  and  compelled 
the  enemy  to  pay  an  indemnity  for  the  war  and  ac- 
cept a  year's  truce. 

O  Titus  Livius,  VIII.  26 ;  XXI.  49 ;  XXII.  11. 

(2)  "Earn  solam  gentem  rcstare."    (Titus  Livius,  VIII.  27.) 


80  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CJESAK. 

At  this  epoch,  an  unforeseen  event,  which  changed 
the  destinies  of  the  world,  came  to  demonstrate  the 
difference  between  the  rapid  creation  of  a  man  of  gen- 
ius and  the  patient  work  of  an  intelligent  aristocracy. 
Alexander  the  Great,  after  having  shone  like  a  meteor, 
and  brought  into  subjection  the  most  powerful  king- 
doms of  Asia,  died  at  Babylon.  His  fruitful  and  deci- 
sive influence,  which  carried  the  civilization  of  Greece 
into  the  East,  survived  him,  but  at  his  death,  the  em- 
pire he  founded  became  in  a  few  years  dismembered 
(431);  the  Roman  aristocracy,  on  the  contrary,  per- 
petuating itself  from  age  to  age,  pursued  more  slowly, 
but  without  interruption,  the  system  which,  binding 
again  the  peoples  about  a  common  centre,  was  des- 
tined by  little  and  little  to  secure  her  domination 
over  Italy  first,  and  then  over  the  universe. 

The  defection  of  a  part  of  the  Apulians,  in  431,  en- 
couraged the  Samnites  to  take  arms  again ;  defeated 
in  the  following  years,  they  asked  for  the  restora- 
tion- of  friendly  relations,  but  the  haughty  refusal  of 
Rome  led,  in  433,  to  the  famous  defeat  of  the  Furcse 
Caudinae.  The  generosity  of  the  Samnite  general, 
Pontus  Herennius,  who  granted  their  lives  to  so  many 
thousands  of  prisoners  on  condition  of  restoring  to 
force  ther,old  treaties,  had  no  effect  upon  the  Senate. 
Four  legions  had  passed  under  the  yoke — a  circum- 
stance in  which  the  Senate  only  saw  a  new  affront  to 
revenge.  The  treaty  of  Caudium  was  not  ratified, 
and  subterfuges  little  excusable,  although  approved 
at  a  later  period  by  Cicero,  (*)  gave  to  the  refusal  an 
appearance  of  justice. 

(')  Cicero,  de  Qfficiis,  iii.  30. 


CONQUEST  OF  ITALY.  81 

Meanwhile  the  Senate  exerted  itself  vigorously  to 
repair  this  check,  and  soon  Publilius  Philo  defeated 
the  enemies  in  Samnium,  and,  in  Apulia,  Papirius,  in 
his  turn,  caused  seven  thousand  Samnites  to  pass  un- 
der the  yoke.  The  vanquished  solicited  peace,  but  in 
vain ;  they  only  obtained  a  truce  for  two  years  (436), 
and  it  had  hardly  expired,  when,  penetrating  into  the 
country  of  the  Volsci,  as  far  as  the  neighbourhood  of 
Terracina,  and  taking  a  position  at  Lautulse,  they  de- 
feated a  Roman  army  raised  hastily  and  commanded 
by  Q.  Fabius  (439).  Capua  deserted,  and  Nola,  Nu- 
ceria,  the  Aurunci,  and  the  Volsci  of  the  Liris  took 
part  openly  with  the  Samnites.  The  spirit  of  rebel- 
lion spread  as  far  as  Praeneste.  Rome  was  in  danger. 
The  Senate  required  its  utmost  energy  to  restrain  pop- 
ulations whose  fidelity  was  always  doubtful.  For- 
tune seconded  its  efforts,  and  the  allies,  who  had 
proved  traitors,  received  a  cruel  chastisement,  explain- 
ed by  the  terror  they  had  inspired.  In  440,  (J)  not 
far  from  Caudium,  a  numerous  army  encountered  the 
Samnites,  who  lost  30,000  men,  and  were  driven  back 
into  the  Apennine  territory.  The  Roman  legions  pro- 
ceeded to  encamp  before  their  capital,  Bovianum,  and 
there  took  up  their  winter  quarters. 

The  -year  following  (441),  Rome,  less  occupied  in 
fighting,  profited  by  this  circumstance  to  seize  upon 
advantageous  positions,  establishing  in  Campania  and 
Apulia  colonies  which  surrounded  the  territory  of 
Samnium.  At  the  same  epoch,  Appius  Claudius  trans- 
formed into  a  regular '  causeway  the  road  which  has 

(')  Titus  Livius,  IX.  24,  28. 
4*  F 


82  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

preserved  his  name.  (*)  The  Komans  turned  their  at- 
tention to  the  defence  of  the  coasts  and  communica- 
tion by  sea ;  a  colony  was  sent  to  the  isle  of  Pontia,  (2) 
opposite  Tarracina,  and  the  armament  of  a  fleet  was 
commenced,  which  was  placed  under  the  command  of 
duumviri  iiavales.  (3)  The  war  had  lasted  fifteen 
years,  and,  although  Rome  had  only  succeeded  in 
driving  back  the  Samnites  into  their  own  territory, 
she  had  conquered  two  provinces,  Apulia  and  Cam- 
pania. 

VI.  A  struggle  so  desperate  had  produced  its  effect 
Third  samnite  war.  even  in  Etruria,  and  the  old  league  was 

Coalition  of  Sara-          ,,  -,  .  T  -.  ill* 

mte*,  Etruscans,      formed  again.     Inured  to  war  by  their 

Umbrians,  and  Her-  °  • 

nici  (W3-449).  daily  combats  with  the  Gauls,  and  em- 
boldened by  the  reports  of  the  defeat  of  Lautulse,  the 
Etruscans  believed  that  the  moment  had  arrived  for 
recovering  their  ancient  territory  to  the  south  of  the 
Ciminian  forest ;  they  were  further  encouraged  by 
the  attitude  of  the  peoples  of  Central  Italy,  who  were 
weaiy  of  the  continual  passing  of  legions.  From  443 
to  449,  the  armies  of  the  Republic  were  obliged  to 
face  different  enemies  at  the  same  time.  In  Etmria, 
Fabius  Rullianus  relieved  Sutrium,  a  rampart  of  Rome 
on  the  north ;  (4)  he  passed  through  the  Ciminian  for- 
est, and  by  the  victories  of  Lake  Vadirno  (445)  (5) 
and  Perusia  compelled  all  the  Etruscan  towns  to  ask 

(')  Diodoras  Siculus,  XX.  36.— Titus  Livius,  IX.  2.9. 

(»)  Diodorus  Siculus,  XIX.  101. 

(*)  Titus  Livius,  IX.  31.  (4)  Diodorus  Siculus,  XX.  35. 

(*)  Now  Logo  di  Vadimone  or  Bagnaccio,  situated  on  the  right  bank  and 
three  miles  from  the  Tiber,  between  that  river  and  the  Lake  Ciminius,  about 
the  latitude  of  Narni. 


CONQUEST  OF  ITALY.  83 

for  peace.  At  the  same  time,  an  army  laid  waste  the 
country  of  the  Samnites ;  and  a  Koman  fleet,  com- 
posed of  vessels  furnished  by  the  maritime  allies,  took 
the  offensive  for  the  first  time.  Its  attempt  near  Nu- 
ceria  Alfaterna  (Nocera,  a  town  of  Campania)  was 
unfortunate. 

War  next  breaks  out  again  in  Apulia,  Samnium, 
and  Etruria,  where  the  aged  Papirius  Cursor,  named 
dictator  anew,  gains  a  brilliant  victory  at  Langula 
(445).  The  year  following  Fabius  penetrates  again 
into  Samnium,  and  the  other  consul,  Decius,  maintains 
Etruria.  Suddenly  the  Unibrians  conceive  the  proj- 
ect of  seizing  Rome  by  surprise.  The  consuls  are  re- 
called for  the  defence  of  the  town.  Fabius  meets  the 
Etruscans  at  Mevania  (on  the  confines  of  Etruria  and 
Umbria),  and,  the  year  following,  at  Allifse  (447). 
Among  the  prisoners  were  some  JEqui  and  Hernici. 
Their  towns,  feeling  themselves  thus  compromised, 
declared  open  war  against  the  Romans  (448).  The 
Samnites  recovered  courage;  but  the  prompt  reduc- 
tion of  the  Hernici  allowed  the  Senate  to  concentrate 
its  forces.  Two  armies,  penetrating  into  Samnium  by 
way  of  Apulia  and  Campania,  re-established  the  old 
frontiers.  Bovianum  was  taken  for  the  third  time, 
and  during  six  months  the  country  was  delivered  up 
to  devastation.  In  vain  Tarentum  tried  to  raise  new 
quarrels  for  the  Republic,  and  to  force  the  Lucanians 
to  embrace  the  cause  of  the  Samnites.  The  successes 
)f  the  Roman  amis  led  to  the  conclusion  of  treaties 
rf  peace  with  all  the  peoples  of  Southern  Italy,  con- 
strained thenceforward  to  acknowledge  the  majesty 
)f  the  Roman  people.  The  J£qui  remained  alone  ex- 


84  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CJESAR. 

posed  to  the  wrath  of  Rome ;  the  Senate  did  not  for- 
get that  at  Allifae  they  had  fought  in  the  ranks  of  the 
enemy,  and,  once  freed  from  its  more  serious  embar- 
rassments, it  inflicted  on  this  people  a  terrible  chas- 
tisement :  forty-one  places  were  taken  and  burnt  in 
fifty  days.  This  period  of  six  years  thus  terminated 
with  the  submission  of  the  Hernici  and  JSqui. 

Five  years  less  agitated  left  Rome  time  to  regulate 
the  position  of  its  new  subjects,  and  to  establish  colo- 
nies and  ways  of  communication. 

The  Hernici  were  treated  in  the  same  manner  as 
the  Latins,  in  416,  and  deprived  of  commerciwn  and 
connubium.  Prefects  and  the  law  of  the  Caerites  were 
imposed  on  Anagnia,  Frusino,  and  other  towns  guilty 
of  desertion.  The  cities  which  had  remained  faithful 
preserved  their  independence  and  the  title  of  allies 
(448) ;  (*)  the  ^Equi  lost  a  part  of  their  territory  and 
received  the  right  of  city  without  suffrage  (450). 
The  Samnites,  sufficiently  humiliated,  obtained  at  last 
the  renewal  of  their  ancient  conventions  (450).  (2) 
Fcedera  non  cequa  were  concluded  with  the  Marsi,  the 
Peligni,the  Marrucini,the  Frentani  (450),  the  Vestini 
(452),  and  the  Picentini  (455).  (3)  Rome  treated 
with  Tarentum  on  a  footing  of  equality,  and  engaged 
not  to  let  her  fleet  pass  the  Lacinian  Promontory  to 
the  south  of  the  Gulf  of  Tarentum.  (4) 

Thus,  on  the  one  hand,  the  territories  shared  among 
the  Roman  citizens ;  on  the  other,  the  number  of  the 

(')  Titus  Livius,  IX.  43. — Cicero,  Oration  for  Balbus,  13. — Festns,  under  the 
word  PrirfeciwcE,  p.  233. 

(3)  Titus  Livius,  IX.  45.— Diodorus  Siculns,  XX.  101. 

O  Titus  Livius,  IX.  45 ;  X.  3,  10. 

(*)  Appian,  Samnite  Wars,  §  vii.,  p.  56,  edit.  Schweighasuser. 


CONQUEST  OF  ITALY.  85 

municipia  were  considerably  augmented.  Further, 
the  Republic  had  acquired  new  allies  ;  she  possessed 
at  length  the  passages  of  the  Apennines  and  com- 
manded both  seas.  (l)  A  girdle  of  Latin  fortresses 
protected  Rome  and  broke  the  communications  be- 
tween the  north  and  south  of  Italy  ;  among  the  Marsi 
and  the  ^Equi,  there  were  Alba  and  Carseoli  ;  Sora, 
towards  the  sources  of  the  Liris  ;  and  Narnia,  in  Urn- 
bria.  Military  roads  connected  the  colonies  with  the 
metropolis. 

VII.  Peace   could  not  last  long:   between  Rome 
Fourth  samnite  War.  and  the  Samnites  it  was  a  duel  to  death. 

econd  coalition  of  the     -.-          4  ~  n      il  lj_j.  "IJ         1  1  _«? 

ammies,  Etruscans,  In  4o6,  these  latter  had  already  suin- 

nibrians,  and  Gauld        .  -,.-,. 


U 


,  .  -,.-,. 

(450^64).  ciently  recovered  from  their  disasters  to 

attempt  once  more  the  fortune  of  arms.  (2)  Rome 
sends  to  the  succour  of  the  Lucanians,  suddenly  at- 
tacked, two  consular  armies.  Vanquished  at  Tifer- 
num  by  Fabius,  at  Maleventum  by  Decius,  the  Sam- 
nites  witness  the  devastation  of  their  whole  country. 
Still  they  do  not  lose  courage;  their  chief,  Gellius 
Egnatius,  conceives  a  plan  which  places  Rome  in 
great  danger.  He  divides  the  Samnite  army  into  three 
bodies  :  the  first  remains  to  defend  the  country  ;  the 
second-  takes  the  offensive  in  Campania;  the  third, 
which  he  commands  in  person,  throws  itself  into 
Etruria,  and,  increased  by  the  junction  of  the  Etrus- 
cans, the  Gauls,  and  the  Umbrians,  soon  forms  a  nu- 
merous army.  (3)  The  storm  roared  on  all  sides,  and, 

0)  Diodorus  Siculus,  XIX.  10. 

C2)  Titus  Livius,  X.  11,  et  seq. 

(3)  Titus  Livius,  X.  22,  et  seq.—  Polybius,  II.  19.—  Floras,  I.  17. 


86  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

while  the  Roman  generals  were  occupied  some  in 
Sarnnium  and  others  in  Campania,  despatches  arrived 
from  Appius,  placed  at  the  head  of  the  army  of  Etru- 
ria,  announcing  a  terrible  coalition  formed  in  silence 
by  the  peoples  of  the  north,  who  were  concentrating 
all  their  forces  in  Umbria  for  the  purpose  of  march- 
ing upon  Rome. 

The  terror  was  extreme,  but  the  energy  of  the  Ro- 
mans was  equal  to  the  danger.  All  able  men,  even 
to  the  freedmen,  were  enrolled,  and  ninety  thousand 
soldiers  were  raised.  Under  these  grave  circum- 
stances (458),  Fabius  and  Decius  were,  once  again, 
raised  to  the  supreme  magistracy,  and  gained,  under 
the  walls  of  Sentinum,  a  brilliant  victory,  long  dis- 
puted. During  the  battle,  Decius  devoted  himself, 
as  his  father  had  done  before.  The  coalition  once 
dissolved,  Fabius  defeated  another  army  which  had 
issued  from  Perusia,  and  then  came  to  receive  the 
honour  of  a  triumph  in  Rome.  Etruria  was  subdued 
(460),  and  obtained  a  truce  of  forty  years.  (J) 

The  Samnites  still  maintained  an  obstinate  struggle 
of  mingled  successes  and  reverses.  In  461,  after  hav- 
ing taken  an  oath  to  conquer  or  die,  thirty  thousand 
of  them  were  left  on  the  field  of  battle  of  Aquilonia. 
A  few  months  later,  the  celebrated  Pontius,  the  hero 
of  Furcse  Caudinse,  re-appeared,  at  the  end  of  twenty- 
nine  years,  at  the  head  of  his  fellow-citizens,  and  in- 
flicted upon  the  son  of  Fabius  a  check,  which  the  lat- 
ter soon  retrieved  with  the  assistance  of  his  father.  (2) 
Finally,  in  464,  two  Roman  armies  re-commenced,  in 

(')  Volsiniae,  Perusia,  and  Arretium.     (Titus  Linus,  X.  37.) 
(*)  Orosius,  III.  22.—  Zonaras,  VII.  2.— Eutropius,  II.  9. 


CONQUEST  OF  ITALY.  87 

Samnium,  a  war  of  extermination,  which  led  for  the 
fourth  time  to  the  renewal  of  the  ancient  treaties  and 
the  cession  of  a  certain  extent  of  territory.  At  the 
same  epoch,  an  insurrection  which  broke  out  in  the 
Sabine  territory  was  put  down  by  Curius  Deiitatus. 
Central  Italy  was  conquered. 

The  peace  with  the  Samnites  lasted  five  years 
(464-469).  Rome  extended  her  frontiers,  and  forti- 
fied those  of  the  peoples  placed  under  her  protector- 
ate ;  and  at  the  same  time  established  new  military 
forts. 

The  right  of  city  without  suffrage  was  accorded  to 
the  Sabines,  and  prefects  were  given  to  some  of  the 
towns  of  the  valley  of  the  Vulturnus  (  Venafrum  and 
Allifce).  ( 1 )  A  Latin  colony,  of  twenty  thousand 
men,  was  sent  to  Venusia  to  watch  over  Southern  It- 
aly. (2)  It  commanded  at  the  same  time  Samnium, 
Apulia,  and  Lucania.  If,  owing  to  the  treaty  con- 
cluded with  the  Greek  towns,  the  Roman  supremacy 
extended  over  the  south  of  the  peninsula,  to  the  north 
the  Etruscans  could  not  be  reckoned  as  allies,  since 
nothing  more  than  truces  had  been  concluded  with 
them.  In  Umbria,  the  small  tribe  of  the  Sarsinates 
remained  independent,  and  all  the  coast  district  from 
the  Rubicon  to  the  -^Esis  was  in  the  power  of  the  Se- 
nones;  on  their  southern  frontier  the  Roman  colony 
of  Sena  Gallica  (Sinigaglici)  was  founded ;  the  coast 
of  Picenuni  was  watched  by  that  of  Castrum  Novum 
and  by  the  Latin  fortress  of  Hatria  (465).  (3) 

O  Velleius  Paterculus,  1. 14. — Festus,  under  the  word  Prasfecturce,  p.  233. 
(a)  Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus,  Excerpta,  p.  2335,  edit.  Schweighseuser. 
(3)  Polybins,  H.  19,24. 


88  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  C^SAB. 

VIII.  The  power  of  Rome  had  increased  consider- 
ably.    The  Samnites,  who  hitherto  had 

Third  coalition  of  the  * 

^iUaSnT8;inGdaUT^n:  played  the  first  part,  were  no  longer  in 
a  condition  to  plan  further  coalitions, 
and  one  people  alone  could  hardly  be  rash  enough  to 
provoke  the  Republic.  Yet  the  Lucanians,  always 
hesitating,  gave  this  time  the  signal  for  a  general  re- 
volt. 

The  attack  on  Thurium,  by  the  Lucanians  and 
Bruttians,  became  the  occasion  of  a  new  league,  into 
which  entered  successively  the  Tarentines,  the  Sam- 
nites, the  Etruscans,  and  even  the  Gauls.  The  north 
was  soon  in  flames,  and  Etruria  again  became  the  bat- 
tle-field. A  Roman  army,  which  had  hastened  to  re- 
lieve Arretium,  was  put  to  rout  by  the  Etruscans  unit- 
ed with  Gaulish  mercenaries.  The  Senones,  to  whom 
these  belonged,  having  massacred  the  Roman  ambas- 
sadors sent  to  expostulate  on  their  violation  of  the 
treaty  with  the  Republic,  the  Senate  sent  against  them 
two  legions  who  drove  them  back  beyond  the  Rubi- 
con. The  Gaulish  tribe  of  the  Boians,  alarmed  by  the 
fate  of  the  Senones,  descended  immediately  into  Um- 
bria,  and,  rallying  the  Etruscans,  prepared  to  march  to 
renew  the  sack  of  Rome ;  but  their  march  was  arrest- 
ed, and  two  successive  victories,  at  Lake  Vadimo, 
(471)  and  Populonia  (472),  enabled  the  Senate  to 
conclude  a  convention  which  drove  back  the  Boians 
into  their  old  territory.  Hostilities  continued  with 
the  Etruscans  during  two  years,  after  which  their  sub- 
mission completed  the  conquest  of  Northern  Italy. 

IX.  Free  to  the  north,  the  Romans  turned  their  ef- 


CONQUEST  OF  ITALY.  89 

us in itaiy.      forts  against  the  south  of  Italy;  war  was 

Submission  of  Taren-     -.       -,  1  •        ,    m  jl  l/> 

tum  (474-4S8).  declared  against  larentum,  the  people  or 
which  had  attacked  a  Roman  flotilla.  While  the  con- 
sul ^Emilius  invested  the  town,  the  first  troops  of  Pyr- 
rims,  called  in  by  the  Tarentines,  disembarked  in  the 
port  (474). 

This  epoch  marks  a  new  phase  in  the  destinies  of 
Rome,  who  is  going,  for  the  first  time,  to  measure 
herself  with  Greece.  Hitherto  the  legions  have  "never 
had  to  combat  really  regular  armies,  but  they  have 
become  disciplined  in  war  by  incessant  struggles  in 
the  mountains  of  Samnium  and  Etruria ;  henceforth, 
they  will  have  to  face  old  soldiers  disciplined  in  skil- 
ful tactics  and  commanded  by  an  experienced  warrior. 
The  King  of  Epirus,  after  having  already  twice  lost 
and  recovered  his  kingdom,  and  invaded  and  aban- 
doned Macedonia,  dreamt  of  conquering  the  West. 
On  the  news  of  his  arrival  at  the  head  of  twenty-five 
thousand  soldiers  and  twenty  elephants,  (*)  the  Ro- 
mans enrolled  all  citizens  capable  of  bearing  arms, 
even  the  proletaries ;  but,  admirable  example  of  cour- 
age !  they  rejected  the  support  of  the  Carthaginian 
fleet  with  this  proud  declaration:  "The Republic  only 
entertains  wars  which  it  can  sustain  with  its  own 
forces."  (2)  While  fifty  thousand  men,  under  the  or- 
ders of  the  consul  Lsevinus,  march  against  the  King 
of  Epirus,  to  prevent  his  junction  with  the  Samnites, 
another  army  enters  Lucania.  The  consul  Tiberius 
Coruncanius  holds  Etruria,  again  in  agitation.  Last- 
ly, an  army  of  reserve  guards  the  capital. 

0)  Titus  Livius,  Epitome,  XII.,  XIIL,  XIV.  — Plutarch,  Pyrrhus,  et  seq.  — 
Florus,  1. 18. — Eutropius,  II.  11,  et  seq. — Zonaras,  VIII.  2. 
(2)  Valerius  Maximus,  III.  vii.  10. 


90  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS 

Laevinus  encountered  the  King  of  Epirus  near  Her- 
aclea,  a  colony  of  Tarentum  (474).  Seven  times  in 
succession  the  legions  charged  the  phalanx,  which  was 
on  the  point  of  giving  way,  when  the  elephants,  ani- 
mals unknown  to  the  Romans,  decided  the  victory  in 
favour  of  the  enemy.  A  single  "battle  had  delivered 
to  Pyirhus  all  the  south  of  the  Peninsula,  where  the 
Greek  towns  received  him  with  enthusiasm. 

But,  though  victor,  he  had  sustained  considerable 
losses,  and  learned  at  the  same  time  the  effeminacy 
of  the  Greeks  of  Italy,  and  the  energy  of  a  people  of 
soldiers.  He  offered  peace,  and  asked  of  the  Senate 
liberty  for  the  Samnites,  the  Lucanians,  and  especially 
for  the  Greek  towns.  Old  Appius  Claudius  declared 
it  impossible  so  long  as  Pyrrhus  occupied  Italian  soil, 
and  peace  was  refused.  The  king  then  resolved  to 
march  upon  Rome  through  Campania,  where  his 
troops  made  great  booty. 

Lsevinus,  made  prudent  by  his  defeat,  satisfied  him- 
self with  watching  the  enemy's  army,  and  succeeded 
in  covering  Capua;  whence  he  followed  Pyrrhus  from 
place  to  place,  looking  out  for  a  favourable  opportuni- 
ty. This  prince,  advancing  by  the  Latin  Way,  had 
reached  Prseneste  without  obstacle,  (*)  when,  sur- 
rounded by  three  Roman  armies,  he  found  himself 
under  the  necessity  of  falling  back  and  retiring  into 
Lucania.  Next  year,  reckoning  on  finding  new  aux- 
iliaries among  the  peoples  of  the  east,  he  attacked 
Apulia ;  but  the  fidelity  of  the  allies  in  Central  Italy 
was  not  shaken.  Victorious  at  Asculum  (Ascoli  di 

(')  Appian  (Samnite  Wars,  X.  iii.,  p.  65)  says  that  Pyrrhus  advanced  as  far 
as  Anagnia. 


CONQUEST  OF  ITALY.  91 

Satricmo)  (475),  but  without  a  decisive  success,  and 
encountering  always  the  same  resistance,  he  seized  the 
first  opportunity  of  quitting  Italy  to  conquer  Sicily 
(476-78).  During  this  time,  the  Senate  re-establish- 
ed the  Roman  domination  in  Southern  Italy,  and  even 
seized  upon  some  of  the  Greek  towns,  among  the  rest 
Locri^and  Heraclea.  (f)  Samnium,  Lucania,  and  Brut- 
tium  were  again  given  up  to  the  power  of  the  legions, 
and  forced  to  surrender  lands  and  renew  treaties  of 
alliance ;  on  the  coast,  Tarentum  and  Rhegium  alone 
remained  independent.  The  Samnites  still  resisted, 
and  the  Roman  army  encamped  in  their  country  in 
478  and  479.  Meanwhile  Pyrrhus  returns  to  Italy, 
reckoning  on  arriving  in  time  to  deliver  Samnium; 
but  he  is  defeated  at  Beneventum  by  Curius  Denta- 
tus,  and  returns  to  his  country.  The  invasion  of  Pyr- 
rhus, cousin  of  Alexander  the  Great,  and  one  of  his 
successors,  appears  as  one  of  the  last  efforts  of  Grecian 
civilisation  expiring  at  the  feet  of  the  rising  grandeur 
of  Roman  civilisation. 

The  war  against  the  King  of  Epirus  produced  two 
remarkable  results :  it  improved  the  Romans  in  mili- 
tary tactics,  and  introduced  between  the  combatants 
those  mutual  regards  of  civilised  nations  which  teach 
men  to  honour  their  adversaries,  to  spare  the  van- 
quished, and  to  lay  aside  wrath  when  the  struggle  is 
ended.  The  King  of  Epirus  treated  his  Roman  pris- 
oners with  great  generosity.  Cineas,  sent  to  the  Sen- 
ate at  Rome,  and  Fabricius,  envoy  to  Pyrrhus,  earned 
back  from  their  mission  a  profound  respect  for  those 
whom  they  had  combated. 

(')  Cicero,  Oration  for  Balbus,  xxii. 


92  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

In  the  following  years  Rome  took  Tarentum 
(482),  (a)  finally  pacified  Samnium,  and  took  posses- 
sion of  Rhegium  (483-485).  Since  the  battle  of 
Mount  Graurus,  seventy-two  years  had  passed,  and  sev- 
eral generations  had  succeeded  each  other,  without 
seeing  the  end  of  this  long  and  sanguinary  quarrel. 
The  Samnites  had  been  nearly  exterminated,  and  yet 
the  spirit  of  independence  and  liberty  remained  deep- 
ly rooted  in  their  mountains.  When,  at  the  end  of 
two  centuries  and  a  half,  the  war  of  the  allies  shall 
come,  it  is  there  still  that  the  cause  of  equality  of 
rights  will  find  its  strongest  support. 

The  other  peoples  underwent  quickly  the  laws  of 
the  conqueror.  The  inhabitants  of  Picenum,  as  a 
punishment  for  their  revolt,  were  despoiled  of  a  part 
of  their  territory,  and  a  certain  number  among  them 
received  new  lands  in  the  south  of  Campania,  near 
the  Gulf  of  Salernum  (Picentini)  (486).  In  487,  the 
submission  of  the  Saleritines  allowed  the  Romans  to 
seize  Brundusium,  the  most  important  port  of  the 
Adriatic.  (2)  The  Sarsinates  were  reduced  the  years 
following.  (3)  Finally,  Volsinium,  a  town  of  Etmria, 
was  again  numbered  among  the  allies  of  the  Repub- 
lic. The  Sabines  received  the  right  of  suffrage.  Italy, 
become  henceforth  Roman,  extended  from  the  Rubi- 
con to  the  Straits  of  Messina. 

X.  During  this  period,  the  conquest  of  the  subju- 
preponderance  of  gated  countries  was  ensured  by  the  foun- 
dation of  colonies.     Rome  became  thus 

0)  Titus  Livius,  Epitome,  XIV.— Orosius,  IV.  3.  (8)  Floras,  I.  20. 

(*)  Titus  Livius,  Epitome,  XV.—  Fasti  Capitolini,  an.  487. 


CONQUEST  Or  ITALY.  93 

encircled  by  a  girdle  of  fortresses  commanding  all  the 
passages  which  led  to  Latium,  and  closing  the  roads 
to  Campania,  Samnium,  Etruria,  and  Gaul.  (*) 

At  the  opening  of  the  struggle  which  ended  in  the 

(l)  ROMAN  COLONIES.— Third  period :  416-488. 

Anlium  (416).     A  maritime  colony  (Volsci).     Torre  d'Anzo  or  Porto 

d'Anzo. 
Terracina  (425).     A  maritime  colony  (Aurunci).     (  Via  Appia.)     Terra- 

dna. 
Minturnce.  (459).     A  maritime  colony  (Aurunci).     (Via  Appia.")    Huins 

near  Trajetta. 
Sinuessa  (459).     A  maritime  colony  (Campania).     ( Via  Appia.")    Near 

Rocca  di  Mondragone. 
Sena  Gallica  (465).     A  maritime  colony  (Umbria,  in  agro  Gallico).     (  Via 

Valeria,")     Sinigaglia. 
Castrum  Novwn  (465).     A  maritime  colony  (Picenum).     (Via  Valeria.") 

Giulia  Nuova. 
LATIN  COLONIES. 

Coles  (420).     Campania.     (Via  Appia.")     Calvi. 

Fregellce.  (426).     Volsci.     In  the  valley  of  the  Liris.     Ceprano  (?).     De- 
stroyed in  629.  * 
Luceria  (440).     Apulia.     Lucera. 

Suessa  Aurunca  (441).     Aurunci.     (  Via  Appia.*)     Sessa. 
Pontice  (441).     Island  opposite  Circeii.    Ponza. 
Saticula  (441).     On  the  boundary  between   Samnium   and  Campania. 

Prestia,  near  Santa  Agata  de1  Goti.     Disappeared  early. 
Interamna  (Lirinas)  (442).     Volsci.     Teraine.     Not  inhabited. 
Sara  (451).     On   the  boundary  between  the  Volsci  and  the  Samnites. 

Sora.     Already  colonised  in  a  previous  period. 
AlbaFucensis  (451).    Marsi.     (Via  Valeria.)    Alba,  a  village  near  Avez- 

zano. 
Narnia  (455).     Umbria.     (Via  Flaminia.)     Narni.     Strengthened   in 

555. 
Carseoli  (456).    -3Squi.     (Via  Valeria.)     Cerita,  Osteria del  Cavaliere,  near 

Carsoli. 
Venusia  (463).    Frontier  between  Lucania  and  Apulia.    ( Via  Appia.)  \ 

Venosa.     Re-fortified  in  554. 

Adria  (or  Hatria)  (465).     Picennm.     (  Via  Valeria  and  Sataria).     Adri. 
Cosa  (481).     Etruria  or  Campania.     Ansedonia  (?),  near  Orbitello.     Ke- 

fortified  in  557. 

Pce&tum  (481).     Lucania.     Pesto.     Ruins. 

Ariminum  (486).     Umbria,  in  agro  Gallico.     (Via Flaminia.')    Rimini. 
Beneventum  (486).     Samnium.    (ViaAppia.)    Benevento. 


94  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

conquest  of  Italy,  there  were  only  twenty-seven  tribes 
of  Roman  citizens ;  the  creation  of  eight  new  tribes 
(the  two  last  in  513)  raised  finally  the  number  to 
thirty-five,  of  which  twenty-one  were  reserved  to  the 
old  Roman  people  and  fourteen  to  the  new  citizens. 
Of  these  the  Etruscans  had  four ;  the  Latins,  the  Vol- 
sci,the  Ausones,  the  JEqui,  and  the  Sabines,  each  two ; 
but,  these  tribes  being  at  a  considerable  distance  from 
the  capital,  the  new  citizens  could  hardly  take  part 
in  the  comitia,  and  the  majority,  with  its  influence,  re- 
mained with  those  who  dwelt  at  Rome.  (*)  After 
513,  no  more  tribes  were  created ;  those  who  received 
the  rights  of  citizens  were  only  placed  in  the  previous- 
ly existing  tribes ;  so  that  the  members  of  one  indi- 
vidual tribe  were  scattered  in  the  provinces,  and  the 
number  of  those  inscribed  went  on  increasing  contin- 
ually by  individual  additions,  and  by  the  tendency 
more  and  more  apparent  to  raise  the  municipia  of  the 
second  order  to  the  rank  of  the  first  order.  Thus, 
towards  the  middle  of  the  sixth  century,  the  towns 
of  the  -<Equi,  the  Hernici,  the  Volsci,  and  a  part  of 
those  of  Campania,  including  the  ancient  Samnite  cit- 
ies of  Venafrum  and  Allifse,  obtained  the  right  of  city 
with  suffrage. 

Rome,  towards  the  end  of  the  fifth  century,  thus 
ruled,  though  in  different  degrees,  the  peoples  of  Italy 
proper.  The  Italian  State,  if  we  may  give  it  that 

(')  Campanians :  Stellatina.  Etruscans:  Tromentina,  Sabatina,  Arniensis,  in 
367  (Titus  Livius,  VI.  5).  Latins :  Mcecia  and  Scaptia,  in  422  (Titus  Livius, 
VIII.  17).  Volsci:  Pomptina  and  Publilia,  in  396  (Titus  Livius,  VII.  15). 
Ausones  :  Ufentina  and  Falerna,  in  436  (Titus  Livius,  IX.  20).  JEqui :  Anien- 
sis  and  Terentina,  in  455  (Titus  Livius,  X.  9).  Sabines  :  Velina  and  Quirina, 
in  513  (Titus  Livius,  Ejntome,  XIX,)- 


CONQUEST  OF  ITALY.  95 

name,  was  composed  of  a  reigning  class,  the  citizens ; 
of  a  class  protected,  or  held  in  guardianship,  the  al- 
lies ;  and  of  a  third  class,  the  subjects.  Allies  or  sub- 
jects were  all  obliged  to  furnish  military  contingents. 
The  maritime  Greek  towns  furnished  sailors  to  the 
fleet.  Even  the  cities,  which  preserved  their  inde- 
pendence for  their  interior  affairs,  obeyed,  so  far  as 
the  military  administration  was  concerned,  special 
functionaries  appointed  by  the  metropolis.  (*)  The 
consuls  had  the  right  of  raising  in  the  countries  bor- 
dering on  the  theatre  of  war  all  men  capable  of  bear- 
ing arms.  The  equipment  and  pay  of  the  troops  re- 
mained at  the  charge  of  the  cities ;  Rome  provided 
for  their  maintenance  during  war.  The  auxiliary  in- 
fantry was  ordinarily  equal  in  number  to  that  of  the 
Romans,  the  cavalry  double  or  triple. 

In  exchange  for  this  military  assistance,  the  allies 
had  a  right  to  a  part  of  the  conquered  territory,  and, 
in  return  for  an  annual  rent,  to  the  usufruct  of  the 
domains  of  the  State.  These  domains,  considerable 
in  the  peninsula,  (2)  formed  the  sole  source  of  income 
which  the  treasury  derived  from  the  allies,  free  in- 
other  respects  from  tribute.  Four  queetors  (gucestores 
classiei)  were  established  to  watch  over  the  execution 
of  the  orders  of  the  Senate,  the  equipment  of  the  fleet, 
and  the  collection  of  the  farm-rents. 

(l)  At  the  beginning  of  each  consular  year,  the  magistrates  or  deputies  of 
the  towns  were  obliged  to  repair  to  Rome,  and  the  consuls  there  fixed  the  con- 
tingent which  each  of  them  was  to  furnish  according  to  the  list  of  the  census. 
These  lists  Avere  drawn  up  by  the  local  magistrates,  who  sent  them  to  the  Sen- 
ate, and  were  renewed  every  five  years,  except  in  the  Latin  colonies,  where 
they  seem  to  have  taken  for  a  constant  basis  the  number  of  primitive  colonists. 

(J)  The  country  of  the  Samnites,  among  others,  was  completely  cut  up  by 
these  domains. 


96  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CJSSAR. 

Home  reserved  to  herself  exclusively  the  direction 
of  the  affairs  of  the  exterior,  and  presided  alone  over 
the  destinies  of  the  Republic.  The  allies  never  inter- 
fered in  the  decisions  of  the  Forum,  and  each  town 
kept  within  the  narrow  limits  of  its  communal  ad- 
ministration. The  Italian  nationality  was  thus  grad- 
ually constituted  by  means  of  this  political  centralisa- 
tion, without  which  the  different  peoples  would  have 
mutually  weakened  each  other  by  intestine  wars, 
more  ruinous  than  foreign  wars,  and  Italy  would  not 
have  been  in  a  condition  to  resist  the  double  pressure 
of  the  Gauls  and  the  Carthaginians. 

The  form  adopted  by  Rome  to  rule  Italy  was  the 
best  possible,  but  only  as  a  transition  form.  The  ob- 
ject to  be  aimed  at  was,  in  fact,  the  complete  assimi- 
lation of  all  the  inhabitants  of  the  peninsula,  and  this 
was  evidently  the  aim  of  the  wise  policy  of  the  Ca- 
milli  and  the  Fabii.  When  we  consider  that  the  col- 
onies of  citizens  presented  the  faithful  image  of  Rome ; 
that  the  Latin  colonies  had  analogous  institutions  and 
laws ;  and  that  a  great  number  of  Roman  citizens  and 
Latin  allies  wrere  dispersed,  in  the  different  countries 
of  the  peninsula,  over  the  vast  territories  ceded  as  the 
consequence  of  war,  we  may  judge  how  rapid  must 
have  been  the  diffusion  of  Roman  manners  and  the 
Latin  language. 

If  Rome,  in  later  times,  had  not  the  wisdom  to  seize 
the  favourable  moment  in  which  assimilation,  already 
effected  in  people's  minds,  might  have  passed  into  the 
domain  of  facts,  the  reason  of  it  was  the  abandonment 
of  the  principles  of  equity  which  had  guided  the  Sen- 
ate in  the  first  ages  of  the  Republic,  and,  above  all, 


CONQUEST  OF  ITALY.  97 

the  corruption  of  the  magnates,  interested  in  maintain- 
ing the  inferior  condition  of  the  allies.  The  right  of 
city  extended  to  all  the  peoples  of  Italy,  time  enough 
to  be  useful,  would  have  given  to  the  Republic  a  new 
force;  but  an  obstinate  refusal  became  *the  cause  of 
the  revolution  commenced  by  the  Gracchi,  continued 
by  Marius,  extinguished  for  a  moment  by  Sylla,  and 
completed  by  Caesar. 

XI.  At  the  epoch  with  which  we  are  occupied,  the 
own  of  the  in.  Republic  is  in  all  its  splendour. 

The  institutions  form  remarkable  men ; 
the  annual  elections  carry  into  power  those  who  are 
most  worthy,  and  recall  them  to  it  after  a  short  inter- 
val. The  sphere  of  action  for  the  military  chiefs  does 
not  extend  beyond  the  natural  frontiers  of  the  penin- 
sula, and  their  ambition,  restrained  in  their  duty  by 
public  opinion,  does  not  exceed  a  legitimate  object, 
the  union  of  all  Italy  under  one  dominion.  The 
members  of  the  aristocracy  seem  to  inherit  the  ex- 
ploits as  well  as  the  virtues  of  their  ancestors,  and 
neither  poverty  nor  obscurity  of  birth  prevent  merit 
from  reaching  it.  Curius  Dentatus,  Fabricius,  and 
Coruncanius,  can  show  neither  riches  nor  the  images 
of  their  ancestors,  and  yet  they  attain  to  the  highest 
dignities ;  in  fact,  the  plebeian  nobility  walks  on  a 
footing  of  equality  with  the  patrician.  Both,  in  sep- 
arating from  the  multitude,  tend  more  and  more  to 
amalgamate  together ;  (l)  but  they  remain  rivals  in 
patriotism  and  disinterestedness. 

(')  Titus  Livius  places  in  the  mouth  of  the  consul  Decius,  in  452,  these  re- 
markable words:  "Jam  ne  nobilitatis  quidem  sure  plebeios  poenitere"  (Titus 

5  G 


98  .         HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

In  spite  of  the  taste  for  riches  introduced  by  the 
war  of  the  •  Sabines,  (l)  the  magistrates  maintained 
their  simplicity  of  manners,  and  protected  the  public 
domain  against  the  encroachments  of  the  rich  by  the 
rigorous  execution  of  the  law,  which  limited  to  five 
hundred  acres  the  property  which  an  individual  was 
allowed  to  possess.  (2) 

The  first  citizens  presented  the  most  remarkable 
examples  of  integrity  and  self-denial.  Marcus  Vale- 
rius Corvus,  after  occupying  twenty-one  curule  offices, 
returns  to  his  fields  without  fortune,  though  not  with- 
out glory  (419).  Fabius  Rullianus,  in  the  midst  of 
his  victories  and  triumphs,  forgets  his  resentment  to- 
wards Papirius  Cursor,  and  names  him  dictator,  sacri- 
ficing thus  his  private  feelings  to  the  interests  of  his 
country  (429).  Marcus  Curius  Dentatus  keeps  for 
himself  no  part  of  the  rich  spoils  taken  from  the  Sa- 
bines, and,  after  having  vanquished  Pyrrhus,  resumes 
the  simplicity  of  country  life  (479).  (3)  Fabricius  re- 
jects the  money  which  the  Saninites  offer  him  for  his 
generous  behaviour  towards  them,  and  disdains  the 
presents  of  Pyrrhus  (476).  Coruncanius  furnishes  an 
example  of  all  the  virtues.  (*)  Fabius  Gurges,  Fabius 
Pictor,  and  Ogulnius,  pour  into  the  treasury  the  mag- 
nificent gifts  they  had  brought  back  from  their  em- 
bassy to  Alexandria.  (5)  M.  Eutilius  Censorinus, 

Livius,  X.  7)  ;  and  later  Still,  towards  538,  a  tribune  expresses  himself  thus  : 
' '  Nam  plebeios  nobiles  jam  eisdem  initiates  esse  sacris,  et  contemnere  plebem, 
ex  quo  contemni  desierint  a  patribus,  cccpisse."  (Titus  Livius,  XXII.  3-t.) 

0)  Titus  Livius,  XIV.  48. 

(s)  We  have  the  proof  of  this  in  the  condemnation  of  those  who  transgressed 
the  law  of  Stolo.  (Titus  Livius,  X.  13.) 

(3)  Valerius  Maximus,  IV.  iii.  5. — Plutarch,  Cato,  iii. 

(*)  Valerius  Maximus,  IV.  iii.  6.  (5)  Valerius  Maximus,  IV,  iii.  9. 


CONQUEST  OF  ITALY. 


99 


struck  with  the  danger  of  entrusting  twice  in  succes- 
sion the  censorship  in  the  same  hands,  refuses  to  be 
re-elected  to  that  office  (488). 

The  names  of  many  others  might  be  cited,  who, 
then  and  in  later  ages,  did  honour  to  the  Roman  Re- 


j.umus,  wnicu  ueciaea  tnat  the  goods  only  of  the 
debtor,  and  not  his  body,  should  be  responsible  for 
his  debt.  (2)  In  450,  Flavius,  the  son  of  a  freedman, 
made  public  the  calendar  and  the  formulae  of  proceed- 
ings, which  deprived  the  patricians  of  the  exclusive 
knowledge  of  civil  and  religious  law.  (3)  But  the 
lawyers  found  means  of  weakening  the  effects  of  the 
measure  of  Flavius  by  inventing  new  formulae,  which 

0)  Titus  Livius,  IX.  46. 

(5)  "The  goods  of  the  debtor,  not  his  body,  should  be  responsible  for  the 
debt.  Thus  all  the  captured  citizens  were  free,  and  it  was  forbidden  for  ever 
to  put  in  bonds  a  debtor."  (Titus  Livius,  VIII.  28.)  • 

(3)  Ignorance  of  the  calendar,  and  of  the  method  of  fixing  the  festivals,  left 
to  the  pontiffs  alone  the  knowledge  of  the  days  when  it  was  permitted  to  plead. 


98 


HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  C^SAK. 


In  spite  of  the  taste  for  riches  introduced  by  the 
war  of  the  •  Sabines,  (l)  the  magistrates  maintained 
their  simplicity  of  manners,  and  protected  the  public 
domain  against  the  encroachments  of  the  rich  by  the 

IQW  whifh  limited  to  five 


A 


DR.  J.  H.  HOLLISTER, 
30    Washington   SYroet. 

Consultation  Honrs.1 
7  to  8  A.  M.     1  to  2.      5  to  6  P.  M. 


^••^•^^•^^^^a^^^^^^_^^^_^_ 

jects  the  money  which  the^amnites^ofter  mm  ior  uis 
generous  behaviour  towards  them,  and  disdains  the 
presents  of  Pyrrhus  (476).  Coruncanius  furnishes  an 
example  of  all  the  virtues.  (*)  Fabius  Gurges,  Fabius 
Pictor,  and  Ogulnius,  pour  into  the  treasury  the  mag- 
nificent gifts  they  had  brought  back  from  their  em- 
bassy to  Alexandria.  (*)  M.  Rutilius  Censorinus, 

Livins,  X.  7) ;  and  later  still,  towards  538,  a  tribune  expresses  himself  thus  : 
"Nam  pkbeios  nobiles  jam  eisdem  initiates  esse  sacris,  et  contemnere  plebem, 
ex  quo  contemni  desierint  a  patribus,  cocpisse."  (Titus  Livius,  XXII.  34.) 

(')  Titus  Livius,  XIV.  48. 

(a)  We  have  the  proof  of  this  in  the  condemnation  of  those  who  transgressed 
the  law  of  Stolo.  (Titus  Livius,  X.  13.) 

(3)  Valerius  Maximus,  IV.  iii.  5. — Plutarch,  Cato,  iii. 

(4)  Valerius  Maximus,  IV.  iii.  6.  (5)  Valerius  Maximus,  IV,  iii.  9. 


CONQUEST  OF  ITALY.  99 

struck  with,  the  danger  of  entrusting  twice  in  succes- 
sion the  censorship  in  the  same  hands,  refuses  to  be 
re-elected  to  that  office  (488). 

The  names  of  many  others  might  be  cited,  who, 
then  and  in  later  ages,  did  honour  to  the  Roman  Re- 
public ;  but  let  us  add,  that  if  the  ruling  class  knew 
how  to  call  to  it  all  the  men  of  eminence,  it  forgot  not 
to  recompense  brilliantly  those  especially  who  favour- 
f>d  its  interests :  Fabius  Rullianus,  for  instance,  the 
victor  in  so  many  battles,  received  the  name  of  "most 
great"  (Maximus)  only  for  having,  at  the  time  of  his 
censorship,  annulled  in  the  coniitia  the  influence  of 
the  poor  class,  composed  of  freedmen,  whom  he  dis- 
tributed among  the  urban  tribes  (454),  where  their 
votes  were  lost  in  the  multitude  of  others.  (]) 

The  popular  party,  on  its  own  side,  ceased  not  to 
demand  new  concessions,  or  to  claim  the  revival  of 
those  which  had  fallen  out  of  use.  Thus,  it  obtain- 
ed, in  428,  the  re-establishment  of  the  law  of  Servius 
Tullius,  which  decided  that  the  goods  only  of  the 
debtor,  and  not  his  body,  should  be  responsible  for 
his  debt.  (2)  In  450,  Flavius,  the  son  of  a  freedman, 
made  public  the  calendar  and  the  formulae  of  proceed- 
ings, which  deprived  the  patricians  of  the  exclusive 
knowledge  of  civil  and  religious  law.  (3)  But  the 
lawyers  found  means  of  weakening  the  effects  of  the 
measure  of  Flavius  by  inventing  new  formulae,  which 

0)  Titus  Livius,  IX.  46. 

(5)  "The  goods  of  the  debtor,  not  his  body,  should  be  responsible  for  the 
debt.  Thus  all  the  captured  citizens  were  free,  and  it  was  forbidden  for  ever 
to  put  in  bonds  a  debtor."  (Titus  Livius,  VIII.  28.) 

(3)  Ignorance  of  the  calendar,  and  of  the  method  of  fixing  the  festivals,  left 
to  the  pontiffs  alone  the  knowledge  of  the  days  when  it  was  permitted  to  plead. 


100  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

were  almost  unintelligible  to  the  public.  (')  The 
plebeians,  in  454,  were  admitted  into  the  college  of 
the  pontiffs,  and  into  that  of  the  augurs ;  the  same 
year,  it  was  found  necessary  to  renew  for  the  third 
time  the  law  Valeria,  de  provocatione. 

In  468,  the  people  again  withdrew  to  the  Janicu- 
lum,  demanding  the  remission  of  debts,  and  crying 
out  against  usury.  (2)  Concord  was  restored  only 
when  they  had  obtained,  first,  by  the  law  Hortensia, 
that  the  plebiscita  should  be  obligatory  on  all ;  and 
next,  by  the  law  Marcia,  that  the  orders  obtained 
through  Publilius  Philo  in  415  should  be  restored  to 
vigour.  These  orders,  as  we  have  seen  above,  obliged 
the  Senate  to  declare  in  advance  whether  or  not  the 
laws  presented  to  the  comitia  were  contrary  to  public 
and  religious  law.  (3) 

The  ambition  of  Rome  seemed  to  be  without 
bounds;  yet  all  her  wars  had  for  reason  or  pretext 
the  defence  of  the  weak  and  the  protection  of  her  al- 
lies. Indeed,  the  cause  of  the  wars  against  the  Sam- 
nites  was  sometimes  the  defence  of  the  inhabitants  of 
Capua,  sometimes  that  of  the  inhabitants  of  Palaeopo- 
lis,  sometimes  that  of  the  Lucanians.  The  war  against 
Pyrrhus  had  its  origin  in  the  assistance  claimed  by  the 
inhabitants  of  Thurium ;  and  the  support  claimed  by 
the  Mamertines  will  soon  lead  to  the  first  Punic  war. 

The  Senate,  we  have  seen,  put  in  practice  the  prin- 
ciples which  found  empires  and  the  virtues  to  which 

(l)  "  The  lawyers,  for  fear  that  their  services  might  become  useless  in  judi- 
cial proceedings,  invented  certain  formulae,  in  order  to  make  themselves  neces- 
sary." (Cicero,  Pro  Murena,  xi.) 

(3)  Titus  Livius,  Epitome,  XI.— Pliny,  XVI.  x.  37. 

(3)  Cicero,  Brutus,  C.  xiv. — Zonaras,  Annales,  VIII.  2. 


CONQUEST  OP  ITALY.  101 

* 

war  gives  birth.  Thus,  for  all  the  citizens,  equality 
of  rights ;  in  face  of  danger  to  their  country,  equality 
of  duties  and  even  suspension  of  liberty.  To  the 
most  worthy,  honours  and  the  command.  No  magis- 
terial charge  for  him  who  has  not  served  in  the  ranks 
of  the  army.  The  example  is  furnished  by  the  most 
illustrious  and  richest  families :  at  the  battle  of  Lake 
Regillus  (258),  the  principal  senators  were  mingled  in 
the  ranks  of  the  legions;  (')  at  the  combat  near  the 
Cremera,  the  three  hundred  and  six  Fabii,  who  all, 
according  to  Titus  Livius,  were  capable  of  filling  the 
highest  offices,  perished  fighting.  Later,  at  Cannae, 
eighty  senators,  who  had  enrolled  themselves  as  mere 
soldiers,  fell  on  the  field  of  battle.  (2)  The  triumph 
is  accorded  for  victories  which  enlarged  the  territory, 
but  not  for  those  which  only  recovered  lost  ground. 
No  triumph  in  civil  wars:  (3)  in  such  case,. success,  be 
what  it  may,  is  always  a  subject  for  public  mourning. 
The  consuls  or  proconsuls  seek  to  be  useful  to  their 
country  without  false  susceptibility;  to-day  in  the 
first  rank,  to-morrow  in  the  second,  they  serve  with 
the  same  devotion  under  the  orders  of  him  whom  they 
commanded  the  previous  day.  Servilius,  consul  in 
281,  becomes,  the  year  following,  the  lieutenant  of 
Valerius.  Fabius,  after  so  many  triumphs,  consents 
to  be  only  lieutenant  to  his  son.  At  a  later  period, 
Flamininus,  who  had  vanquished  the  King  of  Macedo- 
nia, descends  again  through  patriotism,  after  the  vic- 

(')  "You  see  here  all  the  principal  senators  who  set  you  the  example.  They 
will  partake  with  you  the  fatigues  and  perils  of  war,  although  the  laws  and 
their  age  exempt  them  from  carrying  arms."  (Speech  of  the  Dictator  Postu- 
mius  tojiis  troops ;  Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus,  VI.  9.) 

(2)  Titus  Livius,  X.,  XII.  49.  (3)  Valerius  Maxirous,  II.  viii.  4,  7. 


102  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  (LESAR. 

tory  of  Cynoscephalse,  to  the  grade  of  tribune  of  the 
soldiers ;  (*)  the  great  Scipio  himself,  after  the  defeat 
of  Hannibal,  serves  as  lieutenant  under  his  brother 
in  the  war  against  Antiochus. 

To  sacrifice  everything  to  patriotism  is  the  first 
duty.  By  devoting  themselves  to  the  gods  of  Hades, 
like  Curtius  and  the  two  Decii,  people  believed  they 
bought,  at  the  price  of  their  lives,  the  safety  of  the 
others  or  victory.  (2)  Discipline  is  enforced  even  to 
cruelty :  Manlius  Torquatus,  after  the  example  of  Pos- 
tumius  Tubertus,  punishes  with  death  the  disobedi- 
ence of  his  son,  though  he  had  gained  a  victory.  The 
soldiers  who  have  fled  are  decimated;  those  who  aban- 
don their  ranks  or  the  field  of  battle  are  devoted,  some 
to  execution,  others  to  dishonour;  and  those  who  have 
allowed  themselves  to  be  made  prisoners  by  the  ene- 
my are  disdained  as  unworthy  of  the  price  of  free- 
dom. (3) 

Surrounded  by  warlike  neighbours,  Rome  must  ei- 
ther triumph  or  cease  to  exist ;  hence  her  superiority 
in  the  art  of  war,  for,  as  Montesquieu  says,  in  transient 
wars  most  of  the  examples  are  lost ;  peace  brings  oth- 
er ideas,  and  its  faults  and  even  its  virtues  are  forgot- 
ten ;  hence  that  contempt  of  treason  and  that  disdain 
for  the  advantages  it  promises :  Cainillus  sends  home 
to  their  parents  the  children  of  the  first  families  of 
Falerii,  delivered  up  to  him  by  their  schoolmaster ; 
the  Senate  rejects  with  indignation  the  offer  of  the 
physician  of  Pyrrhus,  who  proposes  to  poison  that 
prince; — hence  that  religious  observance  of  oaths  and 
that  respect  for  engagements  which  have  been  con- 

(')  Plutarch,  Flamininus,  xxviii. 

(2)  Aur.  Victor,  ///.  Men,  xxxvi.  and  xxvii.  (3)  Titus  Livius,  IX.  Id 


CONQUEST  OF  ITALY.  103 

• 

tracted :  the  Roman  prisoners  to_  whom  Pyrrhus  had 
igiven  permission  to  repair  to  Rome  for  the  festival  of 
Saturn,  all  return  to  him  faithful  to  their  word ;  and 
Regulus  leaves  the  most  memorable  example  of  faith- 
fulness to  his  oath ! — hence  that  skilful  and  inflexible 
policy  which  refuses  peace  after  a  defeat,  or  a  treaty 
with  the  enemy  so  long  as  he  is  on  the  soil  of  their 
country ;  which  makes  use  of  war  to  divert  people 
from  domestic  troubles ;  (*)  gains  the  vanquished  by 
benefits  if  they  submit,  and  admits  them  by  degrees 
into  the  great  Roman  family ;  and,  if  they  resist, 
strikes  them  without  pity  and  reduces  them  to  slav- 
ery; (2) — hence  that  anxious  provision  for  multiplying 
upon  the  conquered  territories  the  race  of  agricultur- 
ists and  soldiers ; — hence,  lastly,  the  improving  spec- 
tacle of  a  town  which  becomes  a  people,  and  of  a  peo- 
ple which  embraces  the  world. 

(')  "A  sedition  was  already  rising  between  the  patricians  and  the  people, 
and  the  terror  of  so  sudden  a  war  (with  the  Tiburtini)  stifled  it."  (Titus  Livius, 
VII.  12.) — "  Appius  Sabinus,  to  prevent  the  evils  which  are  an  inevitable  con- 
sequence of  idleness,  joined  with  want,  determined  to  occupy  the  people  in  exter- 
nal ivars,  in  order  that,  gaining  their  living  for  themselves,  by  finding  on  the  lands 
of  the  enemy  abundant  provisions  which  were  not  to  be  had  in  Home,  they 
might  render  at  the  same  time  some  service  to  the  State,  instead  of  troubling 
at  an  unseasonable  moment  the  senators  in  the  administration  of  affairs.  He 
said  that  a  town  which,  like  Rome,  disputed  empire  with  all  others,  and  was 
hated  by  them,  could  not  want  a  decent  pretext  for  making  war ;  that,  if  they 
would  judge  the  future  by  the  past,  they  would  see  clearly  that  all  the  seditions 
which  had  hitherto  torn  the  Republic  had  never  arrived  except  in  time  of  peace, 
when  people  no  longer  feared  anything  from  without."  (Dionysius  of  Halicar- 
nassus,  IX.  43.) 

(2)  Claudius  made  war  thus  in  Umbria,  and  took  the  town  of  Camerinum, 
the  inhabitants  of  which  he  sold  for  slaves.  (See  Valerius  Maximus,  VI.  v.  §  1. 
— Titus  Livius,  Epitome,  XV.) — Camillus,  after  the  capture  of  Veii,  caused 
the  free  men  to  be  sold  by  auction.  (Titus  Livius,  V.  22.) — In  365,  the  pris- 
oners, the  greater  part  Etruscans,  were  sold  in  the  same  manner.  (Titus  Liv- 
ius, VI.  4.)— The  auxiliaries  of  the  Samnites,  after  the  battle  of  Allifaa  (447), 
were  sold  as  slaves  to  the  number  of  7,000.  (Titus  Livius,  IX.  42.) 


CHAPTER  IV. 

PROSPERITY  OF  THE  BASIN  OF  THE  MEDITERRANEAN 
BEFORE  THE  PUNIC  WARS. 

I.  ROME  had  required  two  hundred  and  forty-four 

commerwoftheMed-  years  to  form  ^  constitution  under  the 
kings,  a  hundred  and  seventy-two  to  es- 
tablish and  consolidate  the  consular  Republic,  seven- 
ty-two to  complete  the  conquest  of  Italy,  and  now  it 
will  cost  her  nearly  a  century  and  a  half  to  obtain 
the  domination  of  the  world — that  is,  of  Northern  Af- 
rica, Spain,  the  south  of  Gaul,  Illyria,  Epirus,  Greece, 
Macedonia,  Asia  Minor,  Syria,  and  Egypt.  Before  un- 
dertaking the  recital  of  these  conquests,  let  us  halt  an 
instant  to  consider  the  condition  of  the  basin  of  the 
Mediterranean  at  this  period,  of  that  sea  round  which 
were  successively  unfolded  all  the  great  dramas  of 
ancient  history.  .In  this  examination  we  shall  see, 
not  without  a  feeling  of  regret,  vast  countries  where 
formerly  produce,  monuments,  riches,  numerous  armies 
and  fleets — all,  indeed,  revealed  an  advanced  state  of 
civilisation — now  deserts  or  in  a  state  of  barbarism. 

The  Mediterranean  had  seen  grow  and  prosper  in 
turn  on  its  coasts  Sidon,  and  Tyre,  and  then  Greece. 

Sidon,  already  a  flourishing  city  before  the  time  of 
Homer,  is  soon  eclipsed  by  the  supremacy  of  Tyre ; 
then  Greece  comes  to  carry  on,  in  competition  with 
her,  the  commerce  of  the  interior  sea;  an  age  of  pacific 


MEDITERRANEAN  PROSPERITY.  105 

greatness  and  fruitful  rivalries.  To  the  Phoenicians 
chiefly,  the  South,  the  East,  Africa,  Asia  beyond  Mount 
Taurus,  the  Erythrean  Sea  (tlie  Red  Sea  and  the  Per- 
sian Gidf},  the  ocean,  and  the  distant  voyages.  To 
the  Greeks,  all  the  northern  coasts,  which  they  cov- 
ered with  their  thousand  settlements.  Phoenicia  de- 
votes herself  to  adventurous  enterprises  and  lucrative 
speculations.  '  Greece,  artistic  before  becoming  a  trad- 
er, propagates  by  her  colonies  her  mind  and  her  ideas. 
This  fortunate  emulation  soon  disappears  before 
the  creation  of  two  new  colonies  sprung  from  their 
bosom.  The  splendour  of  Carthage  replaces  that  of 
Tyre.  Alexandria  is  substituted  for  Greece.  Thus 
a  Western  or  Spanish  Phoenicia  shares  the  commerce 
of  the  world  with  an  Eastern  and  Egyptian  Greece, 
the  fruit  of  the  intellectual  conquests  of  Alexander. 

II.  Rich  in  the  spoils  of  twenty  different  peoples, 
Carthage  was  the  proud  capital  of  a  vast 
empire.  Its  ports,  hollowed  out  by  the 
hand  of  man,  were  capable  of  containing  a  great  num- 
ber of  ships.  (')  Her  citadel,  Byrsa,  was  two  miles 
in  circuit.  On  the  land  side  the  town  was  defended 
by  a  triple  enclosure  twenty-five  stadia  in  length, 
thirty  cubits  high,  and  supported  by  towers  of  four 
storeys,  capable  of  giving  shelter  to  4,000  horse,  300 
elephants,  and  20,000  foot  soldiers ;  (2)  it  enclosed  an 
immense  population,  since,  in  the  last  years  of  its  re- 
sistance, after  a  struggle  of  a  century,  it  still  counted 

(')  "The  military  port  alone  contained  two  hundred  and  twenty  vessels." 
(Appian,  Punic  Wars,  VIII.  96,  p.  437,  ed.  Schweighaauser.) 
0)  Appinn,  Punic  Wars,  VIII  95,  p.  436. 

5- 


106  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS 

700,000  inhabitants.  (*)  Its  monuments  were  worthy 
of  its  greatness :  among  its  remarkable  buildings  was 
the  temple  of  the  god  Aschmoun,  assimilated  by  the 
Greeks  to  JEsculapius ;  (2)  that  of  the  sun,  covered 
with  plates  of  gold  valued  at  a  thousand  talents ;  (3) 
and  the  mantle  or  peplum,  destined  for  the  image  of 
their  great  goddess,  which  cost  a  hundred  and  twen- 
ty. (4)  The  empire  of  Carthage  extended  from  the 
frontiers  of  Cyrenaica  (the  country  of  Barca,  in  the 
regency  of  Tripoli)  into  Spain ;  she  was  the  metropo- 
lis of  all  the  north  of  Africa,  and,  in  Libya  alone,  pos- 
sessed three  hundred  towns.  (5)  Nearly  all  the  isles 
of  the  Mediterranean,  to  the  west  and  south  of  Italy, 
had  received  her  factories.  Carthage  had  imposed 
her  sovereignty  upon  all  the  ancient  Phoenician  es- 
tablishments in  this  part  of  the  world,  and  had  levied 
upon  them  an  annual  contingent  of  soldiers  and  trib- 

(')  Strabo,  XVII.  Hi:  §  15.  (2)  Appian,  Punic  Wars,Vm.  130,  p.  490. 

(3)  5,820,000  francs  [£232, 800].  ( Appian,  Punic  Wars,  CXX VII.  486.)  Fol- 
lowing the  labours  of  MM.  Letronne,  Bockh,  Mommsen,  &c. ,  we  have  admitted 
fpr  the  sums  indicated  in  the  course  of  the  present  work  the  following  reckon- 
ings : — 

The  as  of  copper —£$  deniers=5  centimes. 

The  sestertius =0.97 5  grammes  =  19  centimes. 

The  denarius =3. 898  grammes =75  centimes. 

The  great  sestertius  =  100,000  sestertii  =  19, 000  francs  [£760]. 

The  Attic  or  Euboic  talent,  of  26  kilogrammes,  196  grammes  =  5, 821  francs 
[£232  16s.]. 

The  mina,  of  436  grammes=97  francs. 

The  drachma,  of  4.37  grammes=97  centimes. 

The  obohts,  of  0.73  grammes=16  centimes. 

The  ^Eginetic  talent  was  equivalent  to  8,500  Attic  drachmas  (37  kilogram- 
mes,^ gr.)=8,270  francs  [£330  16s.].  The  Ba-bylonic  silver  talent  is  of  33  kil- 
ogrammes, 42  =  7,426  francs  [£297].  (See,  for  details,  Mommsen,  Jtiimisches 
Miinzwesen,  pp.  24-26,  55.  Hultsch,  Griecftische  wid  Riiinische  Metrologie,  pp. 
135-137.) 

(4)  Nearly   700,000   francs    [£28,000].     (Athenseus,   XII.  Iviii.  509,  cd. 
Schweighscuser.)  (s)  Strabo,  XVII.  iii.  §  15. 


MEDITERRANEAN  PROSPERITY.          107 

ute.  In  the  interior  of  Africa,  she  sent  caravans  to 
seek  elephants,  ivory,  gold,  and  black  slaves,  which 
she  afterwards  exported  (!)  to  the  trading  places  on 
the  Mediterranean.  In  Sicily,  she  gathered  oil  and 
wine ;  in  the  isle  of  Elba,  she  mined  for  iron ;  from 
Malta,  she  drew  valuable  tissues ;  from  Corsica,  wax 
and  honey ;  from  Sardinia,  corn,  metals,  and  slaves ; 
from  the  Baleares,  mules  and  fruits ;  from  Spain,  gold, 
silver,  and  lead ;  from  Mauritania,  the  hides  -of  ani- 
mals ;  she  sent  as  far  as  the  extremity  of  Britain,  to 
the  Cassiterides  (the  Stilly  Islands),  ships  to  purchase 
tin.  (2)  Within  her  walls  industry  nourished  great- 
ly, and  tissues  of  great  celebrity  were  fabricated.  (3) 

No  market  of  the  ancient  world  could  be  compared 
with  that  of  Carthage,  to  which  men  of  all  nations 
crowded.  Greeks,  Gauls,  Ligurians,  Spaniards,  Liby- 
ans, came  in  multitudes  to  serve  under  her  stand- 
ard ;  (*)  the  Numidians  lent  her  a  redoubtable  caval- 
ry. (5)  Her  fleet  was  formidable ;  it  amounted  at 
this  epoch  to  five  hundred  vessels.  Carthage  pos- 
sessed a  considerable  arsenal ;  (6)  we  may  appreciate 
its  importance  from  the  fact,  that,  after  her  conquest 

(')  Scylax  of  Caryanda,  Perijilus,  p.  51  et  seq.,  ed.  Hudson. 

(!)  See  the  work  of  Heeren,  Ideen  iiber  die  Politik,  den  Verkehr,  und  den  Han- 
del der  vornehmsten  Volker  der  altcn  Welt,  Part  I.,  Vol.  II.,  sees.  v.  and  vi.,  p.  163 
et  seq.,  188  et  seq.  3rd  edit. 

(3)  Athenseus  informs  us  that  Polemon  had  composed  an  entire  treatise  on 
the  mantles  of  the  divinities  of  Carthage.     (XII.  Iviii.  541.) 

(4)  Herodotus,  VII.  145.— Polybius,  I.  67.— Titus  Livius,  XXVIII.  41. 

(5)  Reckoning,  after  Titus  Livius,  her  troops  at  the  time  of  the  second  Punic 
War,  we  find  a  force  of  291,000  foot  and  9,500  horse.     (Titus  Livius,  Books 
XXI.  to  XXIX.) 

(6)  Carthage,  under  certain  circumstance's,  could  make  daily  a  hundred  and 
forty  shields,  three  hundred  swords,  five  hundred  lances,  and  a  thousand  darts 
for  catapults.     (Strabo,  XVII.  iii.  §  15.) 


108  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CJSSAB. 

by  Scipio,  she  delivered  to  him  two  hundred  thou- 
sand suits  of  armour,  and  three  thousand  machines  of 
war.  (l)  So  many  troops  and  stores  imply  immense 
revenues.  Even  after  the  battle  of  Zama,  Polybius 
could  still  call  her  the  richest  town  in  the  world.  Yet 
she  had  already  paid  heavy  contributions  to  the  Ro- 
mans. (2)  An  excellent  system  of  agriculture  con- 
tributed no  less  than  her  commerce  to  her  prosperity. 
A  great  number  of  agricultural  colonies  (3)  had  been 
established,  which,  in  the  time  of  Agathocles,  amount- 
ed to  more  than  two  hundred.  They  were  ruined  by 
the  war  (440  of  Rome).  (4)  Byzacena  (the  southern 
part  of  the  regency  of  Tunis)  was  the  granaiy  of  Car- 
thage.0) 

This  province,  surnamed  Emipfoia,  as  being  the 
trading  country  par  excellence,  is  vaunted  by  the  geog- 
rapher Scylax  (6)  as  the  most  magnificent  and  fertile 
part  of  Libya.  It  had,  in  the  time  of  Strabo,  numer- 
ous towns,  so  many  magazines  of  the  merchandise  of 
the  interior  of  Africa.  Polybius  (7)  speaks  of  its 
horses,  oxen,  sheep,  and  goats,  as  forming  innumerable 
herds,  such  as  he  had  never  seen  elsewhere.  The 
small  town  of  Leptis  alone  paid  to  the  Carthaginians 
the  enormous  contribution  of  a  talent  a  day  (5,821 
francs  [£232  16s.]).  (8) 

(')  Strabo,  XVII.  iii.  §  15. 

(»)  In  513,  3,200  Euboic  talents  (18,627,200  francs  [£745,088]);  in  516, 
1,200  talents  (6, 985, 200  francs  [£279, 408]);  in  552,  10,000  talents  (58,210,000 
francs  [£2,328,400]).  Scipio,  the  first  Africanus,  brought,  besides  this,  123,000 
pounds  weight  of  gold  from  this  town.  (Polybius,  I.  62,  63,  88 ;  XV.  18. — 
Titus  Livins,  XXX.  37,  45.) 

(3)  Ajistotle,  Politics,  VII.  iii.  §  5.— Polybius,  L  72. 

(*)  Diodorus  Siculus,  XX.  17.  (5)  Pliny,  Natural  History,  V.  iii.  24. 

(*)  Scylax  of  Caryanda,  Periphts,  p.  49,  edit.  Hudson. 

O  Polybius,  XII.  3.  (")  Titus  Livius,  XXXIV.  62. 


MEDITERRANEAN  PROSPERITY.  109 

This  fertility  of  Africa  explains  the  importance  of 
the  towns  on  the  coast  of  the  Syrtes,  an  importance, 
it  is  true,  revealed  by  later  testimonies,  because  they 
date  from  the  decline  of  Carthage,  but  which  must 
apply  still  more  forcibly  to  the  flourishing  condition 
which  preceded  it.  In  537,  the  vast  port  of  the  isle 
Cercina  (Kirkeni,  in  the  regency  of  Tunis,  opposite 
Sfax)  had  paid  ten  talents  to  Servilius.  (')  More  to 
the  west,  Hippo  Kegius  (Bono)  was  still  a  consider- 
erable  maritime  town  in  the  time  of  Jugurtha.  (2) 
Tingis  (Tangters),  in  Mauritania,  which  boasted  of  a 
very  ancient  origin,  carried  on  a  great  trade  with  Bse- 
tica.  Three  African  peoples  in  these  countries  lay 
under  the  influence  and  often  the  sovereignty  of  Car- 
thage :  the  Massylian  Numidians,  who  afterwards  had 
Cirta  (Constantine)  for  their  capital;  the  Masssesyl- 
ian  Numidians,  who  occupied  the  provinces  of  Al- 
giers and  Oran;  and  the  Mauri,  or  Moors,  spread 
over  Morocco.  These  nomadic  peoples  maintained 
rich  droves  of  cattle,  and  grew  great  quantities  of 
corn. 

Hanno,  a  Carthaginian  sea-captain,  sent,  towards 
245,  to  explore  the  extreme  parts  of  the  African  coast 
beyond  the  Straits  of  Gades,  had  founded  a  great 
number  of  settlements,  no  traces  of  which  remained 
in  the  time  of  Pliny.  (3)  These  colonies  introduced 
commerce  among  the  Mauritanian  and  Nuniidian 
tribes,  the  peoples  of  Morocco,  and  perhaps  even  those 
of  Senegal.  But  it  was  not  only  in  Africa  that  the 

(')  58,200  francs  (£2,328).     (Titus  Livius,  XXII.  31.) 
(a)  Sallust,  Jugurtha,  xix. 

(3)  Pliny,  citing  this  fact,  throws  doubt  upon  it.     (Natural  History,  V.  i.  8.) 
— See  the  Periplus  of  Hanno,  in  the  collection  of  the  minor  Greek  geographers. 


110  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CJESAR. 

possessions  of  the  Carthaginians  extended ;  they  em- 
braced Spain,  Sicily,  and  Sardinia 

III.  Iberia  or  Spain,  with  its  six  great  rivers,  navi- 
gable to  the  ancients,  its  long  chains 
of  mountains,  its  dense  Avoods,  and  the 
fertile  valleys  of  Bsetica  (Aiidaliisia),  appears  to  have 
nourished  a  population  numerous,  warlike,  rich  by  its 
mines,  its  harvests,  and  its  commerce.  The  centre  of 
the  peninsula  was  occupied  by  the  Iberian  and  Celti- 
berian  races ;  on  the  coasts,  the  Carthaginians  and  the 
Greeks  had  settlements;  through  contact  with  the 
Phoenician  merchants,  the  populations  of  the  coast 
districts  attained  a  certain  degree  of  civilisation,  and 
from  the  mixture  of  the  natives  with  the  foreign  col- 
onists sprang  a  mongrel  population,  which,  while  it 
preserved  the  Iberic  character,  had  adopted  the  mer- 
cantile habits  of  the  Phoenicians  and  Carthaginians. 

Once  established  in  Spain,  the  Carthaginians  and 
Greeks  turned  to  useful  purpose  the  timber  which 
covered  the  mountains.  Gades  (Cadiz),  a  sort  of  fac- 
tory founded  at  the  extremity  of  Baetica  by  the  Car- 
thaginians, became  one  of  their  principal  maritime 
arsenals.  It  was  there  that  the  ships  were  fitted  out 
which  ventured  on  the  ocean  in  search  of  the  prod- 
ucts of  Armorica,  or  Britain,  and  even  of  the  Canaries. 
Although  Gades  had  lost  some  of  its  importance  by 
the  foundation  of  Carthagena  (New  Cartilage)^  526, 
it  had  still,  in  the  time  of  Strabo,  so  numerous  a  pop- 
ulation that  it  was  in  this  respect  inferior  only  to 
Rome.  The  tables  of  the  census  showed  five  hund- 
red citizens  of  the  equestrian  order,  a  number  equalled 


MEDITERRANEAN  PROSPERITY. 

by  none  of  the  Italian  cities,  except  Patavium  (Pa- 
dua). (')  To  Gades,  celebrated  for  its  temple  of  Her- 
cules, flowed  the  riches  of  all  Spain.  The  sheep  and 
horses  of  Bsetica  rivalled  in  renown  those  of  the  As- 
turias.  Corduba  (  Cordova] ,  Hispalis  (Seville) ,  where, 
at  a  later  period,  the  Romans  founded  colonies,  were 
already  great  places  of  commerce,  and  had  ports  for 
the  vessels  which  ascended  the  Bsetis  (Guadalqui- 
vir).  (2) 

Spain  was  rich  in  precious  metals ;  gold,  silver, 
iron,  were  there  the  object  of  industrial  activity.  (3) 
At  Osca  (Huescd),  they  worked  mines  of  silver ;  at 
Sisapo  (Almaden),  silver  and  mercury.  (4)  At  Coti- 
nge,  copper  was  found  along  with  gold.  Among  the 
Oretani,  at  Castulo  (Cazlona,  on  the  Guadalimar),  the 
silver  mines,  in  the  time  of  Polybius,  gave  employ- 
ment to  40,000  persons,  and  produced  daily  25,000 
drachmas.  (5)  In  thirty-two  years,  the  Roman  gener- 
als carried  home  from  the  peninsula  considerable 
sums.  (G)  The  abundance  of  metals  in  Spain  explains 

(')  Strabo,  III.  v.  §  3.  0)  Strabo,  III.  ii.  §  1. 

(3)  Pliny,  Natural  History,  III.  iii.  30.— Strabo,  III.  ii.  §  8. 

(•)  Strabo,  III.  ii.  §  3.— Pliny,  III.  i.  3 ;  XXXIII.  vii.  40. 

0  Above  25,000  francs  [£1,000].     (Strabo,  III.  ii.  §  10.) 

(6)  767,695  pounds  of  silver  and  10,918  pounds  of  gold,  without  reckoning 
what  was  furnished  by  certain  partial  impositions,  sometimes  very  heavy,  such 
as  those  of  Marcolica,  one  million  of  sestertii  (230,000  francs  [£9,200]),  and  of 
Certima,  2, 400,000  sestertii  (550,000  francs  [£22,000]).  (See  Books  XXVIII. 
to  XL VI.  of  Titus  Livius.)  Such  were  the  resources  of  Spain,  even  in  tjie 
smallest  localities,  that  in  602,C.Marcellus  imposed  on  a  little  town  of  the  Cel- 
tiberians  (Odlis)  a  contribution  of  thirty  talents  of  silver  (about  174,600  francs 
[£6,984]);  and  this  contribution  was  regarded  by  the  neighbouring  cities  as 
most  moderate.  (Appian,  Wars  of  Spain,  VI.  xlviii.  158,  ed.  Schweighaeuser.) 
Posidonius,  cited  by  Strabo  (III.  iv.,  p.  135),  relates  that  M.  Marcellus  extort- 
ed from  the  Celtiberians  a  tribute  of  six  hundred  talents  (about  3,492,600 
francs  [£139, 704]). 


112  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

how  so  great  a  number  of  vessels  of  gold  and  silver 
was  found  among  many  of  the  chiefs  or  petty  kings 
of  the  Iberian  nations.  Polybius  compares  one  of 
them,  for  his  luxury,  with  the  king  of  the  fabulous 
Phaeaces.  (*) 

To  the  north,  and  in  the  centre  of  the  peninsula, 
agriculture  and  the  breeding  of  cattle  were  the  prin- 
cipal sources  of  wealth.  It  was  there  that  were  made 
the  says  (vests  of  flannel  or  goats'  hair),  which  were 
exported  in  great  numbers  to  Italy.  (2)  In  the  Ter- 
raconese,  the  cultivation  of  flax  was  very  productive ; 
the  inhabitants  had  been  the  first  to  weave  those  fine 
cloths  called  carbasa,  which  were  objects  greatly  prized 
as  far  as  Greece.  (3)  Leather,  honey,  and  salt  were 
brought  by  cargoes  to  the  principal  ports  along  the 
coast ;  at  Emporise  (Ampwias),  a  settlement  of  the 
Phocseans  in  Catalonia ;  at  Saguntum,  (4)  founded  by 
Greeks  from  the  island  of  Zacynthus ;  at  Tarraco 
(Tarragona),  one  of  the  most  ancient  of  the  Phoeni- 
cian settlements  in  Spain ;  and  at  Malaca  (Malaga), 
whence  were  exported  all  sorts  of  salt  fish.  (5)  Lusi- 
tania,  neglected  by  the  Phoenician  or  Carthaginian 
ships,  was  less  favoured.  Yet  we  see,  by  the  passage 
of  Polybius  (6)  which  enumerates  the  mercantile  ex- 
ports of  this  province  with  their  prices,  that  its  agri- 
cultural products  were  very  abundant.  (7) 

(l)  A  fabulous  people,  spoken  of  by  Homer.  (Athenrens,  I.  xxviii.  60,  edit. 
Schweighaeuser.)  (i)  Diodorus  Siculus,  V.  34,  35. 

(3)  Pliny,  Natural  History,  XIX.  i.  10. 

(*)  In  the  time  of  Hannibal,  this  town  was  one  of  the  richest  in  the  penin- 
sula. (Appian,  Wars  of  Spain,  xii.  113.) 

(5)  Strabo,  III.  iv.  §  2.  («)  Polybins,  XXXIV.,  Fraym.,  8. 

(7)  The  medimnus  of  barley  (52  litres)  sold  for  one  drachma  (97  centimes)  ; 
the  medimnus  of  wheat,  9  oboli  (about  1  franc  45  centime.*).  (The  medium 


MEDITERRANEAN  PROSPERITY.  113 

The  prosperity  of  Spain  appears  also  from  the  vast 
amount  of  its  population.  According  to  some  au- 
thors, Tiberius  Gracchus  took  from  the  Celtiberians 
three  hundred  oppida.  In  Turdetania  (jpart  of  An- 
dalusia), according  to  Strabo,  there  were  counted  no 
less  than  two  hundred  towns.  (*)  Appian,  the  histo- 
rian of  the  Spanish  wars,  points  out  the  multitude  of 
petty  tribes  which  the  Romans  had  to  reduce,  (2)  and 
during  the  campaign  of  Cn.  Scipio,  more  than  a  hund- 
red and  twenty  submitted.  (3) 

Thus  the  Iberian  peninsula  was  at  that  time  reck- 

value  of  52  litres  in  France  is  10  francs.)  A  metretes  of  wine  (39  litres)  was 
worth  one  drachma  (97  centimes) ;  a  hare,  one  obolus  (16  centimes)  ;  a  goat, 
one  obolus  (1C  centimes)  ;  a  lamb,  from  3  to  4  oboli  (50  to  60  centimes) ;  a  pig 
of  a  hundred  pounds  weight,  5  drachmas  (4  francs  85  centimes) ;  a  sheep,  2 
drachmas  (1  franc  95  centimes)  ;  an  ox  for  drawing,  10  drachmas  (9  francs  70 
centimes) ;  a  calf,  5  drachmas  (4  francs  85  centimes) ;  a  talent  (26  kilogram- 
mes) of  figs,  3  oboli  (45  centimes).  (')  Strabo,  III.  ii.  §  1. 

(3)  Appian,  Wars  of  Spain,  i.  102. — Pompey,  in  the  trophies  which  he  raised 
to  himself  on  the  coast  of  Catalonia,  affirmed  that  he  had  received  the  submis- 
sion of  eight  hundred  and  seventy-seven  oppida.  (Pliny,  Natural  History,  III. 
iii.  18.) — Pliny  reckoned  t\£p  hundred  and  ninety-three  in  Hispania  Citerior, 
and  a  hundred  and  seventy-nine  in  Baetica.  (Natural History,  III.  iii.  18.) — We 
may,  moreover,  form  an  idea  of  the  number  of  inhabitants  by  the  amount  of 
troops  raised  to  resist  the  Scipios.  In  adding  together  the  numbers  furnished 
by  the  historians,  we  arrive  at  the  fearful  total  of  317,700  men  killed  or  made 
prisoners.  (Titus  Livius,  XXX.  et  seq.~) — In  548,  we  see  two  nations  of  Spain, 
the  Ilergetes  and  the  Ausetani,  joined  with  some  other  petty  tribes,  put  on  foot 
an  army  of  30,000  infantry  and  4,000  cavalry.  (Titus  Livius,  XXIX.  1.) — We 
remark  fifteen  to  twenty  others  whose  forces  are  equal  or  superior.  After  the 
battle  of  Zama,  Spain  furnished  Hasdrubal  with  50,000  footmen  and  4,500 
horsemen.  (Titus  Livius,  XXVIII.  12,  13.) — Cato  has  no  sooner  appeared 
with  his  fleet  before  Emporias,  than  an  army  of  40,000  Spaniards,  who  could 
only  have  been  collected  in  the  surrounding  country,  is  ready  prepared  to  re- 
sist him.  (Appian,  Wars  of  Spain,  40,  p.  147.) — In  Lusitania  itself,  a  country 
of  which  the  population  was  much  less,  we  see  Servlus  Galba  and  Lucullus  kill- 
ing 12,500  men.  (Appian,  Wars  of  Spain,  58,  59,  p.  170  et  seq.~) — Although 
laid  waste  and  depopulated  by  these  two  generals,  the  country,  at  the  end  of  a 
few  years,  furnished  apain  to  Viriathus  considerable  forces. 

(3)  Titus  Livius,  XXII.  20. 

H 


HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

oned  among  the  most  populous  and  richest  regions  of 
Europe. 

IV.  The  part  of  Gaul  which  is  bathed  by  the  Med- 
iterranean offers  a  spectacle  no  less  satis- 

Southern  Gaul.       _  _  _  .  .  .     . 

factory.-  JNumerous  migrations,  arriving 
from  the  East,  had  pushed  back  the  population  of  the 
Seine  and  the  Loire  towards  the  mouths  of  the  Rhone, 
and  already,  in  the  middle  of  the  fourth  century  be- 
fore our  era,  the  Gauls  found  themselves  straitened  in 
their  frontiers.  More  civilised  than  the  Iberians,  but 
not  less  energetic,  they  combined  gentle  and  hospita- 
ble manners  with  great  activity,  which  was  further 
developed  by  their  contact  with  the  Greek  colonies 
spread  from  the  maritime  Alps  to  the  Pyrenees.  The 
cultivation  of  the  fields  and  the  breeding  of  cattle 
furnished  their  principal  wealth,  and  their  industry 
found  support  in  the  products  of  the  soil  and  in  its 
herds.  Their  manufacture  consisted  of  says,  not  less 
in  repute  than  those  of  the  Celtiberians,  and  exported 
in  great  quantities  to  Italy.  Good  sailors,  the  Gauls 
transported  by  water,  on  the  Seine,  the  Rhine,  the  Sa 
one,  the  Rhone,  and  Loire,  the  merchandise  and  tim 
ber  which,  even  from  the  coasts  of  the  Channel,  wen 
accumulated  in  the  Phocsean  trading  places  on  th< 
Mediterranean.  Q  Agde  (Agatha),  Antibes  (Antip 
olis),  Nice  (Nicced),  the  isles  of  Hyeres  (Stcediades) 
Monaco  (Portus  Herculis  Mo?iceci),  were  so  many  na 
val  stations  which  maintained  relations  with  Spair 
and  Italy.  (2) 

(')  Strabo,  IV.  i.  §  11 ;  ii.  §  14 ;  iii.  §  3. 

(')  See  what  M.  Amede'e  Thierry  says,  Hist,  des  Gaul.,  II.  134  et  seq.  3d  edit 


MEDITERRANEAN  PROSPERITY.  115 

Marseilles  possessed  but  a  very  circumscribed  ter- 
ritory, but  its  influence  reached  far  into  the  interior 
of  Gaul.  It  is  to  this  town  we  owe  the  acclimatisa- 
tion of  the  vine  and  the  olive.  Thousands  of  oxen 
came  every  year  to  feed  on  the  thyme  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  Marseilles.  (*)  The  Massilian  merchants 
traversed  Gaul  in  all  directions  to  sell  their  wines 
and  the  produce  of  their  manufactures.  (2)  Without 
rising  to  the  rank  of  a  great  maritime  power,  still  the 
small  Phocaean  republic  possessed  sufficient  resources 
to  make  itself  respected  by  Carthage ;  it  formed  an 
early  alliance  with  the  Romans.  Massilian  Jiouses 
had,  as  early  as  the  fifth  century  of  Rome,  established 
at  Syracuse,  as  they  did  subsequently  at  Alexandria, 
factories  which  show  a  great  commercial  activity.  (3) 

V.  Alone  in  the  Tyrrhene  Sea,  the  Ligures  had  not 
Lignria,  cisalpine  yet  risen  out  of  that  almost  savage  life 
:iyria.  which  the  Iberians,  sprung  from  the  same 

stock,  had  originally  led.  If  some  towns  on  the  Li- 
gurian  coast,  and  especially  Genoa  (Genuci),  carried 
on  a  maritime  commerce,  they  supported  themselves 
by  piracy  (*)  rather  than  by  regular  traffic.  (5) 

On  the  contrary,  Cisalpine  Gaul,  properly  so  called, 
supported,  as  early  as  the  time  of  Polybius,  a  numer- 
)us  population.  We  may  form  some  idea  of  it  from 
:he  losses  this  province  sustained  during  a  period  of 
twenty-seven  years,  from  554  to  582 ;  Livy  gives  a  to- 

(')  Pliny,  XXI.  31. 

(2)  Diodorus  Siculus,  V.  26. — Athenseus,  IV.  xxxvi.  94. 

(3)  Demosthenes,  Thirty-second  Oration  against  Zenothemis,  980,  edit.  Bekker. 
(*)  Strabo,  IV.  vi.  §  2,  3. 

(5)  Diodorus  Siculus,  V.  xxxix. 


116  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  C^SAR. 

tal  of  257,400  men  killed,  taken,  or  transported.  (J) 
The  Gaulish  tribes  settled  in  the  Cisalpine,  though 
preserving  their  original  manners,  had,  through  their 
contact  with  the  Etruscans,  arrived  at  a  certain  de- 
gree of  civilisation.  The  number  of  towns  in  this 
countiy  was  not  very  considerable,  but  it  contained  a 
great  abundance  of  villages.  (2)  Addicted  to  agricul- 
ture like  the  other  Gauls,  the  Cisalpines  bred  in  their 
forests  droves  of  swine  in  such  numbers,  that  they 
would  have  been  sufficient,  in  the  time  of  Strabo,  to 
provision  all  Rome.  (3)  The  coins  of  pure  gold,  which 
in  recent  times  have  been  found  in  Cisalpine  Gaul, 
especially  between  the  Po  and  the  Adda,  and  which 
were  struck  by  the  Boii  and  some  of  the  Ligurian 
populations,  furnish  evidence  of  the  abundance  of  that 
metal,  which  was  collected  in  the  form  of  gold  sand  in 
the  waters  of  the  rivers.  (")  Moreover,  certain  towns 
of  Etruscan  origin,  such  as  Mantua  (Mantua)  and 
Padua  (Patamum)^  preserved  vestiges  of  the  prosper- 
ity they  had  reached  at  the  time  when  the  peoples  of 
Tuscany  extended  their  dominion  beyond  the  Po. 
At  once  a  maritime  town  and  a  place  of  commerce, 
Padua,  at  a  remote  epoch,  possessed  a  vast  territory, 
and  could  raise  an  army  of  120,000  men.  (5)  The 
transport  of  goods  was  facilitated  by  means  of  canals 
crossing  Venetia,  partly  dug  by  the  Etruscans.  Such 

(')  See  Titus  Livius,  XXXII.  to  XLIL 

(»)  See  Strabo,  V.  i.  §10,  11. 

(»)  Strabo,  V.  i.  §  12. 

(*)  Gold  was  originally  very  abundant  in  Gaul ;  but  the  mines  whence  it 
was  extracted,  and  the  rivers  which  carried  it,  must  have  been  soon  exhausted, 
for  the  quality  of  the  Gaulish  gold  coins  becomes  more  and  more  abased  as 
the  date  of  their  fabrication  approaches  that  of  the  Roman  conquest. 

(5)  Strabo,  V.  i.  §  7.— Titus  Livius,  X.  2. 


MEDITERRANEAN  PROSPERITY.  H7 

were  those  especially  which  united  Ravenna  with  Al- 
tinuni  (Altino},  which  became  at  a  later  period  the 
grand  store-house  of  the  Cisalpine  territory.  (*) 

The  commercial  relations  entertained  by  Venetia 
with  Germany,  Illyria,  and  Rhsetia,  go  back  far  be- 
yond the  Roman  epoch,  and,  at  a  remote  antiquity,  it 
was  Venetia  which  received  the  amber  from  the  shores 
of  the  Baltic.  (2)  All  the  traffic  which  was  after- 
wards concentrated  at  Aquileia,  founded  by  the  Ro- 
mans after  the  submission  of  the  Veneti,  had  then  for 
its  centre  the  towns  of  Venetia ;  and  the  numerous 
colonies  established  by  the  Romans  in  this  part  of  the 
peninsula  are  proofs  of  its  immense  resources.  More- 
over, the  Veneti,  occupied  in  cultivating  their  lands 
and  breeding  horses,  had  peaceful  manners  which  fa- 
cilitated commercial  relations,  and  contrasted  with  the 
piratical  habits  of  the  populations  spread  over  the 
north  and  north-eastern  coasts  of  the  Adriatic. 

The  Istrians,  the  Liburni,  and  the  Illyrians  were  the 
nations  most  formidable,  both  by  their  corsairs  and  by 
their  armies ;  their  light  and  rapid  barques  covered 
the  Adriatic,  and  troubled  the  navigation  between  It- 
aly and  Greece.  In  the  year  524,  the  Illyrians  sent 
to  sea  a  hundred  Zembi,  (3)  while  their  land  army 
counted  hardly  more  than  5,000  men.  (*)  Illyria  was 
poor,  and  offered  few  resources  to  the  Romans,  not- 
withstanding the  fertility  of  its  soil.  Agriculture  was 

(')  Pliny,  Natural  History,  III.  xvi.  119. — Martial,  Epigr.,  IV.  xxv. — Anto- 
nine  Itinerary,  126. 

(")  Pliny,  Natural  History,  XXXVII.  iii.  §  11. 

(3)  Small  vessels,  quick  sailers,  and  rapid  in  their  movements,  excellent  for 
piracy ;  also  called  Kburnce,  from  the  name  of  the  people  who  employed  them. 

(«)  Polybiug,  II.  5. 


118  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

neglected,  even  in  the  time  of  Strabo.  Istria  contain 
ed  a  population  much  more  considerable,  in  proportion 
to  its  extent.  (')  Yet  she  had,  no  more  than  Dalma 
tia  and  the  rest  of  Illyria,  attained,  at  the  epoch  of 
which  we  are  speaking,  that  high  degree  of  prosperit} 
which  she  acquiaed  afterwards  by  the  foundation  of 
Tergeste  (Trieste)  and  Pola.  The  Roman  conquesl 
delivered  the  Adriatic  from  the  pirates  who  infestec 
it,  (2)  and  then  only,  the  ports  of  Dyrrhachium  anc 
Apollonia  obtained  a  veritable  importance. 

VI.  Epirus,  a  country  of  pastures  and  shepherds 
intersected  by  picturesque  mountains,  was 
a  sort  of  Helvetia.  Ambracia  (no^ 
Arta),  which  Pyrrhus  had  chosen  for  his  residence 
had  become  a  very  fine  town,  and  possessed  two  the 
atres.  The  palace  of  the  king  (Pyrrlieuni)  formed  i 
veritable  museum,  for  it  furnished  for  the  triumph  of 
M.  Fulvius  Nobilior,  in  565,  two  hundred  and  eighty 
five  statues  in  bronze, -two  hundred  and  thirty  in  mar 
ble,  (3)  and  paintings  by  Zeuxis,  mentioned  in  Pliny.  (4^ 
The  town  paid  also,  on  this  occasion,  five  hundred  tal 
ents  (2,900,000  francs,  [£116,000]),  and  offered  tin 
consul  a  crown  of  gold  weighing  a  hundred  and  fifh 
thousand  talents  (nearly  4,000  kilogrammes).  (5)  I 
appears  that  before  the  war  of  Paulus  ^Emilius,  thi 
country  contained  a  rather  numerous  population,  an< 
counted  seventy  towns,  most  of  them  situated  in  th< 

(')  Titus  Livius,  XLI.  2,  4,  11. 
(*)  Polybius,  II.  8. 

(3)  Titus  Livius,  XXXIX.  5. 

(4)  Pliny,  XXXV.  60. 

(5)  Polybius,  XXII.  13. 


MEDITERRANEAN  PROSPERITY.          119 

country  of  the  Molossi.  (f)  After  the  battle  of  Pyd- 
na,  the  Roman  general  made  so  considerable  a  booty, 
that,  without  reckoning  the  treasury's  share,  each  foot- 
soldier  received  200  denarii  (about  200  francs  [£8]), 
and  each  horse-soldier  400 ;  in  addition  to  which  the 
sale  of  slaves  arose  to  the  enormous  number  of 
150,000. 

VII.  At  the  beginning  of  the  first  Punic  War, 
Greece  proper  was  divided  into  four  prin- 
cipal powers:  Macedonia, ^Etolia, Achaia, 
and  Sparta.  All  the  continental  part,  which  extends 
northward  of  the  Gulf  of  Corinth  as  far  as  the  mount- 
ains of  Pindus,  was  under  the  dependence  of  Philip ; 
the  western  part  belonged  to  the  ^Etolians.  The 
Peloponnesus  was  shared  between  the  Achseans,  the 
tyrant  of  Sparta,  and  independent  towns.  Greece 
had  been  declining  during  about  a  century,  and  seen 
her  warlike  spirit  weaken  and  her  population  dimin- 
ish ;  and  yet  Plutarch,  comprising  under  this  name 
the  peoples  of  the  Hellenic  race,  pretends  that  their 
country  furnished  King  Philip  with  the  money,  food, 
and  provisions  of  his  army.  (2)  The  Greek  navy  had 
almost  disappeared.  The  Achaean  league,  which  com- 
prised Argolis,  Corinth,  Sicyon,  and  the  maritime  cit- 
ies of  Achsea,  had  few  ships.  On  land  the  Hellenic 
forces  were  less  insignificant.  The  ^Etolian  league 
possessed  an  army  of  10,000  men,  and,  in  the  war 
against  Philip,  pretended  to  have  contributed  more 
than  the  Romans  to  the  victory  of  Cynoscephalge. 

(')  Polybius,  XXX.  XT.  §  o.— Titus  Livius,  XLV.  34. 
(2)  Plutarch,  Flaminintts,  2. 


120  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

Greece  was  still  rich  in  objects  of  art  of  all  descrip- 
tions. When,  in  535,  the  King  of  Macedonia  cap- 
tured the  town  of  Thermse,  in  ^Etolia,  he  found  in  it 
more  than  two  thousand  statues.  (!) 

Athens,  in  spite  of  the  loss  of  her  maritime  suprem- 
acy, preserved  the  remains  of  a  civilization  which  had 
already  attained  the  highest  degree  of  splendour,  (2) 
and  those  incomparable  buildings  of  the  age  of  Peri- 
cles, the  mere  name  of  which  reminds  us  of  all  that 
the  arts  have  produced  in  greatest  perfection.  Among 
the  most  remarkable  were  the  Acropolis,  with  its  Par- 
thenon and  its  Propylaaa,  masterpieces  of  Phidias,  the 
statue  of  Minerva  in  gold  and  ivory,  and  another  in 
bronze,  the  casque  and  spear  of  which  were  seen  afar 
off  at  sea.  (3)  The  arsenal  of  the  Piraeus,  built  by  the 
architect  Philo,  was,  according  to  Plutarch,  an  admi- 
rable work.  (4) 

Sparta,  although  greatly  fallen,  was  distinguished 
by  its  monuments  and  by  its  manufactures;  the  fa- 
mous portico  of  the  Persians,  (6)  built  after  the  Medi- 
an wars — the  columns  of  which,  in  white  marble,  rep- 
resented the  illustrious  persons  among  the  vanquish- 
ed— was  the  principal  ornament  of  the  market.  Iron, 
obtained  in  abundance  from  Mount  Taygetus,  was 
marvellously  worked  at  Sparta,  which  was  celebrated 
for  the  manufacture  of  arms  and  agricultural  instru- 
ments. (6)  The  coasts  of  Laconia  abounded  in  shells, 

(')  Polybius,  V.  9.  (2)  Aristides,  Panatken.,  p.  149. 

(3)  Pausanms,  Attica,  xxviii.  (*)  Plutarch,  Syila,  20. 

(&)  Pausanias,  Laconia,  xi.  We  must  further  mention  the  famous  temple 
of  bronze  of  Minerva,  the  two  gymnasia,  and  the  Platanistum,  a  spacious  place 
where  the  competitions  of  the  youths  took  place.  (Pausanias,  Laconia,  xiv.) 

(*)  Stephanas  of  Byzantium,  under  the  word  AaKttaifuav,  p.  413. 


MEDITERRANEAN  PROSPERITY.  121 

from  which  was  obtained  the  purple,  most  valued  aft- 
er that  of  Phoenicia.  (J)  The  port  of  Gytheum,  very- 
populous,  and  very  active  in  559,  still  possessed  great 
arsenals.  (2) 

In  the  centre  of  the  peninsula,  Arcadia,  although 
its  population  was  composed  of  shepherds,  had  the 
same  love  for  the  arts  as  the  rest  of  Greece.  It  pos- 
sessed two  celebrated  temples :  that  of  Minerva  at 
Tegaea,  built  by  the  architect  Scopas,  (3)  in  which 
were  united  the  three  orders  of  architecture,  and  that 
of  Apollo,  at  Phigalea,  (4)  situated  at  an  elevation  of 
3,000  feet  above  the  level  of  the  sea,  and  the  remains 
of  which  still  excite  the  wonder  of  travellers. 

Elis,  protected  by  its  neutrality,  was  devoted  to 
the  arts  of  peace.  There  agriculture  flourished ;  its 
fisheries  were  productive ;  it  had  manufactories  of  tis- 
sues of  byssus  which  rivalled  the  muslins  of  Cos,  and 
were  sold  for  their  weight  in  gold.  (5)  The  town  of 
Elis  possessed  the  finest  gymnasium  in  Greece ;  peo- 
ple came  to  it  to  prepare  themselves  (sometimes  a 
year  in  advance)  for  competition  in  the  Olympic 
games.  (6) 

Olympia  was  the  holy  city,  celebrated  for  its  sanc- 
tuary and  its  consecrated  garden,  where  stood,  among 
a  multitude  of  masterpieces  of  art,  one  of  the  wonders 
of  the  world,  the  statue  of  Jupiter,  the  work  of  Phid- 
ias, (7)  the  majesty  of  which  was  such,  that  Paulus 

0)  Pausanias,  Laconia,  xxi. 
(»)  Titus  Livius,  XXXIV.  29. 

(3)  Pausanias,  Arcadia,  xlv. 

(4)  Pausanias,  Arcadia,  xli.     Thirty-six  columns  out  of  thirty-eight  are  still 
standing.  (5)  Pliny,  Natural  History,  XIX.  i.  4. 

(6)  Pausanias,  Elis,  II.  23  and  24.  (T)  Pansanias,  Elis,  I.  ii. 

6 


122  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  C^SAR. 

^Emilius,  when  he  first  saw  it,  believed  he  was  in  the 
presence  of  the  divinity  himself. 

Argos,  the  country  of  several  celebrated  artists,  pos- 
sessed temples,  fountains,  a  gymnasium,  and  a  theatre ; 
and  its  public  place  had  served  for  a  field  of  battle  to 
the  armies  of  Pyrrhus  and  Antigonus.  It  remained, 
until  the  subjugation  by  the  Romans,  one  of  the  finest 
cities  of  Greece.  Within  its  territory  were  the  superb 
temple  of  Juno,  the  ancient  sanctuaiy  of  .the  Argives, 
with  the  statue  of  the  goddess  in  gold  and  silver — 
the  work  of  Polycletus,  and  the  vale  of  Nemsea,  where 
one  of  the  four  national  festivals  of  Greece  was  cele- 
brated. (*)  Argolis  also  possessed  Epidaurus,  with 
its  hot  springs ;  its  temple  of  ^Esculapius,  enriched 
with  the  offerings  of  those  who  came  to  be  cured  of 
their  diseases ;  (2)  and  its  theatre,  one  of  the  largest 
in  the  country.  (3) 

Corinth,  admirably  situated  upon  the  narrow  isth- 
mus which  separates  the  JEgean  Sea  from  the  gulf 
which  has  preserved  its  name,  (4)  with  its  dye-houses, 
its  celebrated  manufactories  of  carpets  and  of  bronze, 
bore  witness  also  to  the  ancient  prosperity  of  the  Hel- 
lenic race.  Its  population  must  have  been  considera- 
ble, since  there  were  reckoned  in  it  460,000  slaves ;  (5) 
marble  palaces  rose  on  all  sides,  adorned  with  statues 
and  valuable  vases.  Corinth  had  the  reputation  of 

(»)  Strabo,  VIII.  §  10, 19. 

(2)  Pausanias,  Corinth,  xxviii.  1. 

(*)  Pansanias,  Corinth,  xxvii. 

(*)  "  Goods  were  not  obliged  to  make  the  circuit  by  Corinth ;  a  direct  road 
crossed  the  isthmus  in  the  narrowest  part,  and  they  had  even  established  there 
a  system  of  rollers  on  which  vessels  of  small  tonnage  were  transported  from 
one  sea  to  the  other."  (Strabo,  VIII.  ii.  §  3.— Polybius,  IV.  19.) 

(*)  Pausanias,  Attica,  ii. 


MEDITERRANEAN  PROSPERITY.  123 

being  the  most  voluptuous  of  towns.  Among  its  nu- 
merous temples,  that  of  Venus  had  in  its  service  more 
than  a  thousand  courtezans.  (*)  In  the  sale  of  the 
booty  made  by  Mummius,  a  painting  by  Aristides, 
representing  Bacchus,  was  sold  for  600,000  sestertii.  (2) 
There  was  seen  in  the  triumph  of  Metellus  surnamed 
Macedonicus,  a  group,  the  work  of  Lysippus,  repre- 
senting Alexander  the  Great,  twenty-five  horsemen, 
and  nine  foot-soldiers  slain  at  the  battle  of  the  Grani- 
cus ;  this  group,  taken  at  Corinth,  came  from  Dium  in 
Macedonia.  (3) 

Other  towns  of  Greece  were  no  less  rich  in  works 
of  art.  (4)  The  Romans  earned  away  from  the  little 
town  of  Eretria,  at  the  time  of  the  Macedonian  war, 
a  great  number  of  paintings  and  precious  statues.  (5) 
We  know,  from  the  traveller  Pausanias,  how  prodig- 
ious was  the  quantity  of  offerings  brought  from  the 
most  diverse  countries  into  the  sanctuary  of  Delphi. 
This  town,  which,  by  its  reputation  for  sanctity  and 
its  solemn  games,  the  Pythian,  was  the  rival  of  Olym- 
pia,  gathered  in  its  temple  during  ages  immense  treas- 
ures; and  when  it  was  plundered  by  the  Phocseans, 
they  found  in  it  gold  and  silver  enough  to  coin  ten 
thousand  talents  of  money  (about  58  millions  of  francs 
[£2,320,000]).  The  ancient  opulence  of  the  Greeks 
had,  nevertheless,  passed  into  their  colonies ;  and,  from 
the  extremity  of  the  Black  Sea  to  Cyrene,  numerous 

(')  Cicero,  De  RepubKca,  II.  4.— Strabo,  VIII.  vi.  §  20. 
(')  Strabo,  VIII.  vi.  §  23.— Pliny,  Natural  History,  XXXV.  x.  §  36. 
(3)  Arrian,  Expedition  of  Alexander,  I.  xvi.  4. — Velleius  Paterculus,  I.  40. — 
Plutarch,  Alexander,  16. 
(*)  Athenaeus,  VI.  272. 
<5)  Titus  Livius,  XXXII.  16. 


124  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

establishments  arose  remarkable  for  their  sumptuous- 
ness. 

VIII.  Macedonia  drew  to  herself,  since  the  time  of 
Alexander,  the  riches  and  resources  of 

Macedonia.  .  . 

Asia.  Dominant  over  a  great  part  of 
Greece  and  Thrace,  occupying  Thessaly,  and  extend- 
ing her  sovereignty  over  Epirus,  this  kingdom  concen- 
trated in  herself  the  vital  strength  of  those  cities  for- 
merly independent,  which,  two  centuries  before,  were 
her  rivals  in  power  and  courage.  Under  an  econom- 
ical administration,  the  public  revenues  rising  from 
the  royal  domains,  (*)  from  the  silver  mines  in  Mount 
Pangeurn,  and  from  the  taxes,  were  sufficient  for  the 
wants  of  the  country.  (2)  In  527,  Antigonus  sent  to 
Rhodes  considerable  succours,  which  furnish  the  meas- 
ure of  the  resources  of  Macedonia.  (3) 

Towards  the  year  563  of  Rome,  Philip  had,  by  wise 
measures,  raised  again  the  importance  of  Macedonia. 
He  collected  in  his  arsenals  materials  for  equipping 
three  armies  and  provisions  for  ten  years.  Under 
Perseus,  Macedonia  was  no  less  nourishing.  That 
prince  gave  Cotys,  for  a  service  of  six  months  with 
1,000  cavalry,  the  large  sum  of  200  talents.  (4)  At 
the  battle  of  Pydna,  which  completed  his  ruin,  nearly 
20,000  men  remained  on  the  field,  and  11,000  were 
made  prisoners.  (5)  In  richness  of  equipment,  the 

C1)  Titus  Livius,  XLV.  18,  29.  (a)  Titos  Livitis,  XLII.  12. 

(3)  "These  were,  in  money,  100  talents  (582,000  francs  [£23,280]),  and  in 
wheat,  100,000  artabas  (52,500  hectolitres) ;  and  also  considerable  quantities 
of  ship-building  timber,  tar,  lead,  and  iron."     (Polybius,V.  89.) 

(4)  About  1,164,000  francs  [£46,560].     Perseus  had  promised  him  twice  as 
much.     (Titus  Livius,  XLII.  67.)  (•)  Titus  Livius,  XLIV.  42. 


MEDITERRANEAN  PROSPERITY.  125 

Macedonian  troops  far  surpassed  other  armies.  The 
Leucaspidan  phalanx  was  dressed  in  scarlet,  and  car- 
ried gilt  armour ;  the  Chalcaspidan  phalanx  had 
shields  of  the  finest  brass.  (J)  The  prodigious  splen- 
dour of  the  court  of  Perseus  and  that  of  his  favourites 
reveal  still  more  the  degree  of  opulence  at  which 
Macedonia  had  arrived.  All  exhibited  in  their  dresses 
and  in  their  feasts  a  pomp  equal  to  that  of  kings.  (2) 
Among  the  booty  made  by  Paulus  ^Emilius  were 
paintings,  statues,  rich  tapestries,  vases  of  gold,  sil- 
ver, bronze,  and  ivory,  which  were  so  many  master- 
pieces. (3)  His  triumph  was  unequalled  by  any 
other.  (4) 

Valerius  of  Antium  estimates  at  more  than  120 
millions  of  sestertii  (about  30  millions  of  francs 
[£1,200,000])  the  gold  and  silver  exhibited  on  this 
occasion.  (5)  Macedonia,  as  we  see,  had  absorbed  the 
ancient  riches  of  Greece.  Thrace,  long  barbarous,  be- 
gan also  to  rise  out  of  the  condition  of  inferiority  in 
which  it  had  so  long  languished.  Numerous  Greek 

(1)  Titus  Livius,  XLIV.  41. 

(2)  Titus  Livius,  XLV.  32. 
C)  Titus  Livius,  XLV.  33. 

(4)  It  lasted  three  days :  the  first  was  hardly  sufficient  to  pass  in  review  the 
250  chariots  laden  with  statues  and  paintings ;  the  second  day,  it  was  the  turn 
of  the  arms,  placed  on  cars,  which  were  followed  by  3,000  warriors  carrying  750 
urns  full  of  money ;  each,  borne  by  four  men,  contained  three  talents  (the  whole 
amounting  to  more  than  13  millions  of  francs  [£520,000]).  After  them  came 
those  who  carried  vessels  of  silver,  chased  and  wrought.  On  the  third  day 
appeared  in  the  triumphal  procession  those  who  carried  the  gold  coins,  with 
77  urns,  each  of  which  contained  three  talents  (the  total  about  17  millions 
[£680,000]) ;  next  came  a  consecrated  cup,  of  the  weight  of  ten  talents,  and 
enriched  with  precious  stones,  made  by  order  of  the  Roman  general.  All  this 
preceded  the  prisoners,  Perseus  and  his  household  ;  and,  lastly,  came  the  car  of 
the  triumphant  general.  (Plutarch,  Paulus  ^Emilias,  32,  33.) 

(s)  Titus  Livius,  XLV.  40. 


126  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

colonies,  founded  on  the  shores  of  the  Pontus  Euxi- 
nus,  introduced  there  civilisation  and  prosperity ;  and 
among  these  colonies,  Byzantium,  though  often  har- 
assed by  the  neighbouring  barbarians,  had  already 
an  importance  and  prosperity  which  presaged  its  fu- 
ture destinies.  (*)  Foreigners,  resorting  to  it  from  all 
parts,  had  introduced  a  degree  of  licentiousness  which 
became  proverbial.  (2)  Its  commerce  was,  above  all, 
nourished  by  the  ships  of  Athens,  which  went  there 
to  fetch  the  wheat  of  Tauris  and  the  fish  of  the  Eux- 
ine.  (3)  When  Athens,  in  her  decline,  became  a  prey 
to  anarchy,  Byzantium,  where  arts  and  letters  flour- 
ished, served  as  a  refuge  to  her  exiles. 

IX.  Asia  Minor  comprised  a  great  number  of  prov- 
inces, of  which  several  became,  after  the 
dismemberment  of  the  empire  of  Alex- 
ander, independent  states.  Of  these,  the  principal 
formed  into  four  groups,  composing  so  many  king- 
doms, namely,  Pontus,  Bithynia,  Cappadocia,  and  Per- 
gamus.  We  must  except  from  them  some  Greek  cit- 
ies on  the  coast,  which  kept  their  autonomy  or  were 
placed  under  the  sovereignty  of  Rhodes.  Their  ex- 
tent and  limits  varied  often  until  the  time  of  the  Ro- 
man conquest^  and  several  of  them  passed  from  one, 
domination  to  another.  All  these  kingdoms  partici- 
pated in  different  degrees  in  the  prosperity  of  Mace- 
donia, 

"  Asia,"  says  Cicero, "  is  so  rich  and  fertile,  that  the 

(1)  Polybius,  IV.  38,  44,  45. 

(2)  Aristotle,  Politics,  VI.  4,  §  1.— JElian,  Various  Histories,  III.  1*. 

(3)  Strabo,  VII.  vi.  §  2 ;  XII.  iii.  §11. 


MEDITERRANEAN  PROSPERITY.  127 

fecundity  of  its  plains,  the  variety  of  its  products,  the 
extent  of  its  pastures,  the  multiplicity  of  the  objects 
of  commerce  exported  from  it,  give  it  an  incontestible 
superiority  over  all  other  countries  of  the  earth.  (*) 

The  wealth  of  Asia  Minor  appears  from  the  amount 
of  impositions  paid  by  it  to  the  different  Roman  gen- 
erals. Without  speaking  of  the  spoils  carried  away 
by  Scipio,  in  his  campaign  against  Antiochus,  and  by 
Manlius  Volso  in  565,  Sylla,  and  afterwards  Lucul- 
lus  and  Pompey,  each  drew  from  this  country  about 
20,000  talents,  (2)  besides  an  equal  sum  distributed 
by  them  to  their  soldiers :  which  gives  the  enormous 
total  of  nearly  seven  hundred  millions  of  francs  [or 
twenty-eight  millions  sterling],  received  in  a  period 
of  twenty-five  years. 

X.  The  most  northern  of  the  four  groups  named 

above  formed  a  great  part  of  the  king- 
Kingdom  of  Pontus.  m-i-  •  ,i_ 

dom  ot  rontus.  1ms  province,  the  an- 
cient Cappadocia  Pontica,  formerly  a  Persian  satrapy, 
reduced  to  subjection  by  Alexander  and  his  success- 
or, recovered  itself  after  the  battle  of  Ipsus  (453). 
Mithridates  III.  enlarged  his  territory  by  adding  to 
it  Paphlagonia,  and  afterwards  Sinope  and  Galatia. 
Pontus  soon  extended  from  Colchis  on  the  north-east 
to  Lesser  Armenia  on  the  south-east,  and  had  Bi- 
thynia  for  its  boundary  on  the  west.  Thus,  touching 
upon  the  Caucasus,  and  master  of  the  Pontus  Euxi- 
nus,  this  kingdom,  composed  of  divers  peoples,  pre- 
sented, under  varied  climates,  a  variety  of  different 

(')  Cicero,  Oration  for  the  Law  Manilia,\i. 
(2)  Plutarch,  Sylla,  xxv. 


128  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

productions.  It  received  wines  and  oils  from  the 
^Egean  Sea,  and  wheat  from  the  Bosphorus;  it  ex- 
ported salt  fish  in  great  quantity,  (*)  dolphin  oil,  (2) 
and,  as  produce  of  the  interior,  the  wools  of  the  Gadi- 
lonitis,  (3)  the  fleeces  of  Ancyra,  the  horses  of  Arme- 
nia, Media,  and  Paphlagonia,  (4)  the  iron  of  the  Chal- 
ybes,  a  population  of  miners  to  the  south  of  Trapezus, 
already  celebrated  in  the  time  of  Homer,  and  men- 
tioned by  Xenophon.  (5)  There  also  were  found 
mines  of  silver,  abandoned  in  the  time  of  Strabo,  (G) 
but  which  have  been  re-opened  in  modern  times.  Im- 
portant ports  on  the  Black  Sea  facilitated  the  expor- 
tation of  these  products.  It  was  at  Sinope  that  Lu- 
cullus  found  a  part  of  the  treasures  which  he  displayed 
at  his  triumph,  and  which  gives  us  a  lofty  idea  of  the 
kingdom  of  Mithridates.  (7)  An  object  of  admiration 
at  Sinope  was  the  statue  of  Autolycus,  one  of  the  pro- 
tecting heroes  of  the  town,  the  work  of  the  statuary 
Sthenis.  (8) 

Trapezus  (Trebizonde),  which  before  the  time  of 

C)  Especially  the  fish  called pelamydes,  objects  of  research  throughout  Greece. 
(Strabo,  VII.  vi.  §  2 ;  XII.  iii.  §  11,  §  19.) 

(")  Strabo,  XII.  iii.  §  19. 

(3)  Strabo,  XII.  iii.  §  13.  Gadilonitis  extended  to  the  south-west  of  Amisus 
(Samsoun). 

(*)  Polybius,  V.  44,  55.— Ezekiel  xxvii.  13, 14. 

(5)  Xenophon,  Retreat  of  the  Ten  Thousand,  V.  v.  34.— Homer,  Iliad,  II.  857. 

(«)  Strabo,  XII.  iii.  §  19. 

(7)  There  passed  in  the  procession  a  statue  of  gold  of  the  King  of  Pontus,  six 
feet  high,  with  his  shield  set  with  precious  stones,  twenty  stands  covered  with 
vases  of  silver,  thirty-two  others  full  of  vases  of  gold,  with  arms  of  the  same 
metal,  and  with  gold  coinage ;  these  stands  were  carried  by  men  followed  by 
eight  mules  loaded  with  golden  beds,  and  after  whom  came  fifty-six  others  car- 
rying ingots  of  silver,  and  a  hundred  and  seven  carrying  all  the  silver  money, 
amounting  to  2,700,000  drachmas  (2,619,000  francs  [£104,760]).  (Plutarch, 
Lucullus,  xxxvii.)  (s)  Plutarch,  Lucitllus,  xxiii. 


MEDITERRANEAN  PROSPERITY.  129 

Mithridates  the  Great  preserved  a  sort  of  autonomy 
under  the  kings  of  Pontus,  had  an  extensive  com- 
merce ;  which  was  the  case  also  with  another  Greek 
colony,  Amisus  ($amsoun),  (a)  regarded  in  the  time 
of  Lucullus  as  one  of  the  most  nourishing  and  richest 
towns  in  the  country.  (2)  In  the  interior,  Amasia, 
which  became  afterwards  one  of  the  great  fortresses 
of  Asia  Minor,  and  the  metropolis  of  Pontus,  had  al- 
ready probably,  at  the  time  of  the  Punic  wars,  a  cer- 
tain renown.  Cabira,  called  afterwards  Sebaste,  and 
then  Neocsesarea,  the  central  point  of  the  resistance 
of  Mithridates  the  Great  to  Lucullus,  owed  its  ancient 
celebrity  to  its  magnificent  Temple  of  the  Moon. 
From  the  country  of  Cabira,  there  was,  according  to 
the  statement  of  Lucullus,  (3)  only  the  distance  of  a 
few  days'  march  into  Armenia,  a  country  the  riches 
of  which  may  be  estimated  by  the  treasures  gathered 
by  Tigranes.  (4) 

We  can  hence  understand  how  Mithridates  the 
Great  Avas  able,  two  centuries  later,  to  oppose  the  Ro- 
mans with  considerable  armies  and  fleets.  He  pos- 
sessed in  the  Black  Sea  400  ships,  (5)  and  his  army 
amounted  to  250,000  men  and  40,000  horse.  (6)  He 
received,  it  is  true,  succours  from  Armenia  and  Scyth- 
ia,  from  the  Palus  Mseotis,  and  even  from  Thrace. 

(')  Strabo,  XII.  iii.  §  13, 14. 

(3)  Appian,  War  against  Mithridates,  Ixxviii. 

(3)  Plutarch,  Lucullus,  xiv. 

(*)  See  what  is  reported  by  Plutarch  {Lucullus,  xxix.)  of  the  riches  and  ob- 
jects of  art  of  every  species  with  which  Tigranocerta  was  crammed. 

(')  Appian,  Wars  of  Mithridates,  xiii.  p.  658 ;  xv.  p.  662  ;  xvii.  p.  664. 

(6)  Appian,  Wars  of  Mithridates,  xvii.  664.  Lesser  Armenia  furnished 
1,000  horsemen.  Mithridates  had  a  hundred  and  thirty  chariots  armed  with 
scythes. 

c>*  I 


130  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

XI.  Bithynia,  a  province  of  Asia  Minor,  comprised 
between  the  Propontis,  the  Sangarius, 
and  Paphlagonia,  formed  a  kingdom, 
which,  at  the  beginning  of  the  sixth  century  of  Rome, 
was  adjacent  to  Pontus,  and  comprised  several  parts 
of  the  provinces  contiguous  to  Mysia  and  Phrygia. 
In  it  were  found  several  towns,  the  commerce  of  which 
rivalled  that  of  the  maritime  towns  of  Pontus,  and  es- 
pecially Nicsea  and  Nicomedia.  This  last,  founded  in 
475  by  Nicomedes  L,took  a  rapid  extension.  (J)  Her- 
aclea  Pontica,  a  Milesian  colony  situated  between  the 
Sangarius  and  the  Parthenius,  preserved  its  extensive 
commerce,  and  an  independence  which  Mithridates  the 
Great  himself  could  not  entirely  destroy ;  it  possessed 
a  vast  port,  safe  and  skilfully  disposed,  which  shelter- 
ed a  numerous  fleet.  (2)  The  power  of  the  Bithyn- 
ians  was  not  insignificant,  since  they  sent  into  the 
field,  in  the  war  of  Nicomedes  against  Mithridates, 
56,000  men.  (3)  If  the  traffic  was  considerable  on 
the  coasts  of  Bithynia,  thanks  to  the  Greek  colonies, 
the  interior  was  not  less  prosperous  by  its  agriculture, 
and  Bithynia  was  still,  in  the  time  of  Strabo,  renown- 
ed for  its  herds."  (4) 

One  of  the  provinces  of  Bithynia  fell  into  the 
hands  of  the  Gauls  (A.U.C.  478).  Three  peoples  of 
Celtic  origin  shared  it,  and  exercised  in  it  a  sort  of 
feudal  dominion.  It  was  called  Galatia  from  the 
name  of  the  conquerors.  Its  places  of  commerce  were : 

(*)  Strabo,  XII.  iv.  §  2.  —  Stephanus  Byzantinus,  under  the  word  NMCO/ITJ- 
cttov. — Pliny,  NaturalHistory,  V.  xxxii.  149. 
(»)  Strabo,  XII.  iii.  §  6. 
(3)  Appian,  Wars  of  Mithridates,  xvii. 
(«)  Strabo,  XII.  v.  §  7. 


MEDITERRANEAN  PROSPERITY. 

Ancyra,  the  point  of  arrival  of  the  caravans  coming 
from.  Asia,  and  Pessinus,  one  of  the  chief  seats  of  the 
old  Phrygian  worship,  where  pilgrims  repaired  in 
great  number  to  adore  Cybele.  (*)  The  population 
of  Galatia  was  certainly  rather  considerable,  since  in 
the  famous  campaign  of  Cneius  Manlius  Volso,  (2)  in 
565,  the  Galatians  lost  40,000  men.  The  two  tribes 
united  of  the  Tectosagi  and  Trocmi  raised  at  that  pe- 
riod, in  spite  of  many  defeats,  an  army  of  50,000  foot 
and  10,000  horse.  (3) 

XII.  To  the  east  of  Galatia,  Cappadocia  comprised 
between  the  Halys  and  Armenia,  dis- 
tant from  the  sea,  and  crossed  by  nu- 
merous chains  of  mountains,  formed  a  kingdom  which 
escaped  the  conquests  of  Alexander,  and  which,  a  few 
years  after  his  death,  opposed  Perdiccas  with  an  army 
of  30,000  footmen  and  15,000  horsemen.  (*)  In  the 
time  of  Strabo,  wheat  and  cattle  formed  the  riches  of 
this  country.  (5)  In  566,  King  Ariarathes  paid  600 
talents  for  the  alliance  of  the  Romans.  (6)  Mazaca 
(afterwards  Ccesarea),  capital  of  Cappadocia,  a  town 
of  an  entirely  Asiatic  origin,  had  been,  from  a  very 
early  period,  renowned  for  its  pastures.  (7) 

(*)  Strabo  (XII.  v.  §  3)  tells  us  that  Pessinus  was  the  greatest  mart  of  the 
province.  (2)  Titus  Livius,  XXXVIII.  23. 

(3)  Titus  Livius,  XXXVIII.  26. 

(*)  Diodorus  Siculus,  XVIII.  16. 

(*)  Strabo,  XII.  ii.  §  10. 

(6)  About  3,500, 000  francs  [£140, 000].  (Titus  Livius,  XXXVIII.  37.)  See 
Appian,  Wars  of  Syria,  xlii. — "  Demetrius  obtained  soon  afterwards  a  thou- 
sand talents  (5,821,000  francs  [£232,840])  from  Olophernes  for  having  estab- 
lished him  on  the  throne  of  Cappadocia."  (Appian,  Wart  of  Syria,  xlvii.) 

O  Strabo,  XII.  ii.  7,  8. 


132  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CJESAR. 

XIII.  The  western  part  of  Asia  Minor  is  better 
Kingdom  of  Per.   tn°wn-     It  had  seen,  after  the  battle 


Qf  jpsug)  the  formation  of  the  kingdom 
of  Pergamus,  which,  thanks  to  the  interested  liberal- 
ity of  the  Romans  towards  Eumenes  II.,  increased 
continually  until  the  moment  when  it  fell  under  their 
sovereignty.  To  this  kingdom  belonged  Mysia,  the 
two  Phrygias,  Lycaonia,  and  Lydia.  This  last  prov- 
ince, crossed  by  the  Pactolus,  had  for  its  capital  Eph- 
esus,  the  metropolis  of  the  Ionian  confederation,  at  the 
same  time  the  mart  of  the  commerce  of  Asia  Minor 
and  one  of  the  localities  where  the  fine  arts  were  cul- 
tivated with  most  distinction.  This  town  had  two 
ports  :  one  penetrated  into  the  heart  of  the  town, 
while  the  other  formed  a  basin  in  the  very  middle  of 
the  public  market.  (')  The  theatre  of  Ephesus,  the 
largest  ever  built,  was  660  feet  in  diameter,  and  was 
capable  of  holding  60,000  spectators.  The  most  cel- 
ebrated artists,  Scopas,  Praxiteles,  etc.,  worked  at  Eph- 
esus upon  the  great  Temple  of  Diana.  This  monu- 
ment, the  building  of  which  lasted  two  hundred  and 
twenty  years,  was  surrounded  by  128  columns,  each 
60  feet  high,  presented  by  so  many  kings.  Pergamus, 
the  capital  of  the  kingdom,  passed  for  one  of  the  finest 
cities  in  A$>\&,longe  clarissimumAsice  Pergamum,  says 
Pliny  ;  (2)  the  port  of  Elsea  contained  maritime  arse- 
nals, and  could  arm  numerous  vessels.  (3)  The  acrop- 
olis of  Pergamus,  an  inaccessible  citadel,  defended  by 
two  torrents,  was  the  residence  of  the  Attalides  ;  these 

(')  Falkener,  Ephesus:  London,  1862. 
(s)  Natural  History,  V.  xxx.  126. 

(*)  It  was  thence  that  the  fleets  of  the  kings  of  Pergamus  put  to  sea.    (Titus 
Livius,  XXXVIII.  40  ;  XLIV.  28.) 


MEDITERRANEAN  PROSPERITY.  133 

princes,  zealous  protectors  of  the  sciences  and  arts, 
had  founded  in  their  capital  a  library  of  200,000  vol- 
umes. (')  Pergamus  carried  on  a  vast  traffic ;  its  ce- 
reals were  exported  in  great  quantities  to  most  places 
in  Greece.  (2)  Cyzicus,  situated  on  an  island  of  the 
Propontis,  with  two  closed  ports  forming  a  station  for 
about  two  hundred  ships,  (3)  rivalled  the  richest  cit- 
ies of  Asia.  Like  Adranryttiuni,  it  carried  on  a  great 
commerce  in  perfumery,  (4)  it  worked  the  inexhausti- 
ble marble-quarries  of  the  island  of  Proconnesus,  (5) 
and  its  commercial  relations  were  so  extensive  that  its 
gold  coins  were  current  in  all  the  Asiatic  factories.  (6) 
The  town  of  Abydos  possessed  gold  mines.  (7)  The 
wheat  of  Assus  was  reputed  the  best  in  the  world, 
and  was  reserved  for  the  table  of  the  kings  of  Per- 
sia. (8) 

We  may  estimate  the  population  and  resources  of 
this  part  of  Asia  from  the  armies  and  fleets  which  the 
kings  had  at  their  command  at  the  time  of  the  con- 
quest of  Greece  by  the  Romans.  In  555,  Attains  II., 
and,  ten  years  later,  Eumenes  II.,  sent  them  numerous 
galleys  of  five  ranks  of  oars.  (9)  The  land  forces 
of  the  kings  of  Pergamus  were  much  less  considera- 

0)  The  name  of  Pergamus  is  preserved  in  our  modem  languages  in  the 
word  "parchment"  (pergamena),  which  was  used  to  designate  the  skin  which 
was  prepared  in  that  town  to  serve  as  paper,  after  the  Ptolemies  had  prohibited 
the  exportation  of  Egyptian  papyrus. 

(2)  Attalus  I.,  King  of  Pergamus,  gave  to  the  Sicyonians  11,000  medimni  of 
wheat.  (Titus  Livius,  XXXII.  40.)— Eumenius  II.  lent  80,000  to  the  Rhodi- 
ans.  (Polybius,  XXXI.  xvii.  2.)  (3)  Strabo,  XII.  viii.  §  11. 

(*)  Athenseus,  XV.  xxxviii.  513,  ed.  Schweighaeuser. 

(5)  The  Sea  of  Marmora  took  its  name  from  these  quarries  of  marble. 

(6)  Kv£ticT]voi  orarj/pte,  whence  the  word  sequins. 

(7)  Strabo,  XIII.  i.  §  23.  (")  Strabo,  XV.  iii.  §  22. 
(»)  Titus  Livius,  XXXII.,  16 ;  XXXVI.  43. 


134:  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  OESAR. 

ble.  (*)  Their  direct  authority  did  not  extend  over  a 
great  territory,  yet  they  had  many  tributary  towns; 
hence  their  great  wealth  and  small  army.  The  Ro- 
mans drew  from  this  country,  now  nearly  barren  and 
unpeopled,  immense  contributions  both  in  gold  and 
wheat.  (2)  The  magnificence  of  the  triumph  of  Man- 
lius  and  the  reflections  of  Livy,  compared  with  the 
testimony  of  Herodotus,  reveal  all  the  splendour  of 
the  kingdom  of  Pergamus.  It  was  after  the  war 
against  Antiochus  and  the  expedition  of  Manlius 
that  extravagance  began  to  display  itself  at  Rome.  (3) 
Soldiers  and  generals  enriched  themselves  prodigious- 
ly in  Asia.  (4) 

The  ancient  colonies  of  Ionia  and  ^Eolis,  such  as 
Clazoinenae,  Colophon,  and  many  others,  which  were 
dependent  for  the  most  part  on  the  kingdom  of 
Pergamus,  were  fallen  from  their  ancient  grandeur. 
Smyrna,  rebuilt  by  Alexander,  was  still  an  object  of 
admiration  for  the  beauty  of  its  monuments.  The 
exportation  of  wines,  as  celebrated  on  the  coast  of 
Ionia  as  in  the  neighbouring  islands,  formed  alone  an 
important  support  of  the  commerce  of  the  ports  of 
the  JEgean  Sea. 

O  Titus  Livius,  XXXVII.  8. 

(2)  The  petty  king  Moagetes,  who  reigned  at  Cibyra,  in  Phiygia,  gave  a 
hundred  talents  and  10,000  medimni  of  corn  (Polybius,  XXII.  17. — Titus  Liv- 
ius, XXXVIII.  14  and  15) ;  Termessus,  fifty  talents ;  Aspendus,  Sagalassus,  and 
all  the  cities  of  Pamphylia,  paid  the  same  (Polybius,  XXII.  18  and  19);  and 
the  towns  of  this  part  of  Asia  contributed,  at  the  first  summons  of  the  Roman 
general,  for  about  600  talents  (3,500,000  francs  [£140,000]);  they  also  deliv- 
ered to  him  about  60,000  medimni  of  corn. 

(3)  Titus  Livius,  XXXIX.  6. 

(*)  Manlius,  although  he  had  been  despoiled  on  his  way  home  of  a  part  of 
his  immense  booty  by  the  mountaineers  of  Thrace,  displayed,  at  his  triumph, 
crowns  of  gold  to  the  weight  of  212  pounds,  220,000  pounds  of  silver,  2,103 


MEDITERRANEAN  PROSPERITY.  135 

The  treasures  of  the  temple  of  Samothrace  were  so 
considerable,  that  we  are  induced  to  mention  here  a 
circumstance  relating  to  this  little  island,  though  dis- 
tant from  Asia,  and  near  the  coast  of  Thrace :  Sylla's 
soldiers  took  in  the  sanctuary  the  Cabiri,  an  orna- 
ment of  the  value  of  1,000  talents  (5,820,000  francs 
[£232,800]).  Q 

XIV.  On  the  southern  coast  of  Asia  Minor,  some 
cam,  Lycia,  and  towns  still  sustained  the  rank  they  had 
attained  one  or  two  centuries  before. 
The  capital  of  Caria  was  Halicarnassus,  a  very  strong 
town,  defended  by  two  citadels,  (2)  and  celebrated  for 
one  of  the  finest  works  of  Greek  art,  the  Mausoleum. 
In  spite  of  the  extraordinary  fertility  of  the  country, 
the  Carians  were  accustomed,  like  the  people  of  Crete, 
to  engage  as  mercenaries  in  the  Greek  armies.  (3)  On 
their  territory  stood  the  Ionian  town  of  Miletus,  with 
its  four  ports.  (4)  The  Milesians  alone  had  civilised 
the  shores  of  the  Black  Sea  by  the  foundation  of 
about  eighty  colonies.  (5) 

In  turn  independent,  or  placed  under  foreign  do- 
minion, Lycia,  a  province  comprised  between  Caria 
and  Cilicia,  possessed  some  rich  commercial  towns. 
One  especially,  renowned  for  its  ancient  oracle  of 
Apollo,  no  less  celebrated  than  that  of  Delphi,  was 
remarkable  for  its  spacious  port ;  (6)  this  was  Patara, 

pounds  of  gold,  more  than  127,000  Attic  tetradrachms,  250,000  cistophori,  and 
16,320  gold  coins  of  Philip.     (Titus  Livius,  XXXIX.  7.) 

(l)  Appian,  Wars  of  Mithridates,  Ixiii. 

(5)  Arrian,  Campaigns  of  Alexander,  I.  xx.  §  3. — Diodorus,  XVII.  23. 

(3)  Strabo,  XIV.  ii.  565.  («)  Strabo,  XIV.  i.  §  6. 

(')  Pliny,  Natural  History,  V.  31.  («)  Strabo,  XIV.  iii.  §  6. 


136  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  (LESAR. 

which  was  large  enough  to  contain  the  whole  fleet  of 
Antiochus,  burnt  by  Fabius  in  565.  (*)  Xanthus,  the 
largest  town  of  the  province,  to  which  place  ships  as- 
cended, only  lost  its  importance  after  having  been  pil- 
laged by  Brutus.  (2)  Its  riches  had  at  an  earlier  pe- 
riod drawn  upon  it  the  same  fate  from  the  Persians.  (3) 
Under  the  Roman  dominion,  Lycia  beheld  its  popu- 
lation decline  gradually;  and  of  the  seventy  towns 
which  it  had  possessed,  no  more  than  thirty-six  re- 
mained in  the  eighth  century  of  Rome.  (4) 

More  to  the  east,  the  coasts  of  Cilicia  were  less  fa- 
voured; subjugated  in  turn  by  the  Macedonians, 
Egyptians,  and  Syrians,  they  had  become  receptacles 
of  pirates,  who  were  encouraged  by  the  kings  of 
Egypt  in  their  hostility  to  the  Seleucidse.  (5)  From 
the  heights  of  the  mountains  which  cross  a  part  of 
the  province,  robbers  descended  to  plunder  the  fertile 
plains  situated  on  the  eastern  side  (Cilicia  Campcs- 
tris).  (6)  Still,  the  part  watered  by  the  Cydnus  and 
the  Pyramus  was  more  prosperous,  owing  to  the  man- 
ufacture of  coarse  linen  and  to  the  export  of  saffron. 
There  stood  ancient  Tarsus,  formerly  the  residence  of 
a  satrap,  the  commerce  of  which  had  sprung  up  along 
with  that  of  Tyre ;  (7)  and  Soli,  on  which  Alexander 
levied  an  imposition  of  a  hundred  talents  as  a  punish- 
ment for  its  fidelity  to  the  Persians,  (8)  and  which,  by 

(')  Titus  Livius,  XXXVIII.  39. 

(3)  Scylax,  Periplus,  39,  ed.  Hudson.— Dio  Cassius,  XL VII.  34. 

(3)  Herodotus,  I.  176. 

(*)  Pliny,  Natural  History,  V.  28. 

(5)  Strabo,  XIV.  v.  §  2. 

(6)  Strabo,  XIV.  v.  §  2. 

(7)  Tarsus  had  still  naval  arsenals  in  the  time  of  Strabo  (XIV.  v.  §  12  et  seg.). 

(8)  Arrian,  Anabasis,  II.  fi. 


MEDITERRANEAN  PROSPERITY.  137 

its  maritime  position,  excited  the  envy  of  the  Rho- 
dians.  (*)  These  towns  and  other  ports  entered,  after 
the  battle '  of  Ipsus,  into  the  great  commercial  move- 
ment of  which  the  provinces  of  Syria  became  the  seat. 

XV.  By  the  foundation  of  the  empire  of  the  Seleu- 
cidae,  Greek  civilisation  was  carried  into 
the  interior  of  Asia,  where  the  immobili- 
ty of  Eastern  society  was  succeeded  by  the  activity  of 
Western  life.  Greek  letters  and  arts  flourished  from 
the  Sea  of  Phoenicia  to  the  banks  of  the  Euphrates. 
Numerous  towns  were  built  in  Syria  and  Assyria, 
with  all  the  richness  and  elegance  of  the  edifices  of 
Greece ;  (2)  some  were  almost  in  ruins  in  the  time  of 
Pliny.  (3)  Seleucia,  founded  by  Seleucus  Nicator,  at 
the  mouth  of  the  Orontes,  and  which  received,  with 
five  other  towns  built  by  the  same  monarch,  the  name 
of  the  head  of  the  Graeco  -  Syrian  dynasty,  became  a 
greatly  frequented  port.  Antioch,  built  on  the  same 
river,  rivalled  the  finest  towns  of  Egypt  and  Greece 
by  the  number  of  its  edifices,  the  extent  of  its  places, 
and  the  beauty  of  its  temples  and  statues.  (4)  Its 
walls,  built  by  the  architect  Xenseos,  passed  for  a  won- 
der, and  in  the  Middle  Ages  their  ruins  excited  the 

0)  Polybius,  XXII.  7. 

(2)  Seleucus  founded  sixteen  towns  of  the  name  of  Antiochia,  five  of  the  name 
of  Laodicea,  nine  of  the  name  of  Seleucia,  three  of  the  name  of  Apamea,  one. of 
the  name  of  Stratonicea,  and  a  great  number  of  others  which  equally  received 
Greek  names.     (Appian,  Wars  of  Syria,  Ivii.  622.)  —  Pliny  (Natural  History, 
VI.  xxvi.  117)  informs  us  that  it  was  the  Seleucides  who  collected  into  towns 
the  inhabitants  of  Babylonia,  who  before  only  inhabited  villages  (i-ici),  and  had 
no  other  cities  than  Nineveh  and  Babylon. 

(3)  Pliny  (Natural  History,  VI.  26,  1 19)  mentions  one  of  these  towns  which 
was  70  stadia  in  circuit,  and  in  his  time  was  reduced  to  a  mere  fortress. 

(*)  Strabo,  XVI.  ii.  §  5.— Pausanias,  VI.  ii.  §  7. 


138  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  O^SAR. 

admiration  of  travellers.  (')  Antioch  consisted  of  four 
quarters,  having  each  its  own  enclosure ;  (2)  and  the 
common  enclosure  which  surrounded  them  all  appears 
to  have  embraced  an  extent  of  six  leagues  in  circum- 
ference. Not  far  from  the  town  was  the  delightful 
abode  of  Daphne,  where  the  wood,  consecrated  to 
Apollo  and  Diana,  was  an  object  of  public  venera- 
tion, and  the  place  where  sumptuous  festivals  were 
celebrated.  (3)  Apamea  was  renowned  for  its  pas- 
tures. Seleucus  had  formed  there  a  stud  of  30,000 
mares,  300  stallions,  and  500  elephants.  (4)  The  Tem- 
ple of  the  Sun  at  Heliopolis  (now  Baalbek)  was  the 
most  colossal  work  of  architecture  that  had  ever  ex- 
isted. (5) 

The  power  of  the  empire  of  the  Seleucidse  went  on 
increasing  until  the  time  when  the  Romans  seized 
upon  it.  Extending  from  the  Mediterranean  to  the 
Oxus  and  Caucasus,  this  empire  was  composed  of 
nearly  all  the  provinces  of  the  ancient  kingdom  of 
the  Persians,  and  included  peoples  of  different  ori- 
gins. (6)  Media  was  fertile,  and  its  capital,  Ecbatana, 
which  Polybius  represents  as  excelling  in  riches  and 
the  incredible  luxury  of  its  palaces  the  other  cities 
of  Asia,  had  not  yet  been  despoiled  by  Antiochus 
III. ;  (7)  Babylonia,  once  the  seat  of  a  powerful  em- 

(l)  John  Malalas,  Chronicle,  VIIL  200  and  202,  ed.  Dindorf. 
(»)  Strabo,  XVI.  ii.  §  4. 
(»)  Strabo,  XVI.  ii.  §  6. 
(«)  Strabo,  XVI.  ii.  §  10. 

(*)  It  was  raised  on  a  terrace  a  thousand  feet  long  by  three  hundred  feet 
broad,  and  was  built  with  stones  70  feet  long. 

(6)  The  empire  of  Seleucus  comprised  seventy-two  satrapies.     (Appian, 
Wars  of  Syria,  Ixii.  630.) 

(7)  Polybius,  X.  27.    Ecbatana  paid  to  Antiochus  III.  a  tribute  of  4,000 


MEDITERRANEAN  PROSPERITY.  139 

pire,  and  Phoenicia,  long  the  most  commercial  country 
in  the  world,  made  part  of  Syria,  and  touched  upon 
the  frontiers  of  the  Parthians.  Caravans,  following  a 
route  which  has  remained  the  same  during  many  cen- 
turies, placed  Syria  in  communication  with  Arabia,  (J) 
whence  came  ebony,  ivory,  perfumes,  resins,  and  spices ; 
the  Syrian  ports  were  the  intermediate  marts  for  the 
merchants  who  proceeded  as  far  as  India,  where  Se- 
leucus  I.  went  to  conclude  a  treaty  with  Sandrocottus. 
The  merchandise  of  this  country  ascended  the  Eu- 
phrates as  far  as  Thapsacus,  and  thence  it  was  ex- 
ported to  all  the  provinces.  (2)  Communications  so 
distant  and  multiplied  explain  the  prosperity  of  the 
empire  of  the  Seleucidse.  Babylonia  competed  with 
Phrygia  in  embroidered  tissues ;  purple  and  the  tis- 
sues of  Tyre,  the  glass,  goldsmiths'  work,  and  dyes  of 
Sidon,  were  exported  far.  Commerce  had  penetrated 
to  the  extremities  of  Asia.  Silk  stuffs  were  sent  from 
the  frontiers  of  China  to  Caspiae  Portse,  and  thence 
conveyed  by  caravans  at  once  towards  the  Tyrian 
Sea,  Mesopotamia,  and  Pontus.  (3)  Subsequently,  the 
invasion  of  the  Parthians,  by  intercepting  the  routes, 
prevented  the  Greeks  from  penetrating  into  the  heart 
of  Asia.  Hence  Seleucus  Nicator  formed  the  project 
of  opening  a  way  of  direct  communication  between 
Greece  and  Bactriana,  by  constructing  a  canal  from 

alents  (Attic  talents=23,284,000  francs  [£931,360]),  the  produce  of  the  cast- 
ng  of  silver  tiles  which  roofed  one  of  its  temples.  Alexander  the  Great  had 
ilready  carried  away  those  of  the  roof  of  the  palace  of  the  kings. 

(l)  The  country  of  Gerra,  among  the  Arabians,  paid  500  talents  to  Anti- 
>chus  (Attic  talents=2,910,500  francs  [£116,420]).  (Polybius,  XIII.  9.)— 
There  was  formerly  a  great  quantity  of  gold  in  Arabia.  (Job  xxviii.  1,  2. — 
)iodorus  Siculus,  II.  50.) 

(3)  Strabo,  XVI.  iii.  §  3.  (s)  Strabo,  XI.  ii.  426  et  scq. 


140  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

the  Black  Sea  to  the  Caspian  Sea.  (J)  Mines  of  pre- 
cious metals  were  rather  rare  in  Syria ;  but  there  was 
abundance  of  gold  and  silver,  introduced  by  the  Phoe- 
nicians, or  imported  from  Arabia  or  Central  Asia.  We 
may  judge  of  the  abundance  of  money  possessed  by 
Seleucia,  on  the  Tigris,  by  the  amount  of  the  contribu- 
tion which  was  extorted  from  it  by  Antiochus  III.  (a 
thousand  talents).  (2)  The  sums  which  the  Syrian 
monarchs  engaged  to  pay  to  the  Romans  were  im- 
mense. (3)  The  soil  gave  produce  equal  in  import- 
ance with  that  of  industry.  (4)  Susiana,  one  of  the 
provinces  of  Persia  which  had  fallen  under  the  do- 
minion of  the  Seleucidse,  had  so  great  a  reputation  for 
its  corn,  that  Egypt  alone  could  compete  with  it.  (5) 
Ccele-Syria  was,  like  the  north  of  Mesopotamia,  in  re- 
pute for  its  cattle.  (6)  Palestine  furnished  abundance 

C)  Pliny,  Natural  History,  VI.  11. 

(2)  Polybius,  V.  54.     If,  as  is  probable,  Babylonian  talents  are  intended,  this 
would  make  about  7,426,000  francs  [£297,040].     Seleucia,  on  the  Tigris,  was 
very  populous.     Pliny  (Natural  History,  VI.  26)  estimates  the  number  of  its 
inhabitants  at  600,000.     Strabo  (XVI.  ii.  §  5)  tells  us  that  Seleucia  was  even 
greater  than  Antioch.     This  town,  which  had  succeeded  Babylon,  appears  to 
have  inherited  a  part  of  its  population. 

(3)  In  565,  Antiochus  III.  gives  15,000  talents  (Euboic  talents =87,315,000 
francs  [£3,492,600]).    (Polybius,  XXI.  14.— Titus  Livius,  XXXVIII.  37.)    In 
the  treaty  of  the  following  year,  the  Romans  stipulated  for  a  tribute  of  12,000 
Attic  talents  of  the  purest  gold,  payable  in  twelve  years,  each  talent  of  80 
pounds  Roman  (69,852,000  francs  [£2, 794,080]).     (Polybius,  XXII.  26,  §  19.) 
In  addition  to  this,  Eumenes  was  to  receive  359  talents  (2,089,739  francs 
[£83,589]),  payable  in  five  years  (Polybius,  XXII.  26,  §  20).— Titus  Livius 
(XXXVIII.  38)  says  only  350  talents. 

(4)  The  father  of  Antiochus,  Seleucus  Callinicus,  sent  to  the  Rhodians 
200,000  mcdimni  of  wheat  (104,000  hectolitres).     (Polybius,  V.  89.)    In  556, 
Antiochus  gave  540,000  measures  of  wheat  to  the  Romans.     (Polybius,  XXII. 
26,  §19.) 

(5)  According  to  Strabo  (XV.  3),  wheat  and  barley  produced  there  a  hund- 
redfold, and  even  twice  as  much,  which  is  hardly  probable. 

(c)  Strabo,  XVI.  2. 


MEDITERRANEAN  PROSPERITY. 

of  wheat,  oil,  and  wine.  The  condition  of  Syria  was 
still  so  prosperous  in  the  seventh  century  of  Rome, 
that  the  philosopher  Posidonius  represents  its  inhab- 
itants as  indulging  in  continual  festivals,  and  dividing 
their  time  between  the  labours  of  the  field,  banquets, 
and  the  exercises  of  the  gymnasium.  (J)  The  festi- 
vals of  Antiochus  IV.,  in  the  town  of  Daphne,  (2)  give 
a  notion  of  the  extravagance  displayed  by  the  gran- 
dees of  that  country. 

The  military  forces  assembled  at  different  epochs 
by  the  kings  of  Syria  enable  us  to  estimate  the  pop- 
ulation of  their  empire.  In  537,  at  the  battle  of 
Raphia,  Antiochus  had  under  his  command  68,000 
men ;  (3)  in  564,  at  Magnesia,  62,000  infantry,  and 
more  than  12,000  horsemen.  (*)  These  armies,  it  is 
true,  comprised  auxiliaries  of  different  nations.  The 
Jews  of  the  district  of  Carmel  alone  could  raise  40,000 
men.  (5) 

The  fleet  was  no  less  imposing.  Phoenicia  counted 
numerous  ports  and  well-stored  arsenals;  such  were 
Aradus  (Ituacl),  Berytus  (Beyrouf),  Tyre  (Sour). 
This  latter  town  raised  itself  gradually  from  its  de- 
cline. It  was  the  same  with  Sidon  (Sdide),  which 
Antiochus  III.,  in  his  war  with  Ptolemy,  did  not  ven- 
ture to  attack  on  account  of  its  soldiers,  its  stores, 

(')  Athenaeus,  XII.  35,  p.  460,  ed.  Schweighawser. 

(3)  Polybius,  XXXI.  3.  —  There  were  seen  in  these  festivals  a  thousand 
slaves  carrying  silver  vases,  the  least  of  which  weighed  1,000  drachmas;  a. 
thousand  slaves  carrying  golden  vases  and  a  profusion  of  plate  of  extraordinary 
richness.  Antiochus  received  every  day  at  his  table  a  crowd  of  guests  whom 
he  allowed  to  carry  away  with  them  in  chariots  innumerable  provisions  of  all 
sorts.  (Athenoeus,  V.  46,  p.  311,  ed.  Schweighaeuser.) 

(3)  Polybius,  V.  79.  («)  Titus  Livius,  XXXVII.  37. 

(5)  Strabo,  XVI.  2. 


142  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CvESAR. 

and  its  population.  (*)  Moreover,  the  greater  part  of 
the  Phoenician  towns  enjoyed,  under  the  Seleucidae,  a 
certain  autonomy  favourable  to  their  industry.  In 
Syria,  Seleucia,  which  Antiochus  the  Great  recovered 
from  the  Egyptians,  had  become  the  first  port  in  the 
kingdom  on  the  Mediterranean.  (2)  Laodicea  carried 
on  an  active  commerce  with  Alexandria.  (3)  Masters 
of  the  coasts  of  Cilicia  and  Pamphylia,  the  kings  of 
Syria  obtained  from  them  great  quantities  of  timber 
for  ship-building,  which  was  floated  down  the  rivers 
from  the  mountains.  (*)  Thus  uniting  their  vessels 
with  those  of  the  Phoenicians,  the  Seleucidae  launched 
upon  the  Mediterranean  considerable  armies.  (5) 
~  Distant  commerce  also  employed  numerous  mer- 
chant vessels ;  the  Mediterranean,  like  the  Euphrates, 
was  fuiTowed  by  barques  which  brought  or  carried 
merchandise  of  every  description.  Vessels  sailing  on 
the  Erythraean  Sea  were  in  communication,  by  means 
of  canals,  with  the  shores  of  the  Mediterranean.  The 
great  trade  of  Phoenicia  with  Spain  and  the  West  had 
ceased,  but  the  navigation  of  the  Euphrates  and  the 
Tigris  replaced  it  for  the  transport  of  products, 

(l)  Polybius,  V.  70. 

(')  Titus  Livius,  XXXIII.  41.— Polybius,  V.  59.— Strabo,  XVI.  2. 

(3)  Strabo,  XVI.  2.  («)  Strabo,  XIV.  5. 

(5)  In  558,  Antiochus  sent  to  sea  a  hundred  covered  vessels  and  two  hundred 
light  ships.  (Titus  Livius,  XXXIII.  19.) — It  is  the  greatest  Syrian  fleet  men- 
tioned in  these  wars.  At  the  battle  of  Myonnesus,  the  fleet  commanded  by 
Polyxenus  was  composed  of  ninety  decked  ships  (574).  (Appian,  Wars  of  Syr- 
ia, 27.) — In  563,  before  the  final  struggle  against  the  Romans,  that  prince  had 
forty  decked  vessels,  sixty  without  decks,  and  two  hundred  transport  ships. 
(Titus  Livius,  XXXV.  43.) — Finally,  the  next  year,  a  little  before  the  battle 
of  Magnesia,  Antiochus  possessed,  not  including  the  Phoenician  fleet,  a  hundred 
vessels  of  moderate  size,  of  which  seventy  had  decks.  (Titus  Livius,  XXXVI. 
43 ;  XXXVII.  8.) — This  navy  was  destroyed  by  the  Romans. 


MEDITERRANEAN  PROSPERITY.  143 

whether  foreign  or  fabricated  in  Syria  itself,  and  sent 
into  Asia  Minor,  Greece,  or  Egypt.  The  empire  of 
the  Seleucidse  offered  the  spectacle  of  the  ancient  civ- 
ilisation and  luxury  of  Nineveh  and  Babylon,  trans- 
formed by  the  genius  of  Greece. 

XVI.  Egypt,  which  Herodotus  calls  a  present  from 
the  Nile,  did  not  equal  in  surface  a  quar- 
ter of  the  empire  of  the  Seleucidse,  but  it 
formed  a  power  much  more  compact.  Its  civilisation 
reached  back  more  than  three  thousand  years.  The 
sciences  and  arts  already  flourished  there,  when  Asia 
Minor,  Greece,  and  Italy  were  still  in  a  state  of  bar- 
barism. The  fertility  of  the  valley  of  the  Nile  had 
permitted  a  numerous  population  to  develop  itself 
there  to  such  a  point,  that  under  Amasis  II.,  contem- 
porary with  Servius  Tullius,  twenty  thousand  cities 
were  reckoned  in  it.  (')  The  skilful  administration 
of  the  first  of  the  Lagides  increased  considerably  the 
resources  of  the  country.  Under  Ptolemy  II.,  the  an- 
nual revenues  amounted  to  14,800  talents  (86,150,800 
francs  [£3,446,032]),  and  a  million  and  a  half  of  ar- 
tabi  (2)  of  Avheat.  (3)  Besides  the  Egyptian  revenues, 
the  taxes  levied  in  the  foreign  possessions  reached  the 
amount  of  about  10,000  talents  a  year.  Coele-Syria, 
Phoenicia,  and  Judea,  with  the  province  of  Samaria, 
yielded  annually  to  Ptolemy  Euergetes  8,000  talents 
(46  millions  and  a  half  [£1,860,000]).  (4)  A  single 

(')  Herodotus,  II.  177.— Diodorus  Siculus,!.  31. 

(3)  A  measure  great  enough  to  make  thirty  loaves.     (Franz,  Corpus  In- 
script.  GrcRcarum,  III.  303.— Poly bi us,  V.  79.) 

(')  Bockh,  Staatshaushaltung  der  Alhener,  I.  xiv.  15. 

(4)  Flavius  Josephus,  Jewish  Antiquities,  XII.  4. 


14A  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CLESA1J. 

feast  cost  Philadelphia  2,240  talents  (more  than  13 
millions  [more  than  half  a  million  sterling]).  (*)  The 
sums  accumulated  in  the  treasury  amounted  to  the 
sum,  perhaps  exaggerated,  of  740,000  talents  (about 
4  milliards  300  millions  of  francs  [172  millions  ster- 
ling]). (2)  In  5 2 7,  Ptolemy  Euergetes  was  able,  with- 
out diminishing  his  resources  too  much,  to  send  to  the 
Rhodians  3,300  talents  of  silver,  a  thousand  talents 
of  copper,  and  ten  millions  of  measures  of  wheat.  (3) 
The  precious  metals  abounded  in  the  empire  of  the 
Pharaohs,  as  is  attested  by  the  traces  of  mining  oper- 
ations now  exhausted,  and  by  the  multitude  of  ob- 
jects in  gold  contained  in  their  tombs.  Masters  for 
some  time  of  the  Libanus,  the  kings  of  Egypt  obtained 
from  it  timber  for  ship-building.  These  riches  had 
accumulated  especially  at  Alexandria,  which  became, 
after  Carthage,  towards  the  commencement  of  the 
seventh  century  of  Rome,  the  first  commercial  city  in 
the  world.  (4)  It  was  fifteen  miles  in  circumference, 
had  three  spacious  and  commodious  ports,  which  al- 

(')  Athenaus,  V.  p.  203. 

(2)  Appian  (Preface,  §  10). — We  may,  nevertheless,  judge  from  the  follow- 
ing data  of  the  enormity  of  the  sums  accumulated  in  the  treasuries  of  the  kings 
of  Persia.  Cyrus  had  gained,  by  the  conquest  of  Asia,  34,000  pounds  weight 
of  gold  coined",  and  500,000  of  silver.  (Pliny,  XXXIII.  15.)— Under  Darius, 
son  of  Hystaspes,  7,600  Babylonian  talents  of  silver  (the  Babylonian  talent 
=  7,426  francs  [£297])  were  poured  annually  into  the  royal  treasury,  besides 
140  talents  devoted  to  the  pay  of  the  Cilician  cavalry,  and  360  talents  of  gold 
(14,680  talents  of  silver),  paid  by  the  Indies.  (Herodotus,  III.  94.)— This 
king  had  thus  an  annual  revenue  of  14,560  talents  (108  millions  of  francs 
[£4,320,000]).  Darius  carried  with  him  in  campaign  two  hundred  camels 
loaded  with  gold  and  precious  objects.  (Demosthenes,  On  the  Synimories,  p. 
185,  xv.  p.  622,  ed.  Muller.) — Thus,  according  to  Strabo,  Alexander  the  Great 
found  in  the  four  great  treasuries  of  that  king  (at  Susa,  Persis,  Pasargades,  and 
Persepolis)  180,000  talents  (about  1,337  millions  of  francs  [£53,480,000]). 

(*)  Polybius,  V.  89.  («)  Strabo,  XVII.  1. 


MEDITERRANEAN  PROSPERITY.  145 

lowed  the  largest  ships  to  anchor  along  the  quay.  (:) 
There  arrived  the  merchandises  of  India,  Arabia,  Ethi- 
opia, and  of  the  coast  of  Africa ;  some  brought  on  the 
backs  of  camels,  from  Myos  Hormos  (to  the  north  of 
Cosseiir),  and  then  transported  down  the  Nile ;  others 
came  by  canals  from  the  bottom  of  the  Gulf  of  Suez, 
or  brought  from  the  port  of  Berenice,  on  the  Red 
Sea.  (2)  The  occupation  of  this  sea  by  the  Egyptians 
had  put  a  stop  to  the  piracies  of  the  Arabs,  (3)  and 
led  to  the  establishment  of  numerous  factories.  In- 
dia furnished  spices,  muslins,  and  dyes.;  Ethiopia,  gold, 
ivory,  and  ebony ;  Arabia,  perfumes.  (4)  All  these 
products  were  exchanged  against  those  which  came 
from  the  Pontus  Euxinus  and  the  Western  Sea.  The 
native  manufacture  of  printed  and  embroidered  tis- 
sues, and  that  of  glass,  assumed  under  the  Ptolemies 
a  new  development.  The  objects  exhumed  from  the 
tombs  of  this  period,  the  paintings  with  which  they 
are  decorated,  the  allusions  contained  in  the  hiero- 
glyphic texts  and  Greek  papyrus,  prove  that  the 
most  varied  descriptions  of  industry  were  exercised 
in  the  kingdom  of  the  Pharaohs,  and  had  attained 
a  high  degree  of  perfection.  The  excellence  of  the 
products  and  the  delicacy  of  the  work  prove  the  in- 
telligence of  the  workmen.  Under  Ptolemy  II.,  the 
army  was  composed  of  200,000  footmen,  40,000  cav- 
alry, 300  elephants,  and  200  chariots;  the  arsenals 
were  capable  of  furnishing  arms  for  300,000  men.(5) 

(l)  Strabo,  XVII.  1. 

(')  Strabo,  XVI.  4  ;  XVII. 

(3)  Strabo,  XVII.  1. 

(4)  Diodorus  Siculus,  III.  43. 

C&)  Appian,  Preface,  §  10.— In  537,  at  Rapliia,  the  Egyptian  array  amounted 

7  K 


146  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CLESAK. 

The  Egyptian  fleet,  properly  so  called,  consisted  of  a 
hundred  and  twelve  vessels  of  the  first  class  (from 
five  to  thirty  ranges  of  oars),  and  two  hundred  and 
twenty-four  of  the  second  class,  together  with  light 
craft  ;  the  king  had,  besides  these,  more  than  four 
thousand  ships  in  the  ports  placed  in  subjection  to 
him.  (*)  It  was  especially  after  Alexander  that  the 
Egyptian  navy  "became  greatly  extended. 

XVII.  Separating  Egypt  from  the  possessions  of 
Carthage,  Cyrenaica  (the  regency  of  Trip- 
oli), formerly  colonised  by  the  Greeks 
and  independent,  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  first 
of  the  Ptolemies.     It  possessed  commercial  and  rich 
towns,  and  fertile  plains;  its   cultivation   extended 
even  into  the  mountains  ;  (2)  wine,  oil,  dates,  saffron 
and  different  plants,  such  as  the  silphiuni  (laserpiti- 
,  (3)  were  the  object  of  considerable  traffic.  (4) 


to  70,000  foot,  5,000  cavalry,  and  73  elephants.  (Polybius,  V.  79  ;  see  also  V. 
65.)  —  Polybius,  who  gives  us  these  details,  adds  that  the  pay  of  the  officers  was 
one  mina  (97  francs  [£3  17s.  Id.'}}  a  day.  (XIII.  ii.) 

(')  Theocritus,  Idylls,  XVII.  lines  90-102.—  Athenoeus  (V.  36,  p.  284)  and 
Appian,  Preface,  §  10,  give  the  details  of  this  fleet.  —  Ptolemy  IV.  Philopator 
went  so  far  as  to  construct  a  ship  of  forty  ranges  of  rowers,  which  was  280 
cubits  long  and  30  broad.  (Athenasus,  V.  37,  p.  285.) 

(J)  Herodotus,  IV.  199.  The  plateau  of  Barca,  now  desert,  was  then  culti- 
vated and  well  watered. 

(3)  The  most  important  object  of  commerce  of  the  Cyrenaica  was  the  stiphi- 
um,  a  plant  the  root  of  which  sold  for  its  weight  in  silver.  A  kind  of  milky 
gum  was  extracted  from  it,  which  served  as  a  panacea  with  the  apothecaries 
and  as  a  seasoning  in  the  kitchen.  When,  in  658,  Cyrenaica  was  incorporated 
with  the  Roman  Republic,  the  province  paid  an  annual  tribute  in  silphium. 
Thirty  pounds  of  this  juice,  brought  to  Rome  in  667,  were  regarded  as  a  mira- 
cle ;  and  when  Cresar,  at  the  beginning  of  the  civil  war,  seized  upon  the  pub- 
lic treasury,  he  found  in  the  treasury  chest  1,500  pounds  of  silphium  locked  up 
with  the  gold  and  silver.  (Pliny,  XIX.  3.) 

(*)  Diodorus  Siculus,  III.  49.—  Herodotus,  IV.  169.—  Atheriasus,  XV.  22,  p. 


MEDITERRANEAN  PROSPERITY.          147 

The  horses  of  Cyrenaica,  which  had  all  the  lightness 
of  the  Arabian  horses,  were  objects  of  research  even 
in  Greece,  (l)  and  the  natives  of  Gyrene  could  make 
no  more  handsome  present  to  Alexander  than  to  send 
him  three  hundred  of  their  coursers.  (2)  Neverthe- 
less, political  revolutions  had  already  struck  at  the 
ancient  prosperity  of  the  country,  (3)  which  previous- 
ly formed,  by  its  navigation,  its  commerce,  and  its 
arts,  probably  the  finest  of  the  colonies  founded  by 
the  Greeks. 

XVIII.  The  numerous  islands  of  the  Mediterrane- 
an enjoyed  equal  prosperity.  Cyprus, 
colonised  by  the  Phoenicians,  and  subse- 
quently by  the  Greeks,  passing  afterwards  under  the 
dominion  of  the  Egyptians,  had  a  population  which 
preserved,  from  its  native  country,  the  love  of  com- 
merce and  distant  voyages.  Almost  all  its  towns 
Avere  situated  on  the  sea-coast,  and  furnished  with 
excellent  ports.  Ptolemy  Soter  maintained  in  it  an 
army  of  30,000  Egyptians.  (4)  No  country  was  richer 
in  timber.  Its  fertility  passed  for  being  superior  to 
that  of  Egypt.  (5)  To  its  agricultural  produce  were 
added  precious  stones,  mines  of  copper  worked  from 
an  early  period,  (6)  and  so  rich,  that  this  metal  took 

487;  38,  p.  514.— Strabo,  XVII.  iii.  712.— Pliny,  Natural  History,  XVI.  33; 
XIX,  3. 

0}  Pindar,  Pythian  Odes,  IV.  2.— Athenseus,  III.  58,  p.  392. 

(J)  Diodorus  Siculus,  XVII.  49. 

(3)  Aristotle,  Politics,  VII.  2,  §  10. 

(4)  Josephus,  Jewish  Antiquities,  XIII.  12,  §  2,  3. 

(5)  JElian,  History  of  Animals,  V.  Ivi. — Eustathius,  Comment,  on  Dionysius 
Periegetes,  508,  1 98,  edit.  Bernhardy. 

C6)  Strabo,  XIV.  6.— Pliny,  Natural  History,  XXXIV.  2. 


Crete. 


148  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

its  name  from  the  island  itself  (Cuprum^).  In  Cyprus 
were  seen  numerous  sanctuaries,  and  especially  the 
temple  of  Venus  at  Paphos,  which  contained  a  hund- 
red altars.  (l) 

XIX.  Crete,  peopled  by  different  races,  had  attained 

even  in  the  heroic  age  a  great  celebrity ; 

Homer  sang  its  hundred  cities ;  but  dur- 
ing several  centuries  it  had  been  on  the  decline. 
Without  commerce,  without  a  regular  navy,  without 
agriculture,  it  possessed  little  else  than  its  fruits  and 
woods,  and  the  sterility  which  characterises  it  now 
had  already  commenced.  Nevertheless,  there  is  eveiy 
reason  to  believe  that  at'  the  time  of  the  Roman  con- 
quest, the  island  was  still  well  peopled.  (2)  Devoted 
to  piracy,  (3)  and  reduced  to  sell  their  services,  the 
Cretans,  celebrated  as  archers,  fought  as  mercenaries 
in  the  armies  of  Syria,  Macedonia,  and  Egypt.  (4) 

XX.  If  Crete  was  in  decline,  Rhodes,  on  the  con- 

trary, was  extending  its  commerce,  which 

Rhodes.  rJV  ° 

took  gradually  the  place  of  that  of  the 
maritime  towns  of  Ionia  and  Caria.  Already  inhab- 
ited, in  the  time  of  Homer,  by  a  numerous  popula- 
tion, and  containing  three  important  towns,  Lindos, 
lalysus,  and  Camirus,  (5)  the  isle  was,  in  the  fifth  cen- 

(')  Virgil,  JEneid,  I.  415.— Statius,  TJiebais,V.  61. 

(*)  Strabo,  X.  4. 

(3)  Polybius,  XIII.  8. 

(*)  Cretan  mercenaries  are  found  in  the  service  of  Flamininus  in  557  (Titus 
Livius,  XXXIII.  3),  in  that  of  Antiochus  in  564  (Titus  Livius,  XXXVII.  40), 
in  that  of  Perseus  in  583  (Titus  Livius,  XLII.  51),  and  in  the  service  of  Rome 
in  633. 

(5)  Iliad,  II.  656. 


MEDITERRANEAN  PROSPERITY.  149 

tury  of  Rome,  the  first  maritime  power  after  Car- 
thage. The  town  of  Rhodes,  built  during  the  war  of 
the  Peloponnesus  (346),  had,  like  the  Punic  city,  two 
ports,  one  for  merchant  vessels,  the  other  for  ships  of 
war.  The  right  of  anchorage  produced  a  revenue  of 
a  million  of  drachmas  a  year.  (*)  The  Rhodians  had 
founded  colonies  on  different  points  of  the  Mediterra- 
nean shore,  (2)  and  entertained  friendly  relations  with 
a  great  number  of  towns  from  which  they  received 
more  than  once  succours  and  presents.  (3)  They  pos- 
sessed upon  the  neighbouring  Asiatic  continent  trib- 
utary towns,  such  as  Caunus  and  Stratonicea,  which 
paid  them  120  talents  (700,000  francs  [£28,000]). 
The  navigation  of  the  Bosphorus,  of  which  they  strove 
to  maintain  the  passage  free,  soon  belonged  to  them 
almost  exclusively.  (4)  All  the  maritime  commerce 
from  the  Nile  to  the  Palus  Mseotis  thus  fell  into  their 
hands.  Laden  with  slaves,  cattle,  honey,  wax,  and 
salt  meats,  (5)  their  ships  went  to  fetch  on  the  coast 
of  the  Cimmerian  Bosphorus  (Sea  of  Azof)  the  wheat 
then  very  celebrated,  (6)  and  to  carry  wines  and  oils 
to  the  northern,  coast  of  Asia  Minor.  By  means  of 
its  fleets,  though  its  land  army  was  composed  wfch&y 

(')  Polybius,  XXX.  7,  year  of  Rome  590. 

(2)  Strabo,  XIV.  2.     The  town  of  Rhoda  in  Spain,  establishments  in  the  Ba- 
leares,  Gela  in  Sicily,  Sylaris  and  Palceopolis  in  Italy,  were  Rhodian  colonies. 

(3)  This  happened  especially  at  the  epoch  when  the  famous  Colossus  of 
Rhodes  fell,  and  when  the  town  was  violently  shaken  by  an  earthquake.     Hie- 
ro,  tyrant  of  Syracuse,  Ptolemy,  king  of  Egypt,  Antigonus  Doson,  king  of  Mac- 
edonia, and  Seleucus,  king  of  Syria,  sent  succours  to  the  Rhodians.     (Polybi- 
us, V.  88,  89.) 

(*)  We  see,  in  fact,  with  what  care  the  Rhodians  spared  their  allies  on  the 
coast  of  the  Pontus  Euxinus.     (Polybius,  XXVII.  6.) 

(5)  Polybius,  IV.  38. 

(6)  Strabo,  VII.  4. 


150  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR 

of  foreigners,  (*)  Rhodes  several  times  made  war  with 
success.  She  contended  with  Athens,  especially  from 
397  to  399 ;  she  resisted  victoriously,  in  450,  Deme- 
trius Poliorcetes,  and  owed  her  safety  to  the  respect 
of  this  prince  for  a  magnificent  painting  of  lalysus, 
the  work  of  Protogenes.  (2)  During  the  campaigns 
of  the  Romans  in  Macedonia  and  Asia,  she  furnished 
them  with  considerable  fleets.  (3)  Her  naval  force 
was  maintained  until  the  civil  war  which  followed 
the  death  of  Caesar,  but  was  then  annihilated. 

The  celebrity  of  Rhodes  was  no  less  great  in  arts 
and  letters  than  in  commerce.  After  the  reign  of 
Alexander,  it  became  the  seat  of  a  famous  school  of 
sculpture  and  painting,  from  which  issued  Protogenes 
and  the  authors  of  the  Laocoon  and  the  Farnese  Bull. 
The  town  contained  three  thousand  statues,  (4)  and  a 
hundred  and  six  colossi,  among  others  the  famous 
Statue  of  the  Sun,  one  of  the  seven  wonders  of  the 
world,  a  hundred  and  five  feet  high,  the  cost  of  which 
had  been  three  thousand  talents  (17,400,000  francs 
[£696,000]).  (5)  The  school  of  rhetoric  at  Rhodes 

was -frequented  by  students  who  repaired  thither  from 
^ri 

OyTitus  Livius,  XXXIII.  18. 

(3)  During  the  siege  of  Rhodes,  Demetrius  had  formed  the  design  of  deliver- 
ing to  the  flames  all  the  public  buildings,  one  of  which  contained  the  famous 
painting  of  lalysus,  by  Protogenes.  The  Rhodians  sent  a  deputation  to  Deme- 
trius to  ask  him  to  spare  this  masterpiece.  After  this  interview,  Demetrius 
raised  the  siege,  sparing  thus  at  the  same  time  the  town  and  the  picture.  (Au- 
lus  Gellius,  XV.  31.) 

(3)  In  555,  twenty  ships ;  in  556,  twenty  vessels  with  decks ;  in  563,  twenty- 
five  ships  with  decks,  and  thirty-six  vessels.  This  last  fleet  of  thirty-six  ves- 
sels was  destroyed,  and  yet  the  Rhodinns  were  able  to  send  to  sea  again,  the 
same  year,  twenty  vessels.  In  584  they  had  forty  vessels.  (Titus  Livius,  XXXI. 
46;  XXXII.  16;  XXXVI.  45;  XXXVII.  9,  11,  12;  XLII.  45.) 

(')  Pliny,  XXXIV.  17.  (*)  Strabo,  XIV.  2. 


MEDITERRANEAN  PROSPERITY.  151 

all  parts  of  Greece,  and  Caesar,  as  well  as  Cicero,  went 
there  to  perfect  themselves  in  the  art  of  oratory. 

The  other  islands  of  the  JEgean  Sea  had  nearly  all 
lost  their  political  importance,  and  their  commercial 
life  was  absorbed  by  the  new  states  of  Asia  Minor, 
Macedonia,  and  Rhodes.  It  was  not  so  with  the  Arch- 
ipelago of  the  Ionian  Sea,  the  prosperity  of  which  con- 
tinued until  the  moment  when  it  fell  into  the  power 
of  the  Romans.  Corcyra,  which  received  into  its  port 
the  Roman  forces,  owed  to  its  fertility  and  favourable 
position  an  extensive  commerce.  The  rival  of  Corinth 
since  the  fourth  century,  she  became  corrupted  like 
Byzantium  and  Zacynthus  (Zante),  which  Agathar- 
chides,  towards  640,  represents  as  grown  effeminate 
by  excess  of  luxury.  (*) 

XXI.  The  flourishing*  condition  of  Sardinia  arose 
especially  from  the  colonies  which  Car- 
thage had  planted  in  it.  The  population 
of  this  island  rendered  itself  formidable  to  the  Ro- 
mans by  its  spirit  of  independence.  (2)  From  541  (3) 
to  580,  130,000  men  were  slain,  taken,  or  sold.  (4) 
The  number  of  these  last  was  so  considerable,  that 
the  expression  Sardinians  to  sell  (Sardi  venales)  be- 
came proverbial.  (5)  Sardinia,  which  now  counts  not 
more  than  544,000  inhabitants,  then  possessed  at  least 

(')  Athenaeus,  XII.  35,  p.  461. 
O  Titus  Livius,  XXIII.  34. 

(3)  Titus  Livius,  XXIII.  40. 

(4)  Titus  Livius,  XLI.  12,  17,  28.— The  number  of  80,000  men  whom  the 
Sardinians  lost  in  the  campaign  of  T.  Gracchus,  in  578  and  579,  was  given  by 
the  official  inscription  which  was  seen  at  Rome  in  the  temple  of  the  goddess 
Matuta.     (Titus  Livius,  XLI.  28.) 

•  (5)  Festus,  p.  322,  edit.  O.  Miiller.— Titus  Livius,  XLT.  21. 


Sardinia. 


Corsica. 


152  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

a  million.  Its  quantity  of  corn,  and  numerous  herds 
of  cattle,  made  of  this  island  the  second  granary  of 
Carthage.  (*)  The  avidity  of  the  Romans  soon  ex- 
hausted it.  Yet,  in  552,  the  harvests  were  still  so 
abundant,  that  there  were  merchants  who  were 
obliged  to  abandon  the  wheat  to  the  sailors  for  the 
price  of  the  freight.  (2)  The  working  of  the  mines 
and  the  trade  in  wool  of  a  superior  quality  (3)  occu- 
pied thousands  of  hands. 

XXII.  Corsica  was  much  less  populous.    Diodorus 

Siculus  gives  it  hardly  more  than  30,000 
inhabitants,  (4)  and  Strabo  represents 
them  as  savages,  and  living  in  the  mountains.  (5) 
According  to  Pliny,  however,  it  had  thirty  towns.  (6) 
Resin,  wax,  honey,  (7)  exported  from  factories  found- 
ed by  the  Etruscans  and  Phocaeans  on  the  coasts, 
were  almost  the  only  products  of  the  island. 

XXIII.  Sicily,  called  by  the  ancients  the  favourite 

abode  of  Ceres,  owed  its  name  to  the  Si- 
cani  or  Siculi,  a  race  which  had  once  peo- 
pled a  part  of  Italy ;  Phoenician  colonies,  and  after- 
wards Greek  colonies,  had  established  themselves  in 

(l)  See  Heeren,  vol.  IV.  sect.  I.  chap.  ii.  —  Polybius,  I.  79.  —  Strabo,  V.  ii. 
187.— Diodorus  Siculus,  V.  15.— Titus  Livius,  XXIX.  3G. 

(*)  Titus  Livius,  XXX.  38.  (3)  Strabo,  V.  2. 

(4)  Diodorus  Siculus,  V.  14. — The  Corsicnns  having  revolted,  in  573,  had 
2,000  slain.  (Titus  Livius,  XL.  34.)  — In  581,  they  lost  7,000  men,  and  had 
more  than  1,700  prisoners.  (Titus  Livius,  XLII.  7.) 

(s)  Strabo,  V.  2.  (6)  Pliny,  Natural  History,  III.  C. 

(')  Diodorus  Siculus,  V.  13. — In  573,  the  Corsicans  were  taxed  by  tlio  Ro- 
mans at  1.000.000  pounds  of  wax,  and  at  200,000  in  581.  (Titus  Livins,  XL. 
34;  XLII.  7.) 


MEDITERRANEAN  PROSPERITY.          153 

it.  Ill  371,  the  Greeks  occupied  the  eastern  part, 
about  two-thirds  of  the  island;  the  Carthaginians, 
the  western  part.  Sicily,  on  account  of  its  prodigious 
fertility,  was,  as  may  be  supposed,  coveted  by  both 
peoples;  it  was  soon  the  same  in  regard  to  the  Ro- 
mans, and,  after  the  conquest,  it  became  the  granary 
of  Italy.  (*)  The  orations  of  Cicero  against  Verres 
show  the  prodigious  quantities  of  wheat  which  it  sent, 
and  to  what  a  great  sum  the  tenths  or  taxes  amount- 
ed, which  procured  immense  profits  to  the  farmers  of 
the  revenues.  (2) 

The  towns  which,  under  Roman  rule,  declined,  were 
possessed  of  considerable  importance  at  the  time  of 
which  we  are  speaking.  The  first  among  them,  Syra- 
cuse, the  capital  of  Hiero's  kingdom,  contained  600,000 
souls ;  it  was  composed  of  six  quarters,  comprised  in  a 
circumference  of  180  stadia  (36  kilometres) ;  it  fur- 
nished, when  it  was  conquered,  a  booty  equal  to  that 
of  Carthage.  (3)  Other  cities  rivalled  Syracuse  in  ex- 
tent and  power,  Agrigentum,  in  the  time  of  the  first 
Punic  war,  contained  50,000  soldiers ;  (4)  it  was  one 
of  the  principal  garrisons  in  Sicily.  (5)  Panormus 
(Palermo),  Drepana  (Trapani),  and  Lilybaeum  (Ma/r- 
sala),  possessed  arsenals,  docks  for  ship-building,  and 
vast  ports.  The  roadstead  of  Messina  was  capable 
of  holding  600  vessels.  (6)  Sicily  is  still  the  richest 

(')  Cicero,  Second  Oration  against  Verres,  II.  ii.  74.  — The  oxen  furnished 
"hides,  employed  especially  for  the  tents ;  the  sheep,  an  excellent  wool  for 
clothing. 

(J)  Cicero,  Second  Oration  against  Verres,  II.  III.  70. 

(3)  Titus  Living,  XXV.  31.  («)  Polybius,  I.  17,  18. 

(8)  Polybius,  IX.  27.— Strabo,  VI.  2. 

(6)  See  what  is  said  by  Titus  Livius  (XXIX.  26)  and  Polybins  (I.  41,  43,  46). 
B,  II.  2. 


154  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

country  in  ancient  monuments ;  our  admiration  is  ex- 
cited by  the  ruins  of  twenty-one  temples  and  of  eleven 
theatres,  among  others  that  of  Taormina,  which  con- 
tained 40,000  spectators.  (*) 

This  concise  description  of  the  countries  bordering 
on  the  Mediterranean,  two  or  three  hundred  years  be- 
fore our  era,  shows  sufficiently  the  state  of  prosperity 
of  the  different  peoples  who  inhabited  them.  The 
remembrance  of  such  greatness  inspires  a  very  natu- 
ral wish,  namely,  that  henceforth  the  jealousy  of  the 
great  powers  may  no  longer  prevent  the  East  from 
shaking  off  the  dust  of  twenty  centuries,  and  from 
being  born  again  to  life  and  civilisation ! 

(')  See  the  work  of  the  Duke  of  Serra  di  Falco,  Antichita  delta  Sidlia. 


CHAPTER  V. 

PUNIC  WARS  AND  WARS  OF  MACEDONIA  AND  ASIA. 
(From  488  to  621.) 

I.  ROME,  having  extended  her  dominion  to  the 
coiupari3onbet*een  southern  extremity  of  Italy,  found  her- 
thaee-  self  in  face  of  a  power  which,  by  the  force 
of  circumstances,  was  to  become  her  rival. 

Carthage,  situated  on  the  part  of  the  African  coast 
nearest  to  Sicily,  was  only  separated  from  it  by  the 
channel  of  Malta,  which  divides  the  great  basin  of  the 
Mediterranean  in  two.  She  had,  during  more  than 
two  centuries,  concluded,  from  time  to  time,  treaties 
with  Rome,  and,  with  a  want  of  foresight  of  the  fu- 
ture, congratulated  the  Senate  every  time  it  had  gain- 
ed great  advantages  over  the  Etruscans  or  the  Sam- 
nites. 

The  superiority  of  Carthage  at  the  beginning  of 
the  Punic  wars  was  evident ;  yet  the  constitution  of 
the  two  cities  might  have  led  any  one  to  foresee 
which  in  the  end  must  be  the  master.  A  powerful 
aristocracy  reigned  in  both ;  but  at  Rome  the  nobles, 
identified  continually  with  the  people,  set  an  example 
of  patriotism  and  of  all  civic  virtues,  while  at  Car- 
thage the  leading  families,  enriched  by  commerce, 
made  effeminate  by  an  unbridled  luxury,  formed  a 
selfish  and  greedy  caste,  distinct  from  the  rest  of  the 


156  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CJESAR.  . 

citizens.  At  Rome,  the  sole  motive  of  action  was 
glory,  the  principal  occupation  war,  and  the  first  duty 
military  service.  At  Carthage,  everything  was  sacri- 
ficed to  interest  and  commerce;  and  the  defence  of 
the  fatherland  was,  as  an  insupportable  burden,  aban- 
doned to  mercenaries.  Hence,  after  a  defeat,  at  Car- 
thage the  army  was  recruited  with  difficulty ;  at  Rome 
it  immediately  recruited  itself,  because  the  populace 
was  subject  to  the  recruitment.  If  the  poverty  of  the 
treasury  caused  the  pay  of  the  troops  to  be  delayed, 
the  Carthaginian  soldiers  mutinied,  and  placed  the 
State  in  danger;  the  Romans  supported  privations 
and  suffering  without  a  murmur,  out  of  mere  love  for 
their  country. 

The  Carthaginian  religion  made  of  the  Divinity  a 
jealous  and  malignant  power,  which  required  to  be 
appeased  by  horrible  sacrifices  or  honoured  by  shame- 
ful practices :  hence  manners  depraved  and  cruel ;  at 
Rome,  good  sense  or  the  interest  of  the  government 
moderated  the  brutality  of  paganism,  and  maintained 
in  religion  the  sentiments  of  morality.  (*) 

And,  again,  what  a  difference  in  their  policies ! 
Rome  had  subdued,  by  force  of  arms,  it  is  true,  the 
people  who  surrounded  her,  but  she  had,  so  to  say, 
obtained  pardon  for  her  victories  in  offering  to  the 
vanquished  a  greater  country  and  a  share  in  the  rights 

(*)  Thus  the  Jupiter  of  the  Capitol  and  the  Italic  Juno,  at  least  in  their  offi- 
cial worship,  were  the  protectors  of  virtuous  morals  and  punished  the  wicked, 
while  the  Phoenician  Moloch  and  Hercules,  worshipped  at  Carthage,  granted 
their  favours  to  those  who  made  innocent  blood  run  upon  their  altars.  (Dio- 
dorus  Siculus,  XX.  14.) — See  the  remarkable  figures  of  Moloch  holding  a  grid- 
iron destined  for  human  sacrifices.  (Alb.  della  Marmora,  Sardinian  Antiqui- 
ties, pi  -23,  53,  torn.  ii.  2.U.) 


PUNIC  WARS  AND  WARS  OF  MACEDONIA  AND  ASIA.    157 

of  the  metropolis.  Moreover,  as  the  inhabitants  of 
the  peninsula  were  in  general  of  one  and  the  same 
race,  she  had  found  it  easy  to  assimilate  them  to  her- 
self. Carthage,  on  the  contrary,  had  remained  a  for- 
eigner in  the  midst  of  the  natives  of  Africa,  from 
whom  she  was  separated  by  origin,  language,  and 
manners.  She  had  made  her  rule  hateful  to  her  sub- 
jects and  to  her  tributaries  by  the  mercantile  spirit 
of  her  agents,  and  their  habits  of  rapacity ;  hence  fre- 
quent insurrections,  repressed  with  unexampled  cruel- 
ty. Her  distrust  of  her  subjects  had  engaged  her  to 
leave  all  the  towns  on  her  territory  open,  in  order 
that  none  of  them  might  become  a  centre  of  support 
to  a  revolt.  Thus  two  hundred  towns  surrendered 
without  resistance  to  Agathocles  immediately  he  ap- 
peared in  Africa.  Rome,  on  the  contrary,  surrounded 
her  colonies  with  ramparts,  and  the  walls  of  Placen- 
tia,  Spoletum,  Casilinum,  and  Nola,  contributed  to  ar- 
rest the  invasion  of  Hannibal. 

The  town  of  Romulus  was  at  that  time  in  all  the 
vigour  of  youth,  while  Carthage  had  reached  that  de- 
gree of  corruption  at  which  States  are  incapable  of 
supporting  either  the  abuses  which  enervate  them,  or 
the  remedy  by  which  they  might  be  regenerated. 

To  Rome  then  belonged  the  future.  On  one  hand, 
a  people  of  soldiers,  restrained  by  discipline,  religion, 
and  purity  of  manners,  animated  with  the  love  of 
their  country,  surrounded  by  devoted  allies ;  on  the 
other,  a  people  of  merchants  with  dissolute  manners, 

unruly  mercenaries,  and  discontented  subjects. 

/ 

II.  These  two  powers,  of  equal  ambition,  but  so  op- 


158  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 


st  Punic  War 


ar  posite  in  spirit,  could  not  long  remain  in 
presence  without  disputing  the  command 
of  the  rich  basin  of  the  Mediterranean.  Sicily  espe- 
cially was  destined  to  excite  their  covetousness.  The 
possession  of  that  island  was  then  shared  between 
Hiero,  tyrant  of  Syracuse,  the  Carthaginians,  and  the 
Mamertines.  These  last,  descended  from  the  old  ad- 
venturers, mercenaries  of  Agathocles,  who  came  from 
Italy  in  490  and  settled  at  Messina,  proceeded  to 
make  war  upon  the  Syracusans.  They  first  sought 
the  assistance  of  the  Carthaginians,  and  surrendered 
to  them  the  acropolis  of  Messina  as  the  price  of  their 
protection  ;  but  soon,  disgusted  with  their  too  exact- 
ing allies,  they  sent  to  demand  succour  of  Rome  un- 
der the  name  of  a  common  nationality,  for  most  of 
them  called  themselves  Italiots,  and  consequently  al- 
lies of  the  Republic  ;  some  even  were  or  pretended  to 
be  Romans.  (a) 

The  Senate  hesitated;  but  public  opinion  carried 
the  day,  and,  in  spite  of  the  little  interest  inspired  by 
the  Mamertines,  war  was  decided.  A  body  of  troops, 
sent  without  delay  to  Messina,  expelled  the  Cartha- 
ginians. Soon  after,  a  consular  army  crossed  the 
Strait,  defeated  first  the  Syracusans  and  then  the  Car- 
thaginians, and  effected  a  military  settlement  in  the 
island.  Thus  commenced  the  first  Punic  War. 

Different  circumstances  favoured  the  Romans.  The 
Carthaginians  had  made  themselves  objects  of  hatred 
to  the  Sicilian  Greeks.  The  towns  still  independent, 
comparing  the  discipline  of  the  legions  with  the  ex- 
cesses of  all  kinds  which  had  marked  the  progress  of 

(')  Poly  bins,  T.  7,  11. 


PUNIC  WARS  AND  WARS  OF  MACEDONIA  AND  ASIA.   159 

the  mercenaries  of  Agathocles,  Pyrrhus,  and  the  Car- 
thaginian generals,  received  the  consuls  as  liberators. 
Hiero,  master  of  Syracuse,  the  principal  town  in  Sicily, 
had  no  sooner  experienced  the  power  of  the  Roman 
armies  than  he  foresaw  the  result  of  the  struggle,  and 
declared  for  the  strongest.  His  alliance,  maintained 
faithfully  during  fifty  years,  was  of  great  utility  to  the 
Republic.  (*)  With  his  support,  the  Romans,  at  the 
end  of  the  third  year  of  the  war,  had  obtained  posses- 
sion of  Agrigentum  and  the  greater  part  of  the  towns 
of  the  interior ;  but  the  fleets  of  the  Carthaginians  re- 
mained masters  of  the  sea  and  of  the  fortresses  on  the 
coast. 

The  Romans  were  deficient  in  ships  of  war.  (2) 
They  could,  no  doubt,  procure  transport  vessels,  or,  by 
their  allies  (socii  navales),  a  few  triremes,  (3)  but  they 
had  none  of  those  ships  with  five  ranks  of  oars,  better 
calculated,  by  their  weight  and  velocity,  to  sink  the 
ships  of  the  enemy.  An  incomparable  .energy  sup- 
plied in  a  short  time  the  insufficiency  of  the  fleet :  a 
hundred  and  twenty  galleys  were  constructed  after 
the  model  of  a  Carthaginian  quinquireme  which  had 
been  cast  on  the  coast  of  Italy ;  and  soldiers  were  ex- 

(')  Polybius,  1. 16.— Zonaras,  VIII.  1C  et  seq. 

(2)  We  have  seen  before  that  Rome,  after  the  capture  of  Antium  (Porto 
d'Anzo),  had  already  a  navy,  but  she  had  no  galleys  of  three  ranks  or  five 
ranks  of  oars.     Nothing,  therefore,  is  more  probable  than  the  relation  of  Ti- 
tus Livius,  who  states  that  the  Romans  took  for  a  model  a  Carthaginian  quin- 
quireme  wrecked  on  their  coast.     In  spite  of  the  advanced  state  of  science,  we 
have  not  yet  obtained  a  perfect  knowledge  of  the  construction  of  the  ancient 
galleys,  and,  even  at  the  present  day,  the  problem  will  not  be  completely  solved 
until  chance  furnishes  us  with  a  model. 

(3)  The  Romans  employed  the  triremes  of  Tarentum,  Locri.  Elea,  and  Na- 
ples to  cross  the  Strait  of  Messina.     The  use  of  qninqmremes  was  entiivly 
unknown  in  Italv. 


160  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CJESAH. 

ercised  on  land  in  the  handling  of  the  oar.  (])  At 
the  end  of  two  months,  the  crews  were  embarked,  and 
the  Carthaginians  were  defeated  at  Mylse  (494),  and 
three  years  after  at  Tyndaris  (497).  These  two  sea- 
fights  deprived  Carthage  of  the  prestige  of  her  mari- 
time superiority. 

Still  the  struggle  continued  on  land  without  deci- 
sive results,  when  the  two  rivals  embraced  the  same 
resolution  of  making  a  final  effort  for  the  mastery  of 
the  sea.  Carthage  fitted  out  three  hundred  and  fifty 
decked  vessels ;  Rome,  three  hundred  and  thirty  of 
equal  force.  In  ^98  the  two  fleets  met  between  Her- 
aclea  Minora  and  the  Cape  of  Ecnomus,  and,  in  a  mem- 
orable combat,  in  which  300,000  men  (2)  contended, 
the  victory  remained  with  the  Romans.  The  road  to 
Africa  was  open,  and  M.  Atilius  Regulus,  inspired,  no 
doubt,  by  the  example  of  Agathocles,  formed  the  de- 
sign of  carrying  the  war  thither.  His  first  successes 
were  so  great,  that  Carthage,  in  her  terror,  and  to 
avoid  the  siege  with  which  she  was  threatened,  was 
ready  to  renounce  her  possessions  in  Sicily.  Regu- 
lus,  relying  too  much  on  the  feebleness  of  the  resist- 
ance he  had  hitherto  encountered,  thought  he  could 
impose  upon  Carthage  the  hardest  conditions ;  but 
despair  restored  to  the  Africans  all  their  energy,  and 
Xanthippus,  a  Greek  adventurer,  but  good  general, 
placed  himself  at  the  head  of  the  troops,  defeated  the 
consul,  and  almost  totally  destroyed  his  army. 

The  Romans  never  desponded  in  their  reverses ; 

(')  Polybius,!.  20,  21. 

(a)  Each  vessel  carried  800  rowers  and  120  soldiers,  or  420  men,  which 
makes,  for  the  Carthaginian  fleet,  147,000  men,  and,  for  the  Ronuin  fleet, 
138,600.  (Polybins,  I.  2.r>  and  2C.) 


PUNIC  WARS  AND  WARS  OF  MACEDONIA  AND  ASIA. 

they  carried  the  war  again  into  Sicily,  and  recover- 
ed Panornms,  the  head-quarters  of  the  Carthaginian 
army.  For  several  years  the  fleets  of  the  two  coun- 
tries ravaged,  one  the  coast  of  Africa,  the  other  the 
Italian  shores ;  in  the  interior  of  Sicily  the  Romans 
had  the  advantage ;  on  the  coast,  the  Carthaginians. 
Twice  the  fleets  of  the  Republic  were  destroyed  by 
tempests  or  by  the  enemy,  and  these  disasters  led  the 
Senate  on  two  occasions  to  suspend  all  naval  warfare. 
The  struggle  remained  concentrated  during  six  years 
in  a  corner  of  Sicily:  the  Romans  occupied  Panor- 
mus ;  the  Carthaginians,  Lilybseum  and  Drepana.  It 
might  have  been  prolonged  indefinitely,  if  the  Senate, 
in  spite  of  the  poverty  of  the  treasury,  had  not  suc- 
ceeded, by  means  of  voluntary  gifts,  in  equipping  an- 
other fleet  of  two  hundred  quinquiremes.  Lutatius, 
who  commanded  it,  dispersed  the  enemy's  ships  near 
the  ^Egates,  and,  master  of  the  sea,  threatened  to 
starve  the  Carthaginians.  They  sued  for  peace  at 
the  very  moment  when  a  great  warrior,  Hamilcar, 
had  just  restored  a  prestige  to  their  arms.  The  fact 
is,  that  the  enormity  of  her  expenses  and  sacrifices  for 
the  last  twenty-four  years  had  discouraged  Carthage, 
while  at  Rome,  patriotism,  insensible  to  material  loss- 
es, maintained  the  national  energy  without  change. 

D«/  O 

The  Carthaginians,  obliged  to  give  up  all  their  estab- 
lishments in  Sicily,  paid  an  indemnity  of  2,200  tal- 
ents. (')  From  that  time  the  whole  island,  with  the 
exception  of  the  kingdom  of  Hiero,  became  tributaiy, 
and,  for  the  first  time,  Rome  had  a  subject  province. 
If,  in  spite  of  this  definitive  success,  there  were  mo- 

(')  Nearly  thirteen  millions  of  francs  [£520,000].     (Polybiup,  T.  62.) 

L 


162  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CJESAR. 

mentary  checks,  we  must  attribute  them  in  great  part 
to  the  continual  changes  in  the  plans  of  campaign, 
which  varied  annually  with  the  generals.  Several 
consuls,  nevertheless,  were  wanting  neither  in  skill 
nor  perseverance,  and  the  Senate,  always  grateful, 
gave  them  worthy  recompense  for  their  services. 
Some  obtained  the  honours  of  the  triumph ;  among 
others,  Duilius,  who  gained  the  first  naval  battle,  and 
Lutatius,  whose  victory  decided  peace.  At  Carthage, 
on  the  contrary,  the  best  generals  fell  victims  to  envy 
and  ingratitude.  Xanthippus,  who  vanquished  Reg- 
ulus,  was  summarily  removed  through  the  jealousy 
of  the  nobles,  whom  he  had  saved ;  (a)  and  Hamilcar, 
calumniated  by  a  rival  faction,  did  not  receive  from 
his  government  the  support  necessary  for  the  execu- 
tion of  his  great  designs. 

During  this  contest  of  twenty-three  years,  the  war 
often  experienced  the  want  of  a  skilful  and  stable  di- 
rection :  but  the  legions  lost  nothing  of  their  ancient 

7  O  O 

valour,  and  they  were  even  seen  one  day  proceeding 
to  blows  with  the  auxiliaries,  who  had  disputed  with 
them  the  possession  of  the  most  dangerous  post.  We 
may  cite  also  the  intrepidity  of  the  tribune  Calpur- 
nius  Flamma,  who  saved  the  legions  shut  up  by  Ha- 
milcar in  a  defile.  He  covered  the  retreat  with  three 
hundred  men,  and,  found  alive  under  a  heap  of  dead 
bodies,  received  from  the  consul  a  crown  of  leaves — a 
modest  reward,  but  sufficient  then  to  inspire  heroism. 
All  noble  sentiments  were  raised  to  such  a  point  as 
even  to  do  justice  to  an  enemy.  The  consul,  L.  Cor- 
nelius, gave  magnificent  funeral  rites  to  Hanno,  a  Car- 

(')  Polybius,  I.  30. 


PUNIC  WARS  AND  WAES  OF  MACEDONIA  AND  ASIA.   163 

thaginian  general,  who  had  died  valiantly  in  fighting 
against  him.  (*) 

During  the  first  Punic  war,  the  Carthaginians  had 
often  threatened  the  coasts  of  Italy,  but  never  attempt- 
ed a  serious  landing.  They  could  find  no  allies  among 
the  peoples  recently  subdued;  neither  the  Samnites, 
nor  the  Lucanians  who  had  declared  for  Pyrrhus,  nor 
the  Greek  towns  in  the  south  of  the  Peninsula,  showed 
any  inclination  to  revolt.  The  Cisalpine  Gauls,  lately 
so  restless,  and  whom  we  shall  soon  see  taking  arms 
again,  remained  motionless.  The  disturbances  which 
broke  out  at  the  close  of  the  Punic  war  among  the 
Salentini  and  Falisci  were  without  importance,  and 
appear  to  have  had  no  connection  with  the  great 
struggle  between  Rome  and  Carthage.  (2) 

This  resistance  to  all  attempts  at  insurrection  proves 
that  the  government  of  the  Republic  was  equitable, 
and  that  it  had  given  satisfaction  to  the  vanquished. 
No  complaint  was  heard,  even  after  great  disasters; 
and  yet  the  calamities  of  war  bore  cruelly  upon  the 
cultivators — incessantly  obliged  to  quit  their  fields  to 
fill  up  the  voids  made  in  the  legions.  At  home,  the 
Senate  had  in  its  favour  a  great  prestige,  and  abroad 
it  enjoyed  a  reputation  of  good  faith  which  ensured 
sincere  alliances. 

The  first  Punic  war  exercised  a  remarkable  influ- 
ence on  manners.  Until  then  the  Romans  had  not  en- 
tertained continuous  relations  with  the  Greeks.  The 
conquest  of  Sicily  rendered  these  relations  numerous 
and  active,  and  whatever  Hellenic  civilisation  contain- 
ed, whether  useful  or  pernicious,  made  itself  felt. 

('•)  Valerius  Maximus,  V.  i.  2.  (2)  Titus  Livius,  Epitome,  XIX. 


164  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

The  religious  ideas  of  the  two  peoples  were  differ- 
ent, although  Roman  paganism  had  great  affinity  with 
the  paganism  of  Greece.  This  had  its  philosophers, 
its  sophists,  and  its  freethinkers.  At  Rome,  nothing 
of  the  sort ;  there,  creeds  were  profound,  simple,  and 
sincere ;  and,  moreover,  from  a  very  remote  period,  the 
government  had  made  religion  subordinate  to  politics, 
and  had  laboured  to  give  it  a  direction  advantageous 
to  the  State. 

The  Greeks  of  Sicily  introduced  into  Rome  two 
sects  of  philosophy,  the  germs  of  which  became  devel- 
oped at  a  later  period,  and  which  had  perhaps  more 
relation  with  the  instincts  of  the  initiated  than  with 
those  of  the  initiators.  Stoicism  fortified  the  practice 
of  the  civic  virtues,  but  without  modifying  their  an- 
cient roughness;  Epicurism,  much  more  extensively 
spread,  soon  flung  the  nation  into  the  search  after  ma- 
terial enjoyments.  Both  sects,  by  inspiring  contempt 
for  death,  gave  a  terrible  power  to  the  people  who 
adopted  them. 

The  war  had  exhausted  the  finances  of  Carthage. 
The  mercenaries,  whom  she  could  not  pay,  revolted  in 
Africa  and  Sardinia  at  the  same  time.  They  were 
only  vanquished  by  the  genius  of  Hamilcar.  In  Sar- 
dinia, the  excesses  of  the  mutineers  had  caused  an  in- 
surrection among  the  natives,  who  drove  them  out  of 
the  country.  The  Romans  did  not  let  this  opportu- 
nity for  intervention  escape  them ;  and,  as  before  in 
the  case  of  the  Mamertines,  the  Senate,  according  to 
all  appearance,  assumed  as  a  pretext  that  there  were 
Italiots  among  the  mercenaries  in  Sardinia.  The  isl- 
and was  taken,  and  the  conquerors  imposed  a  new 


PUNIC  WARS  AND  WAKS  OF  MACEDONIA  AND  ASIA. 

contribution  on  Carthage  for  having  captured  some 
merchant  vessels  navigating  in  those  latitudes  —  a 
scandalous  abuse  of  power,  which  Polybius  loudly 
condemns.  (J)  Reduced  to  impotency  by  the  loss  of 
their  navy  and  the  revolt  of  their  army,  the  Cartha- 
ginians submitted  to  the  conditions  of  the  strongest. 
They  had  quitted  Sicily  without  leaving  any  regrets ; 
but  it  was  not  the  same  with  Sardinia ;  there  their 
government  and  dominion  were  popular,  probably 
from  the  community  of  religion  and  the  Phoenician 
origin  of  some  of  the  towns.  (2)  For  a  long  time  aft- 
erwards, periodical  rebellions  testified  to  the  affection 
of  the  Sardinians  for  their  old  masters.  Towards  the 
same  epoch,  the  Romans  took  possession  of  Corsica, 
and,  from  516  to  518,  repulsed  the  Ligures  and  the 
Gaulish  tribes,  with  whom  they  had  been  at  peace  for 
forty-five  years. 

III.  While  the  Republic  protected  its  northern 
warofiiiyria  frontiers  against  the  Gauls  and  Ligures, 
and  combated  the  influence  of  Carthage 
in  Sardinia  and  Corsica,  she  undertook,  against  a 
small  barbarous  people,  another  expedition,  less  diffi- 
cult, it  is  true,  but  which  was  destined  to  have  im- 
mense consequences.  The  war  of  Hlyria,  in  fact,  was 
on  the  point  of  opening  to  the  Romans  the  roads  to 
Greece  and  Asia,  subjected  to  the  successors  of  Alex- 
ander, and  where  Greek  civilisation  was  dominant. 
Now  become  a  great  maritime  power,  Rome  had 

C)  Polybius,  III.  10,  27, 28. 

(s)  The  Sardinians  owed  their  civilisation  to  the  Phoenicians ;  the  Sicilians 
had  received  theirs  from  the  Greeks.  This  difference  explains  the  attachment 
of  the  first  for  Carthage,  and  the  repulsion  of  the  others  for  the  Punic  rule. 


166  HISTOBY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

henceforward  among  her  attributes  the  police  of  the 
seas.  The  inhabitants  of  the  eastern  coasts  of  the 
Adriatic,  addicted  to  piracy,  were  destructive  to  com- 
merce. Several  times  they  had  carried  their  depreda- 
tions as  far  as  Messenia,  and  defeated  Greek  squad- 
rons sent  to  repress  their  ravages.  (*)  These  pirates 
belonged  to  the  Illyrian  nation.  The  Greeks  consid- 
ered them  as  barbarians,  which  meant  foreigners  to 
the  Hellenic  race;  it  is  probable,  nevertheless,  that 
they  had  a  certain  affinity  with  it.  Inconvenient  al- 
lies of  the  kings  of  Macedonia,  they  often  took  arms 
either  for  or  against  them ;  intrepid  and  fierce  hordes, 
they,  were  ready  to  sell  their  services  and  blood  to 
any  one  who  would  pay  them,  resembling,  in  this  re- 
spect, the  Albanians  of  the  present  day,  believed  by 
some  to  be  their  descendants  driven  into  the  mount- 
ains by  the  invasions  of  the  Slaves.  (2) 

The  king  of  the  Illyrians  was  a  child,  and  his 
mother,  Teuta,  exercised  the  regency.  This  fact  alone 
reveals  manners  absolutely  foreign  to  Hellenic  and 
Roman  civilisation.  A  chieftain  of  Pharos  (Lesina), 
named  Demetrius,  in  the  pay  of  Teuta,  occupied  as  a 
fief  the  island  of  Corcyra  Mgra  (now  Ourzold),  and 
exercised  the  functions  of  prime  minister.  The  Ro- 
mans had  no  difficulty  in  gaining  him ;  moreover,  the 
Illyrians  furnished  a  legitimate  cause  of  war  by  as- 
sassinating an  ambassador  of  the  Republic.  (3)  The 
Senate  immediately  dispatched  an  army  and  a  fleet 
to  reduce  them  (525).  Demetrius  surrendered  his 
island,  which  served  as  a  basis  against  Apollonia, 

0)  Polybius,  II.  4,  5, 10.  (2)  Halm,  Albanesische  Studien. 

(3)  Florus,  II.  5. — Appian,  Wars  of  Ilhjria,  7. 


PUNIC  WARS  AND  WARS  OF  MACEDONIA  AND  ASIA.    1(57 

Dyrrhachiurn,  Nutria,  and  a  great  part  of  the  coast. 
After  a  resistance  of  some  months,  the  Illyrians  sub- 
mitted, entered  into  an  engagement  to  renounce  pira- 
cy, surrendered  several  ports,  and  agreed  to  choose 
Demetrius,  the  ally  of  the  Romans,  for  the  guardian 
of  their  king.  (*) 

By  this  expedition,  the  Republic  gained  great  pop- 
ularity throughout  Greece;  the  Athenians  and  the 
Achaian  league  especially  were  lavish  of  thanks,  and 
began  from  that  time  to  consider  the  Romans  as  their 
protectors  against  their  dangerous  neighbours,  the 
kings  of  Macedonia.  As  to  the  Illyrians,  the  lesson 
they  had  received  was  not  sufficient  to  correct  them 
of  their  piratical  habits.  Ten  years  later  another  ex- 
pedition was  sent  to  chastise  the  Istrians  at  the  head 
of  the  Adriatic,  (2)  and  soon  afterwards  the  disobe- 
dience of  Demetrius  to  the  orders  of  the  Senate 
brought  war  again  upon  Illyria.  He  was  compelled 
to  take  refuge  with  Philip  of  Macedon,  wrhile  the 
young  king  became  the  ally  or  subject  of  the  Repub- 
lic. (3)  In  the  mean  time  a  new  war  attracted  the  at- 
tention of  the  Romans. 

IV.  The  idea  of  the  Senate  was  evidently  to  push 
invasion  of  the  as-  its  domination  towards  the  north  of  Ita- 

alpines  (623).  ^  &nd  fa^  t()  preserve  ft   ftom  ^  jnya. 

sion  of  the  Gauls.  In  522,  at  the  proposal  of  the 
tribune  Flaminius,  the  Senones  had  been  expelled 
from  Picenum,  and  their  lands,  declared  public  do- 
main, were  distributed  among  the  plebeians.  This 

(')  Polybius,  II.  11  et  seq. 

(3)  Titus  Livius,  Epitome,  XX.,  year  of  Rome  533. — Orosius,  IV.  xiii. 

(3)  Polybius,  III.  16  et  seq. 


168  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CLESAR. 

measure,  a  presage  to  the  neighbouring  Gaulish  tribes 
of  the  lot  reserved  for  them,  excited  among  them 
great  uneasiness,  and  they  began  to  prepare  for  a  for- 
midable invasion.  In  528,  they  called  from  the  other 
side  of  the  Alps  a  mass  of  barbarians  of  the  warlike 
race  of  the  Gesatse.  (a)  The  terror  at  Rome  was 
great.  The  same  interests  animated  the  peoples  of 
Italy,  and  the  fear  of  a  danger  equally  threatening  for 
all  began  to  inspire  them  with  the  same  spirit.  (2) 
They  rushed  to  arms;  an  army  of  150,000  infantry 
and  6,000  cavalry  was  sent  into  the  field,  and  the 
census  of  men  capable  of  bearing  arms  amounted  to 
nearly  800,000.  The  enumeration  of  the  contingents 
of  each  country  (3)  furnishes  valuable  information  on 

(')  A  people  situated  between  the  Rhone  and  the  Alps.     (Polyb.,  II.  22,  34.) 
(*)  "  It  was  not  Rome  alone  that  the  Italians,  terrified  by  the  Gaulish  inva- 
sion, believed  they  had  thus  to  defend;  they  understood  that  it  was  their  own 
safety  which  was  in  danger."    (Polybius,  II.  23.) 

(3)  The  following,  according  to  Polybius  (II.  24),  was  the  number  of  the 

forces  of  Italy  : — 

FOOT.  UOBSE. 
Two  consular  armies,  each  of  two  legions, 

of  5,200  foot  and  300  cavalry 20,800  1,200 

Allied  troops 30,000  2,000 

Sabines  and  Etruscans 50,000  more  than  4,000 

Umbrians  and  Sarsinates,  inhabitants  of 

the  Apennines 20,000 

Cenomani  and  Veneti 30,000 

At  Rome 20,000  1,500 

Allies  (of  the  reserve) 30,000  2,000 

Latins 80,000  5,000 

Samnites 70,000  7,000 

lapygians  and  Messapians 50,000  16,000 

Lucanians 30,000  3.000 

Marsi,  Marrucini,  Frentani,  and  Vestini ....  20,000  4,000 
In  Sicily  and  at  Tarentum,  two  legions  of 

4,200  foot  and  200  horse 8,400  400 

Roman  and  Campanian  citizens 250,000  23,000 

699,200  .    69,100 


PUNIC  WARS  AND  WARS  OF  MACEDONIA  AND  ASIA.    169 

the  general  population  of  Italy,  which  appears,  at  this 
period,  to  have  been,  without  reckoning  the  slaves, 
about  the  same  as  at  the  present  day,  yet  with  this 
difference,  that  the  men  capable  of  bearing  arms  were 
then  in  a  much  greater  proportion.  (l)  These  docu- 
ments also  give  rise  to  the  remark  that  the  Samnites, 
only  forty  years  recovered  from  the  disasters  of  their 
sanguinary  struggles,  could  still  furnish  77,000  men. 

The  Gauls  penetrated  to  the  centre  of  Tuscany,  and 
at  Fesulsa  defeated  a  Roman  army ;  but,  intimidated 
by  the  unexpected  arrival  of  the  consul  L.  ^Emilius 
coming  from  Rimini,  they  retired,  when,  meeting  the 
other  consul,  Caius  Atilius,  who,  returning  from  Sar- 
dinia, had  landed  at  Pisa,  they  were  enclosed  between 
two  armies,  and  were  annihilated.  In  the  following 
year,  the  Gaulish  tribes,  successively  driven  back  to 
the  other  side  of  the  Po,  were  defeated  again  on  the 
banks  of  the  Adda;  the  coalition  of  the  Cisalpine 
peoples  was  dissolved,  without  leading  to  the  com- 
plete submission  of  the  country.  The  colonies  of 
Cremona  and  Placentia  contributed,  nevertheless,  to 
hold  it  in  check. 

While  the  north  of  Italy  seemed  sufficient  to  ab- 
sorb the  attention  of  the  Romans,  great  events  were 
passing  in  Spain. 

V.  Carthage,  humiliated,  had  lost  the  empire   of 
second  Punic  war  tne  sea>  with  Sicily  and  Sardinia.     Rome, 
on  the   contrary,  had  strengthened  her- 
self by  her  conquests  in  the  Mediterranean,  in  Illyria, 

(J)  See  the  Memoir  of  Zurapt,  Stand  der  Bevolkerung  in  Alterthum.     Berlin, 
1841. 
8 


170  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

and  in  the  Cisalpine.  Suddenly  the  scene  changes: 
the  dangers  which  threatened  the  African  town  dis- 
appear, Carthage  rises  from  her  abasement,  and  Rome, 
which  had  lately  been  able  to  count  800,000  men  in 
condition  to  carry  arms,  will  soon  tremble  for  her  own 
existence.  A  change  so  unforeseen  is  brought  about 
by  the  mere  appearance  in  the  ranks  of  the  Cartha- 
ginian army  of  a  man  of  genius,  Hannibal. 

His  father,  Hamilcar,  chief  of  the  powerful  faction 
of  the  Barcas,  had  saved  Carthage  by  suppressing  the 
insurrection  of  the  mercenaries.  Charged  afterwards 
with  the  war  in  Spain,  he  had  vanquished  the  most 
warlike  peoples  of  that  country,  and  formed  in  silence 
a  formidable  array.  Having  discovered  early  the 
merit  of  a  young  man  named  Hasdrubal,  he  took  him 
into  his  favour  with  the  intention  of  making  him  his 
successor.  In  taking  him  for  his  son-in-law,  he  en- 
trusted to  him  the  education  of  Hannibal,  on  whom 
rested  his  dearest  hopes.  Hamilcar  having  been  slain 
in  526,  Hasdrubal  had  taken  his  place  at  the  head  of 
the  army. 

The  progress  of  the  Carthaginians  in  Spain,  and  the 
state  of  their  forces  in  that  country,  had  alarmed  the 
Senate,  which,  in  526,  obliged  the  government  of  Car- 
thage to  subscribe  to  a  new  treaty,  prohibiting  the 
Punic  army  from  passing  the  Ebro,  and  attacking  the 
allies  of  the  Republic.  (x)  This  last  article  referred 
to  the  Saguntines,  who  had  already  had  some  dis- 
putes with  the  Carthaginians.  The  Romans  affected 
not  to  consider  them  as  aborigines,  and  founded  their 
plea  on  a  legend  which  represented  this  people  as  a 

(')  Polybius,  III.  30. 


PUNIC  WAKS  AND  WARS  OF  MACEDONIA  AND  ASIA. 

colony  from  Ardea,  contemporary  with  the  Trojan 
war.  (*)  By  a  similar  conduct  Rome  created  allies 
in  Spain  to  watch  her  old  adversaries,  and  this  time, 
as  in  the  case  of  the  Mamertines,  she  showed  an  inter- 
ested sympathy  in  favour  of  a  weak  nation  exposed 
to  frequent  collisions  with  the  Carthaginians.  Has- 
drubal  had  received  the  order  to  carry  into  execution 
the  new  treaty ;  but  he  was  assassinated  by  a  Gaul, 
in  534,  and  the  army,  without  waiting  for  orders  from 
Carthage,  chose  by  acclamation  for  its  chief  Hannibal, 
then  twenty-nine  years  of  age.  In  spite  of  the  rival 
factions,  this  choice  was  ratified,  and  perhaps  any  hes- 
itation on  the  part  of  the  council  in  Carthage  would 
only  have  led  to  the  revolt  of  the  troops.  The  party 
of  the  Barcas  carried  the  question  against  the  govern- 
ment, and  confirmed  the  power  of  the  young  general. 
Adored  by  the  soldiers,  who  saw  in  him  their  own 
pupil,  Hannibal  exercised  over  them  an  absolute  au- 
thority, and  believed  that  with  their  old  band  he 
could  venture  upon  anything. 

The  Saguntines  were  at  war  with  the  Turbuletae,  (2) 
allies  or  subjects  of  Carthage.  In  contempt  of  the 
treaty  of  256,  Hannibal  laid  siege  to  Saguntum,  and 
took  it  after  a  siege  of  several  months.  He  pretend- 
ed that,  in  attacking  his  own  allies,  the  Saguntines 
had  been  the  aggressors.  The  people  of  Saguntum 
hastened  to  implore  the  succour  of  Rome.  The  Sen- 
ate confined  itself  to  despatching  commissioners,  some 
to  Hannibal,  who  gave  them  nd  attention,  and  others 
to  Carthage,  where  they  arrived  only  when  Saguntum 

(')  Titus  Livins,  XXI.  7. 

(a)  Appian,  Wars  of  Spain,  10. 


172  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

had  ceased  to  exist.  An  immense  booty,  sent  by  the 
conqueror,  had  silenced  the  faction  opposed  to  the 
Barcas,  and  the  people,  as  well  as  the  soldiers,  ele- 
vated by  success,  breathed  nothing  but  war.  The 
Roman  ambassadors,  sent  to  require  indemnities,  and 
even  to  demand  the  head  of  Hannibal,  were  ill  re- 
ceived, and  returned  declaring  hostilities  unavoidable. 

Rome  prepared  for  war  with  her  usual  firmness 
and  energy.  One  of  the  consuls  was  ordered  to  pass 
into  Sicily,  and  thence  into  Africa ;  the  other  to  lead 
an  army  by  sea  to  Spain,  and  expel  the  Carthaginians 
from  that  country.  But,  without  waiting  the  issue 
of  negotiations,  Hannibal  was  in  full  march  to  trans- 
fer the  war  into  Italy.  Sometimes  treating  with  the 
Celtiberian  or  Gaulish  hordes  to  obtain  a  passage 
through  their  territory,  sometimes  intimidating  them 
by  his  arms,  he  had  reached  the  banks  of  the  Rhone, 
when  the  consul  charged  with  the  conquest  of  Spain, 
P.  Cornelius  Scipio,  landing  at  the  eastern  mouth  of 
that  river,  learnt  that  Hannibal  had  already  entered 
the  Alps.  He  then  leaves  his  army  to  his  brother 
Cneius,  returns  promptly  to  Pisa,  places  himself  at  the 
head  of  the  troops  destined  to  fight  the  Boii,  crosses 
the  Po  with  them,  hoping  by  this  rapid  movement 
to  surprise  the  Carthaginian  general  at  the  moment 
when,  fatigued  and  weakened,  he  entered  the  plains 
of  Italy. 

The  two  armies  met  on  the  banks  of  the  Tessino 
(536).  Scipio,  defeated  and  wounded,  fell  back  on 
the  colony  of  Placentia.  Rejoined  in  the  neighbour- 
hood of  that  town  by  his  colleague  Tib.  Sempronius 
Longus,  he  again,  on  the  Trebia,  offered  battle  to  the 


PUNIC  WARS  AND  WARS  OF.  MACEDONIA  AND  ASIA.    173 

Carthaginians.  A  brilliant  victory  placed  Hannibal 
in  possession  of  a  great  part  of  Liguria  and  Cisalpine 
Gaul,  tlie  warlike  hordes  of  which  received  him  with 
enthusiasm  and  reinforced  his  army,  reduced,  after  the 
passage  of  the  mountains,  to  less  than  30,000  men. 
Flattered  by  the  reception  of  the  Gauls,  the  Cartha- 
ginian general  tried  also  to  gain  the  Italiots,  and,  an- 
nouncing himself  as  the  liberator  of  oppressed  peo- 
ples, he  took  care,  after  the  victory,  to  set  at  liberty 
all  the  prisoners  taken  from  the  allies.  He  hoped 
that  these  liberated  captives  would  become  for  him 
useful  emissaries.  In  the  spring  of  537  he  entered 
Etruria,  crossed  the  marshes  of  the  Val  di  Chiana, 
and,  drawing  the  Roman  army  to  the  neighbourhood 
of  the  Lake  Trasimenus,  into  an  unfavourable  locality, 
destroyed  it  almost  totally. 

The  terror  was  great  at  Rome ;  yet  the  conqueror, 
after  devastating  Etmria,  and  attacking  Spoletum  in 
vain,  crossed  the  Apennines,  threw  himself  into  Urn- 
bria  and  Picenum,  and  thence  directed  his  march 
through  Sarnnium  towards  the  coast  of  Apulia.  In 
fact,  having  reached  the  centre  of  Italy,  deprived  of 
all  communication  with  the  mother  country,  without 
the  engines  necessary  for  a  siege,  with  no  assured  line 
of  retreat,  having  behind  him  the  army  of  Sempronius, 
what  must  Hannibal  do? — Place  the  Apennines  be- 
tween himself  and  Rome,  draw  nearer  to  the  popula'- 
tions  more  disposed  in  his  favour,  and  then,  by  the 
conquest  of  the  southern  provinces,  establish  a  solid 
basis  of  operation,  in  direct  communication  with  Car- 
thage. In  spite  of  the  victory  of  Trasimenus,  his  po- 
sition wras  critical,  for,  except  the  Cisalpine  Gauls,  all 


174  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CJESAR. 

the  Italiot  peoples  remained  faithful  to  Kome,  and  so 
far  no  one  had  come  to  increase  his  army.  (;)  Thus 
Hannibal  remained  several  months  between  Casilirmm 
and  Arpi,  where  Fabius,  by  his  skilful  movements, 
would  have  succeeded  in  starving  the  Carthaginian 
army,  if  the  term  of  his  command  had  not  expired. 
Moreover,  the  popular  party,  irritated  at  a  system  of 
temporising  which  it  accused  of  cowardice,  raised  to 
the  consulship,  as  the  colleague  of  ^Ernilius  Paulus, 
Varro,  a  man  of  no  capacity.  Obliged  to  remain  in 
Apulia,  to  procure  subsistence  for  his  troops,  Hanni- 
bal, being  attacked  imprudently,  entirely  defeated, 
near  Cannae,  two  consular  armies  composed  of  eight 
legions  and  of  an  equal  number  of  allies,  amounting 
to  87.000  men  (538.  (2)  One  of  the  consuls  perished, 
the  other  escaped,  followed  only  by  a  few  horsemen. 
40,000  Romans  had  been  killed  or  taken,  and  Hanni- 
bal sent  to  Carth.age  a  bushel  of  gold  rings  taken 
from  the  fingers  of  knights  who  lay  on  the  field  of 
battle.  (3)  From  that  moment  part  of  Samnium,  Apu- 
lia, Lucania,  and  Bruttium  declared  for  the  Carthagin- 
ians, while  the  6rjeek  towns  of  the  south  of  the  penin- 
sula remained  favourable  to  the  Romans.  (4)  About 

0)  Polybius,  III. 90. — "The  allies  had  till  then  remained  firm  in  their  at- 
tachment." (Titus  Livius,  XXII.  61.) — "This  fidelity  which  they  have  pre- 
served towards  us  in  the  midst  of  our  reverses."  (Speech  of  Fabius,  Titus  Liv- 
ius, XXII.  39.) 

(2)  There  were  among  the  Roman  troops  Samnite  cavalry.     (Titus  Livius, 
XXVII.  43.) 

(3)  Titus  Livius,  XXII.  49;  XXIII.  12.  —  "In  the  second  Punic  war,  the 
use  of  rings  had  already  become  common ;  otherwise  it  would  have  been  impos- 
sible for  Hannibal  to  send  three  modii  of  rings  to  Carthage."    (Pliny,  XXXIII. 
6.) — We  read  in  Appian :  "The  tribunes  of  the  soldiers  wear  the  gold  ring, 
their  inferiors  have  it  of  ivory."     (Punic  Wars,  VIII.  cv.) 

(*)  "The  Greek  towns,  inclined  to  maintain   their  alliance  with  Rome." 


PUNIC  WARS  AND  WARS  OF  MACEDONIA  AND  ASIA.    175 

the  same  time,  as  an  increase  of  ill  fortune,  L.  Postu- 
mus,  sent  against  the  Gauls,  was  defeated,  and  his  army 
cut  to  pieces. 

The  Romans  always  showed  themselves  admirable 
in  adversity ;  and  thus  the  Senate,  by  a  skilful  policy, 
went  to  meet  the  consul  Varro,  and  thank  him  for 
not  having  despaired  of  the  Republic ;  it  would,  how- 
ever, no  longer  employ  the  troops  which  had  retreat- 
ed from  the  battle,  but  sent  them  into  Sicily  with  a 
prohibition  to  return  into  Italy  until  the  enemy  had 
been  driven  out  of  it.  They  refused  to  ransom  the 
prisoners  in  Hannibal's  hands.  The  fatherland,  they 
said,  had  no  need  of  men  who  allowed  themselves  to 
be  taken  arms  in  hand.  (*)  This  reply  made  people 
report  at  Rome  that  the  man  who  possessed  power 
was  treated  very  differently  from  the  humble  citi- 
zen. (2) 

The  idea  of  asking  for  peace  presented  itself  to  no- 
body. Each  rivalled  the  other  in  sacrifices  and  de- 
votion. New  legions  were  raised,  and  there  were  en- 
rolled 8,000  slaves,  who  were  restored  to  freedom 
after  the  first  combat.  (3)  The  treasury  being  empty, 
all  the  private  fortunes  were  brought  to  its  aid.  The 
proprietors  of  slaves  taken  for  the  army,  the  fanners 
of  the  revenue  charged  with  the  furnishing  of  provi- 
sions, consented  to  be  repaid  only  at  the  end  of  the 
war.  Everybody,  according  to  his  means,  maintain- 
ed at  his  own  expense  freedmen  to  serve  on  the  gal- 

(Titus  Livius,  XXIV.  1.) — Even  in  Bruttium,  the  small  town  of  Petelia  de- 
fended itself  against  Hannibal  with  the  greatest  energy;  the  women  fought 
like  the  men.  (Appian,  VII.  29.) 

(l)  Eutropius,  III.  6.       ,  (")  Titus  Livius,  XXVI.  1. 

(*)  Titus  Livius,  XXIV.  14. 


176  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  (LESAR. 

leys.  After  the  example  of  the  Senate,  widows  and 
minors  carried  their  gold  and  silver  to  the  public 
treasury.  It  was  forbidden  for  anybody  to  keep  at 
home  either  jewels,  plate,  silver  or  copper  money, 
above  a  certain  value,  and,  by  the  law  Oppia,  even 
the  toilette  of  the  ladies  was  limited.  (l)  Lastly,  the 
duration  of  family  mourning  for  relatives  slain  before 
the  enemy  was  restricted  to  thirty  days.  (2) 

After  the  victory  of  Cannae'  it  would  have  been 
more  easy  for  Hannibal  to  march  straight  upon  Rome 
than  after  Trasimenus;  yet,  since  so  great  a  captain 
did  not  think  this  possible  to  attempt,  it  is  not  unin- 
teresting to  inquire  into  his  motives.  In  the  first 
place,  his  principal  force  was  in  Numidian  cavalry, 
which  would  have  been  useless  in  a  siege ;  (3)  then, 
he  had  generally  the  inferiority  in  attacking  fortress- 
es. Thus,  after  Trebia,  he  could  not  reduce  Placen- 
tia ;  (4)  after  Trasimenus,  he  failed  before  Spoletum ; 
three  times  he  marched  upon  Naples,  without  ventur- 
ing to  attack  it ;  later  still,  he  was  obliged  to  aban- 

(')  "The  Oppian  law,  proposed  by  the  tribune  C.  Oppius,  under  the  consul- 
ship of  Q.  Fabius  and  Tiberius  Sempronius  (539),  in  the  height  of  the  second 
Punic  war,  forbad  the  women  to  have  for  their  use  more  than  half  an  ounce 
of  gold,  to  wear  dresses  of  different  colours,  &c.,  to  be  driven  or  carried  about 
Rome,  within  a  radius  of  seven  miles,  in  a  chariot  drawn  by  horses,  except  to 
attend  the  public  sacrifices."  This  law,  being  only  temporary,  was  revoked,  in 
spite  of  the  opposition  of  P.  Cato,  in  559.  (Titus  Livius,  XXXIV.  1,  6.) 

(!)  Valerius  Maximus,  I.  i.  15. 

(3)  "It  was  in  his  cavalry  that  Hannibal  placed  all  his  hopes."  (Pcjybins, 
III.  101.) — "  Hannibal's  cavalry  alone  caused  the  victories  of  Carthage  and  the 
defeats  of  Rome."  (Polybius,  IX.  3.) — "  The  loss  of  500  Nnmklians  was  felt 
more  by  Hannibal  than  any  other  check,  and  from  that  time  he  had  no  longer 
the  superiority  in  cavalry  which  had  previously  given  him  so  much  advant- 
age" (543).  (Titus  Livius,  XXVI.  38.) 

(*)  "Hannibal  remembered  how  he  had  failed  before  Placentia."  (Titus 
Livius,  XXVI  I.  39.) 


PUNIC  WARS  AND  WARS  OF  MACEDONIA  AND  ASIA.    177 

don  the  sieges  of  Nola,  Cumse,  and  Casilinum.  (*) 
What,  then,  could  be  more  natural  than  his  hesitation 
to  attack  Rome,  defended  by  a  numerous  population, 
accustomed  to  the  use  of  arms  ? 

The  most  striking  proof  of  the  genius  of  Hannibal 
is  the  fact  of  his  having  remained  sixteen  years  in 
Italy,  left  almost  to  his  own  forces,  reduced  to  the  ne- 
cessity of  recruiting  his  army  solely  among  his  new 
allies,  and  of  subsisting  at  their  expense,  ill  seconded 
by  the  Senate  of  his  own  country,  having  always  to 
face  at  least  two  consular  armies,  and,  lastly,  shut  up 
in  the  peninsula  by  the  Roman  fleets,  which  guarded 
its  coasts  to  intercept  reinforcements  from  Carthage. 
His  constant  thought,  therefore,  was  to  make  himself 
master  of  some  important  points  of  the  coast  in  order 
to  open  a  communication  with  Africa.  After  Cannae, 
he  occupies  Capua,  seeks  to  gain  the  sea  by  Na- 
ples, (2)  Cumse,  Puteoli ;  unable  to  effect  these  ob- 
jects, he  seizes  upon  Arpi  and  Salapia,  on  the  east- 
ern coast,  where  he  hopes  to  meet  the  ambassadors 
of  the  King  of  Macedonia.  He  next  makes  Brut- 
tium  his  base  of  operation,  and  his  attempts  are  di- 
rected against  the  maritime  places,  now  against  Bran- 
dusium  and  Tarentum,  now  against  Locri  and  Rhe- 
gium.  • 

All  the  defeats  sustained  by  the  generals  of  the 
Republic  had  been  caused,  first,  by  the  superiority  of 
the  Numidian  cavalry,  and  the  inferiority  of  the  hast- 

(')  Titus  Livius,  XXIII.  15  and  18. — Hannibal  reduced  by  famine  the  for- 
tresses of  Casilinum  and  Nuceria ;  as  to  the  citadel  of  Tarentum,  it  resisted 
five  years,  and  could  not  be  taken  by  force.  (Titus  Livius,  XXVII.  25.) 

(")  ' '  Hannibal  descends  towards  Naples,  having  at  heart  to  secure  a  mari- 
time place  to  receive  succours  from  Africa."  (Titus  Livius,  XXIII.  15.) 

8*  M 


178  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

ily  levied  Latin  soldiers,  (l)  opposed  to  old  veteran 
troops ;  and,  next,  by  excessive  rashness  in  face  of  an 
able  captain,  who  drew  his  adversaries  to  the  position 
which  he  had  chosen.  Nevertheless,  Hannibal,  con- 
siderably weakened  by  his  victories,  exclaimed,  after 
Cannae,  as  Pyirhus  had  done  after  Heraclea,  that  such 
another  success  would  be  his  ruin.  (2)  Q:  Fabius 
Maximus, recalled  to  power  (539),  continued  a  system 
of  methodical  war;  while  Marcellus,  his  colleague, 
bolder,  (3)  assumed  the  offensive,  and  arrested  the 
progress  of  the  enemy,  by  obliging  him  to  shut  him- 
self up  in  a  trapezium,  formed  on  the  north  by  Capua 
and  Arpi,  on  the  south  by  Rhegiuni  and  Tarentum. 
In  543  the  war  was  entirely  concentrated  round  two 
places ;  the  citadel  of  Tarentum,  blockaded  by  the 
Carthaginians,  and  Capua,  besieged  by  the  two  con- 
suls. These  had  surrounded  themselves  with  lines 
of  countervallation  against  the  place,  and  of  circuni- 
vallation  against  the  attacks  from  without.  Hanni- 
bal, having  failed  in  his  attempt  to  force  these  latter, 
marched  upon  Rome,  in  the  hope  of  causing  the  siege 
of  Capua  to  be  raised,  and  by  separating  the  two 
consular  armies,  defeating  them  one  after  the  other  in 
the  plain  country.  Having  arrived  under  the  walls 
of  the  capital,  a^d  foreseeing  too  many  difficulties  in 
the  way  of  making  himself  master  of  so  large  a  town, 
he  abandoned  his  plan  of  attack,  and  fell  back  to  the 
environs  of  Khegium.  His  abode  there  was  prolong- 
ed during  several  years,  with  alternations  of  reverse 
and  success,  in  the  south  of  Italy,  the  populations  of 

0)  Polybius,  III.  106.  (»)  Appian,  Wars  of  Hannibal,  26. 

(3)  Plutarch,  Afarcellus,  11,  33. 


PtfNIC  WARS  AND  WARS  OF  MACEDONIA  AND  ASIA.    179 

which  were  favourable  to  him;  avoiding  engagements, 
keeping  near  the  sea, '  and  not  going  beyond  the 
southern  extremity  of  the  territory  of  Samnium. 

In  547,  a  great  army,  which  had  left  Spain  under 
the  command  of  one  of  his  brothers,  Hasdrubal,  had 
crossed  the  Alps,  and  was  advancing  to  unite  with 
him,  marching  along  the  coast  of  the  Adriatic.  Two 
consular  armies  were  charged  with  the  war  against 

the  Carthaginians:  one,  under  the  command  of  the 

ci  7 

consul  M.  Livius  Salinator,  in  Umbria;  the  other,  hav- 
ing at  its  head  the  consul  C.  Claudius  Nero,  held  Han- 
nibal in  check  in  Lucania,  and  had  even  obtained  an 
advantage  over  him  at  Grumentum.  Hannibal  had 
advanced  as  far  as  Canusium,  when  the  consul  Clau- 
dius Nero,  informed  of  the  numerical  superiority  of 
the  army  of  succour,  leaves  his  camp  under  the  guard 
of  Q.  Cassius,  his  lieutenant,  conceals  his  departure, 
effects  his  junction  with  his  colleague,  and  defeats, 
near  the  Metaurus,  Hasdrubal,  who  perished  in  the 
battle  with  all  his  army.  (*)  From  that  moment  Han- 
nibal foresees  the  fate  of  Carthage ;  he  abandons  Apu- 
lia, and  even  Lucania,  and  retires  into  the  only  coun- 
try which  had  remained  faithful,  Bruttium.  He  re- 
mains shut  up  there  five  years  more,  in  continual  ex- 
pectation of  reinforcements,  (2)  and  only  quits  Italy 
when  his  country,  threatened  by  the  Roman  legions, 
already  on  the  African  soil,  calls  him  home  to  her  de- 
fence. 

In  this  war  the  marine  of  the  two  nations  perform- 
ed an  important  part.  The  Romans  strained  every 
nerve  to  remain  masters  of  the  sea ;  their  fleets,  sta- 

(l)  Titus  Livius,  XXVII.  49.  (")  Appian,  Wars  of  Hannibal,  54. 


180  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

tioned  at  Ostia,  Brundusium,  and  Lilybseum,  kept  in- 
cessantly the  most  active  watch  upon  the  coasts  of 
Italy;  they  even  made  cruises  to  the  neighbourhood 
of  Carthage  and  as  far  as  Greece.  (*)  The  difficulty 
of  the  direct  communications  induced  the  Carthagin- 
ians to  send  their  troops  by  way  of  Spain  and  the 
Alps,  where  their  armies  recruited  on  the  road,  rather 
than  dispatch  them  to  the  southern  coast  of  Italy. 
Hannibal  received  but  feeble  reinforcements ;  (2)  Livy 
mentions  two  only :  the  first  of  4,000  Numidians  and 

(')  In  536,  Rome  had  at  sea  220  quinquiremes  and  20  small  vessels  (Titus 
Livius,  XXI.  17),  with  which  she  protected  efficiently  the  coasts  of  Sicily  and 
Italy.  (Titus  Livius,  XXI.  49,  51.) — In  537,  Scipio,  with  35  vessels,  destroyed 
a  Carthaginian  fleet  at  the  mouth  of  the  Eb^>  (Titus  Livius,  XXII!  19),  and 
the  consul  Servilius  Geminus  effected  a  landing  in  Africa  with  120  vessels,  in 
order  to  prevent  Carthage  from  sending  reinforcements  to  Hannibal.  (Titus 
Livius,  XXII.  31.) — In  538,  the  fleet  of  Sicily  is  reinforced  with  25  ships. 
(Titus  Livius,  XXII.  37.) — In  539,  Valerius  Lzevinus  had  25  vessels  to  protect 
the  coast  of  the  Adriatic,  and  Fluvius  the  same  number  to  watch  the  coast  of 
Ostia  (Titus  Livius,  XXIII.  32)  after  which  the  Adriatic  fleet,  raised  to  55 
sails,  is  sent  to  act  as  a  check  upon  Macedonia.  (Titus  Livius,  XXIII.  38.) — 
The  same  year,  the  fleet  of  Sicily,  under  Titus  Otacilius,  defeats  the  Carthagin- 
ians. (Titus  Livius,  XXIII.  41.) — In  540  Rome  has  150  vessels  (Titus  Livius, 
XXIV.  11)  this  year  and  the  following,  the  Roman  fleet  defends  Apollonia, 
attacked  by  the  King  of  Macedonia,  and  lands  troops  which  ravage  the  terri- 
tory of  Utica.  The  effective  strength  of  the  Roman  fleet  appears  not  to  have 
varied  until  543,  the  epoch  at  which  Greece  again  required  the  presence  of  50 
Roman  ships  and  Sicily  100.  (Titus  Livius,  XXVI.  1.) — In  544,  20  vessels 
were  stationed  in  the  waters  of  Rhegium,  to  secure  the  passage  of  provisions  be^ 
tween  Sicily  and  the  garrison  of  Tarentum.  (Titus  Livius,  XXVI.  39.) — In 
545,  30  sails  are  detached  from  the  fleet  of  Sicily  to  cruise  before  that  town. 
(Titus  Livius,  XXVII.  22.) — In  546,  Carthage  was  preparing  a  formidable  fleet 
of  200  sails  (Titus  Livius,  XXVII.  22) ;  Rome  opposes  it  with  280  ships :  30 
defend  the  coast  of  Spain,  50  guard  Sardinia,  50  the  mouths  of  the  Tiber,  50 
Macedonia,  100  are  stationed  in  Sicily,  ready  to  make  a  descent  in  Africa,  and 
the  Carthaginian  fleet  is  beaten  before  Clupea.  (Titus  Livius,  XXVII.  29. ) — * 
Lastly,  in  547,  a  second  victory  gained  by  Valerius  Laevinus  renders  the  sea 
entirely  free.  (Titus  Livius,  XXVIII.  4.) 

(a)  "The  Carthaginians,  occupied  only  with  the  care  of  maintaining  them- 
selves in  Spain,  sent  no  succour  to  Hannibal,  as  though  he  had  had  nothing  but 
successes  in  Italy."  (Titus  Livius,  XXVTIT.  12.) 


PUNIC  WARS  AND  WARS  OF  MACEDONIA  AND  ASIA. 

40  elephants ;  and  the  second,  brought  by  Bomilcar 
to  the  coast  of  the  Ionian  Gulf,  near  Locri.  (J)  All 
the  other  convoys  appear  to  have  been  intercepted, 
and  one  of  the  most  considerable,  laden  with  stores 
and  troops,  was  destroyed  on  the  coast  of  Sicily.  (2) 

We  cannot  but  admire  the  constancy  of  the  Ro- 
mans in  face  of  enemies  who  threatened  them  on  all 
sides.  During  the  same  period  they  repressed  the  Cis- 
alpine Gauls  and  the  Etruscans,  combated  the  King 
of  Macedonia,  the  ally  of  Hannibal,  sustained  a  fierce 
war  in  Spain,  and  resisted  in  Sicily  the  attacks  of  the 
Syracusans,  who,  after  the  death  of  Hiero,had  declared 
against  the  Republic.  It  took  three  years  to  reduce 
Syracuse,  defended  by  Archimedes.  Rome  kept  on 
foot,  as  long  as  the  Second  Punic  war  lasted,  from  six- 
teen to  twenty-four  legions,  (3)  recruited  only  in  the 
town  and  in  Latium.  (4)  These  twenty-three  legions 
represented  an  effective  force  of  about  100,000  men, 
a  number  which  will  not  appear  exaggerated  if  we 
compare  it  with  the  census  of  534,  which  gave  270,213 
men,  and  only  comprised  persons  in  a  condition  to  bear 
arms. 

In  the  thirteenth  year  of  the  war  the  chances  seemed 
in  favour  of  the  Republic.  P.  Cornelius  Scipio,  the  son 
of  the  consul  defeated  at  Trebia,  had  just  expelled  the 
Carthaginians  from  Spain.  The  people,  recognising 

0)  Titus  Livius,  XXIII.  13  and  41.  (»)  Appian,  Wars  of  Hannibal,  liv. 

(3)  In  540,  Rome  had  on  foot  eighteen  legions;  in  541,  twenty  legions;  in 
542  and  543,  twenty-three  legions ;  in  544  and  546,  twenty-one  ;  in  547,  twen- 
ty-three ;  in  551,  twenty ;  in  552,  sixteen  ;  in  553,  fourteen  ;  in  554,  the  num. 
ber  is  reduced  to  six.  (Titus  Livius,  XXIV.  11 — 44  ;  XXV.  3 ;  XXVI.  1,  28 ; 
XXVII.  22,  36  ;  XXX.  2,  27,  41 ;  XXXI.  8.) 

(*)  "The  Romans  raised  their  infantry  and  eavalry  only  in  Rome  and  Lo- 
:ium."  (Titus  Livius,  XXII.  37.) 


182  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CJESAR. 

his  genius,  had  conferred  upon  him,  six  years  before, 
the  powers  of  proconsul,  though  he  was  only  twenty- 
four  years  of  age.  On  his  return  to  Rome,  Scipio, 
elected  consul  (549),  passed  into  Sicily,  and  from 
thence  to  Africa,  where,  after  a  campaign  of  two 
years,  he  defeated  Hannibal  in  the  plains  of  Zama, 
and  compelled  the  rival  of  Rome  to  sue  for  peace 
(552).  The  Senate  accorded  to  the  conqueror  the 
greatest  honour  which  a  Republic  can  confer  upon 
one  of  her  citizens  —  she  left  it  to  him  to  dictate  terms 
to  the  vanquished.  Carthage  was  compelled  to  give 
up  her  ships  and  her  elephants,  to  pay  10,000  talents 
(58,000,000  francs  [£2,320,000]),  and,  finally,  to  enter 
into  the  humiliating  engagement  not  to  make  war  in 
future  without  the  authorisation  of  Rome. 

VI.  The  second  Punic  war  ended  in  the  submission 
or  the  second  of  Carthage  and  Spain,  but  it  was  at  the 


price  of  painful  sacrifices.  During  this 
straggle  of  sixteen  years,  a  great  number  of  the  most 
distinguished  citizens  had  perished  ;  at  Cannae  alone 
two  thousand  seven  hundred  knights,  two  questors, 
twenty-one  tribunes  of  the  soldiers,  and  many  old  con- 
suls, praetors,  and  ediles  were  slain  ;  and  so  many  sen- 
ators had  fallen,  that  it  was  necessary  to  name  a  hund- 
red and  seventy-seven  new  ones,  taken  from  among 
those  who  had  occupied  the  magistracies.  (*)  But 
such  hard  trials  had  tempered  anew  the  national  char- 
acter. (2)  The  Republic  felt  her  strength  and  her  re- 

(1)  Titus  Livius,  XXIII.  23. 

(2)  Q.  Metcllus  said  "  that  the  invasion  of  Hannibal  had  re-awakened  the 
slumbering  virtue  of  the  Roman  people."     (Valerius  Maximua,  VII.  ii.  3.) 


PUNIC  WARS  AND  WARS  OF  MACEDONIA  AND  ASIA.  183 

sources  unfold  themselves;  she  rejoiced  in  her  victo- 
ries with  a  just  pride,  without  yet  experiencing  the 
intoxication  of  a  too  great  fortune,  and  new  bonds 
were  formed  between  the  different  peoples  of  Italy. 
War  against  a  foreign  invasion,  in  fact,  has  always  the 
immense  advantage  of  putting  an  end  to  internal  dis- 
sensions, and  unites  the  citizens  against  the  common 
enemy.  The  greater  part  of  the  allies  gave  unequiv- 
ocable  proofs  of  their  devotion.  The  Republic  owed 
its  safety,  after  the  defeat  of  Cannse,  to  the  assistance 

of  eighteen  colonies,  which  furnished  men  and  mon- 

~  ' 

ey.  (*)  The  fear  of  Hannibal  had  fortunately  given 
strength  to  concord,  both  in  Rome  and  in  Italy :  no 
more  quarrels  between  the  two  orders,  (2)  no  more 
divisions  between  the  governing  and  the  governed. 
Sometimes  the  Senate  refers  to  the  people  the  most 
serious  questions ;  sometimes  the  people,  full  of  trust 
in  the  Senate,  submits  beforehand  to  its  decision.  (3) 

It  was  especially  during  the  struggle  against  Han- 
nibal that  the  inconvenience  of  the  duality  and  of 
the  annual  change  of  the  consular  powers  became  evi- 
dent ;  (4)  but  this  never-ceasing  cause  of  weakness 

(1)  The  Senate  demanded  of  thirty  colonies  men  and  money.     Eighteen  gave 
both  with  eagerness,  namely,  Signia,  Norba,  Saticulum,  Brundusium,  Fregellse, 
Luceria,  VenusSa,  Adria,  Firmum,  Arirninum,  Pontia,  Pastum,  Cosa,  Beneven- 
tum,  Isernia,  Spoletum,  Placentia,  and  Cremona.     The  twelve  colonies  which 
refused  to  give  any  succours,  pretending  that  they  had  neither  men  nor  money, 
were :  Nepete,  Sutrium,  Ardea,  Gales,  Alba,  Carseoli,  Cora,  Suessa,  Setia,  Cir- 
ceii,  Narnia,  Interamna.     (Titus  Livius,  XXVII.  9.) 

(2)  "The  quarrels  and  struggles  between  the  two  parties  ended  in  the  sec- 
ond Punic  war."     (Sallust,  Fragments,  I.  vii.) 

(3)  "Four  tribes  referred  it  to  the  Senate  to  grant  the  right  of  suffrage  to 
Formitc,  Fundi,  and  Arpinum  ;  but  they  were  told  in  reply  that  to  the  people 
alone  belonged  the  right  of  suffrage."     (Titus  Livius,  XXXVIII.  36.) 

(*)  "The  annual  change  of  generals  was  disastrous  to  the  Romans.     They 


184  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

was,  as  we  have  seen  before,  compensated  by  the  spir- 
it of  patriotism.  Here  is  a  striking  example :  while 
Fabius  was  pro-dictator,  Minucius,  chief  of  the  caval- 
ry, was,  contrary  to  the  usual  custom,  invested  with 
the  same  powers.  Hurried  on  by  his  temper,  he  com- 
promised the  army,  which  was  saved  by  Fabius.  He 
acknowledged  his  error,  submitted  willingly  to  the 
orders  of  his  colleague,  and  thus  restored,  by  his  own 
voluntary  act,  the  unity  of  the  command.  (l)  As  to 
the  continual  change  of  the  military  chiefs,  the  force  of 
circumstances  rendered  it  necessary  to  break  through 
this  custom.  The  two  Scipios  remained  seven  years 
at  the  head  of  the  army  of  Spain ;  Scipio  Africanus 
succeeded  them  for  almost  as  long  a  period.  The 
Senate  and  the  people  had  decided  that,  during  the 
war  of  Italy,  the  powers  of  the  proconsuls  and  prae- 
tors might  be  prorogued,  and  that  the  same  consuls 
might  be  re-elected  as  often  as  might  be  thought 
fit.  (2)  And  subsequently,  in  the  campaign  against 
Philip,  the  tribunes  pointed  out  in  the  following 
terms  the  disadvantage  of  such  frequent  changes : 
"  During  the  four  years  that  the  war  of  Macedonia 
lasted,  Sulpicius  had  passed  the  greater  part  of  his 
consulship  in  seeking  Philip  and  his  army;  Villius 
had  overtaken  the  enemy,  but  had  been  recalled  be- 
fore giving  battle ;  Quinctius,  retained  the  greater 
part  of  the  year  at  Rome  by  religious  cares,  would 
have  pushed  the  war  with  sufficient  vigour  to  have 
entirely  terminated  it,  if  he  could  have  arrived  at  his 

recalled  all  those  who  had  experience  in  war,  as  though  they  hud  been  sent 
not  to  fight,  but  only  to  practice."  (Zonaras,  Annales,  VIII.  16.) 

(l)  Titus  Livius,  XXII.  29. 

(")  Titus  Livius,  XXVII.  5,  7. 


PUNIC  WARS  AND  WARS  OF  MACEDONIA  AND  ASIA.    185 

destination  before  the  season  was  so  far  advanced. 
He  had  hardly  entered  his  winter  quarters,  when  he 
made  preparations  for  recommencing  the  campaign 
with  the  spring,  with  a  view  of  finishing  it  success- 
fully, provided  no  successor  came  to  snatch  victory 
from  him."  (')  These  arguments  prevailed,  and  the 
consul  was  prorogued  in  his  command. 

Thus  continual  wars  tended  to  introduce  the  sta- 
bility of  military  powers  and  the  permanence  of  ar- 
mies. The  same  legions  had  passed  ten  years  in 
Spain ;  others  had  been  nearly  as  long  in  Sicily ;  and 
though,  at  the  expiration  of  their  service,  the  old  sol- 
diers were  dismissed,  the  legions  remained  always  un- 
der arms.  Hence  arose  the  necessity  of  giving  lands 
to  the  soldiers  who  had  finished  their  time  of  serv- 
ice; and,  in  552,  there  were  assigned  to  Scipio's  vet- 
erans, for  each  year  of  service  in  Africa  and  Spain, 
two  acres  of  the  lands  confiscated  from  the  Samnites 
and  Apulians.  (2) 

It  was  the  first  time  that  Rome  took  foreign  troops 
into  her  pay,  sometimes  Celtiberians,  at  others  Cre- 
tans sent  by  Hiero  of  Syracuse,  (3)  in  fact,  mercenaries, 
and  a  body  of  discontented  Gauls  who  had  abandon- 
ed the  Carthaginian  army.  (4) 

Many  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  allied  towns  were 
drawn  to  Rome,  (5)  where,  in  spite  of  the  sacrifices 
imposed  by  the  wars,  commerce  and  luxury  increased. 
The  spoils  which  Marcellus  brought  from  Sicily,  and 

0)  Titus  Livius,  XXXII.  28. 

(2)  Titus  Livius,  XXXI.  4,  49. 

(3)  Titus  Livius,  XXIV.  49.— Polybius,  III.  75. 
(«)  Zonaras,  Annales,  VIII.  16. 

(*)  Titus  Livius,  XXXIX.  3. 


186  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

especially  from  Syracuse,  had  given  development  to 
the  taste  for  the  arts,  and  this  consul  boasted  of  hav- 
ing been  the  first  who  caused  his  countrymen  to  ap- 
preciate and  admire  the  masterpieces  of  Greece.  (*) 
The  games  of  the  circus,  in  the  middle  of  the  sixth 
century,  began  to  be  more  in  favour.  Junius  and 
Decius  Brutus  had,  in  490,  exhibited  for  the  first  time 
the  combats  of  gladiators,  the  number  of  which  was 
soon  increased  to  twenty-two  pairs.  (2)  Towards  this 
period,  also  (559),  theatrical  representations  were  first 
given  by  the  ediles.  (3)  The  spirit  of  speculation  had 
taken  possession  of  the  high  classes,  as  appears  by 
the  law  forbidding  the  senators  (law  Claudia,  536) 
to  maintain  at  sea  ships  of  a  tonnage  of  more  than 
three  hundred  amphorae ;  as  the  public  wealth  in- 
creased, the  knights,  composed  of  the  class  who  paid 
most  taxes,  increased  also,  and  tended  to  separate  into 
two  categories,  some  serving  in  the  cavalry,  and  pos- 
sessing the  horse  furnished  by  the  State  (eqieua  publi- 
cus),  (4)  the  others  devoting  themselves  to  commerce 
and  financial  operations.  The  knights  had  long  been 
employed  in  civil  commissions,  (5)  and  were  often 
called  to  the  high  magistracies;  and  therefore  Per- 
seus justly  called  them  "  the  nursery  of  the  Senate, 
and  the  young  nobility  out  of  which  issued  consuls 
and  generals  (imperatores)?  (6)  During  the  Punic 
wars  they  had  rendered  great  services  by  making 

(«)  Plutarch,  Marcelfus,  28.  .  (")  Titus  Livius,  XXIII.  30. 

(s>  Titus  Livius,  XXXIV.  54. 

(*)  "Et  equitcs  Romanes  milites  et  negociatores."     (Sallust,  Jugurtha,  65.) 
(*)  "In  342,  a  senator  and  two  knights  were  charged,  during  a  famine,  with 
the  provisioning  of  Rome."     (Titus  Livius,  IV.  3.) 
(6)  Seurinarium  senalus.     (Titus  Livius,  XLII.  61.) 


PUNIC  WARS  AND  WARS  OF  MACEDONIA  AND  ASIA.    187 

[arge  advances  for  the  provisioning  of  the  armies ;  (*) 
md  if  some,  as  undertakers  of  transports,  had  enrich- 
ed themselves  at  the  expense  of  the  State,  the  Senate 
iesitated  in  punishing  their  embezzlements,  for  fear 
)f  alienating  this  class,  already  powerful.  (2)  The 
;erritorial  wealth  was  partly  in  the  hands  of  the 
*reat  proprietors ;  this  appears  from  several  facts, 
md,  among  others,  from  the  hospitality  given  by  a 
.ady  of  Apulia  to  10,000  Roman  soldiers,  who  had 
sscaped  from  the  'battle  of  Canute,  whom  she  enter- 
tained at  her  own  private  cost  on  her  own  lands.  (3) 

Respect  for  the  higher  classes  had  been  somewhat 

shaken,  as  we  learn  from  the  adoption  of  a  measure 

}f  apparently  little  importance.     Since  the  fall  of  the 

kingly  power,  there  had  been  established  in  the  pub- 

lie  games  no  (distinction  between  the  spectators.     Def- 

>rence  for  authority  rendered  all  classification  super- 

;'  uous,  and  "  never  would  a  plebeian,"  says  Valerius 

?Iaximus,  (*)  "have  ventured  to  place  himself  before 

i  senator."     But,  towards  560,  a  law  was  passed  for 

issigiiing  to   the  members   of  the  Senate   reserved 

i  laces.     It  is  necessary,  for  the  good  order  of  society, 

•)  increase  the  severity  of  the  laws  as  the  feeling  of 

he  social  hierarchy  becomes  weakened. 

Circumstances  had  brought    other    changes ;   the 

i  ibuneship,  without  being  abolished,  had  become  an 

ixiliary  of  the  aristocracy.     The  tribunes  no  longer 

:  ;clusively  represented  the  plebeian  order ;  they  were 

i  Imitted  into  the  Senate ;  they  formed  part  of  the 

(')  Titus  Livius,  XXIII.  49.— Valerius  Maximus,  V.  vi.  8. 
(3)  Titus  Livius,  XXI.  63 ;  XXV.  3. 
(')  Valerius  Maximus,  IV.  viii.  2. 
(*)  Valerius  Maximus,  IV.  v.  1. 


government,  and  employed  their  authority  in  the  in- 
terest of  justice  and  the  fatherland.  (')  The  three 
kinds  of  comitia  still  remained,  (2)  but  some  modifica- 
tions had  been  introduced  into  them.  The  assembly 
of  the  curiae  (3)  consisted  now  only  of  useless  formal- 
ities. Their  attributes,  more  limited  every  day,  were 
reduced  to  the  conferring  of  the  imperium,  and  the 
deciding  of  certain  questions  about  auspices  and  re- 
ligion. The  comitia  by  centuries,  which  in  their  ori- 
gin were  the  assembly  of  the  people  in  arms,  voting 
in  the  Campus  Martius,  and  nominating  their  military 
chiefs,  retained  the  same  privileges ;  only,  the  century 
had  become  a  subdivision  of  the  tribe.  All  the  citi- 
zens inscribed  in  each  of  the  thirty-five  tribes  were 
separated  into  five  classes,  according  to  their  fortune ; 
each  class  was  divided  into  two  centuries,  the  one  of 
the  young  men  ( junior es),  the  other  of  the  older  men 
(seniores). 

As  to  the  comitia  by  tribes,  in  which  each  voted 
without  distinction  of  rank  or  fortune,  their  legislative 

o 

(')  They  had  no  deliberative  voice,  because,  according  to  the  public  Roman 
law,  no  acting  magistrate  could  vote.     (See  Mommsen,  i.  187.) 

(2)  "Now  you  have  still  the  comitia  by  centuries,  and  the  comitia  by  tribes. 
As  for  the  comitia  by  curise,  they  are  observed  only  for  the  auspices."    (Cicero, 
Second  Oration  on  the  Agrarian  Law,  9.) 

(3)  The  ancient  mode  of  division  by  curiae  had  lost  all  significance  and 
ceased  to  be  in  use.     (Ovid,  Fasti,  II.  1.531.)     So  Cicero  says,  speaking  of 
them :  "  The  comitia,  which  are  retained  only  for  the  sake  of  form,  and  because 
of  the  auspices,  and  which,  represented  by  the  thirty  lictors,  are  but  the  appear- 
ance  of  what  was  before.     Ad  speciem  atque  usurpationem  vetuslatis."     (Ora- 
tion on  the  Agrarian  Law,  II.  12.) — In  the  latter  times  of  the  Republic,  the  cu- 
riae, in  the  election  of  the  magistrates,  had  only  the  inauguration  of  the  fla- 
mens,  of  the  king  of  the  sacrifices  (rex  sacrijiculus),  and  probably  the  choice 
of  the  grand  curion  (curio  maximus).     (Titus  Livius,  XXVII.  8. — Dionysius 
of  Halicarnassus,  V.  1.—  Aulus  Gellius,  XV.  27.— Titus  Livius,  XXVII.  vi. 
30.) 


Dower  continued  to  increase  as  that  of  the  comitia  by 
centuries  diminished. 

Thus  the  Roman  institutions,  while  appearing  to 
remain  the  same,  were  incessantly  changing.     The  po- 
litical assemblies,  the  laws  of  the  Twelve  Tables,  the 
classes  established  by  Servius  Tullius,the  yearly  elec- 
tion to  offices,  the  military  services,  the  tribuneship, 
the  edileship,  all  seemed  to  remain  as  in  the  past,  and 
in  reality  all  had  changed  through  the  force  of  cir- 
cumstances.    Nevertheless,  this  appearance  of  immo- 
bility in  the  midst  of  progressing  society  was  one  ad- 
vantage of  Roman  manners.     Religious  observers  of 
tradition  and  ancient  customs,  the  Romans  did  not 
appear  to  destroy  what  they  displaced;  they  applied 
ancient  forms  to  new  principles,  and  thus  introduced 
innovations  without  disturbance,  and  without  weak- 
ening the   prestige    of  institutions    consecrated  by 
time. 

VII.  During  the  second  Punic  war,  Philip  III.,  king 
of  Macedonia,  had  attacked  the  Roman 

The  Macedonian  .          .  i     j  1 

war  (5M).  settlements  in  Illyria,  invaded  several 
provinces«of  Greece,  and  made  an  alliance  with  Han- 
nibal. Obliged  to  check  these  dangerous  aggressions, 
the  Senate,  from  540  to  548,  maintained,  large  forces 
on  the  coasts  of  Epirus  and  Macedonia ;  and,  united 
with  the  ^Etolian  league,  and  with  Attains,  king  of 
Pergamus,  had  forced  Philip  to  conclude  peace.  But 
in  553,  after  the  victory  of  Zama,  when  this  prince 
again  attacked  the  free  cities  of  Greece  and  Asia  al- 
lied to  Rome,  war  was  declared  against  him.  The 
Senate  could  not  forget  that  at  this  last  battle  a  Mac- 


edonian  contingent  was  found  among  the  Carthagin 
ian  troops,  and  that  still  there  remained  in  Greece  v 
large  number  of  Roman  citizens  sold  for  slaves  aftei 
the  battle  of  Cannae.  (l)  Thus  from  each  war  was 
born  a  new  war,  and  every  success  was  destined  tc 
force  the  Republic  into  the  pursuit  of  others.  Now 
the  Adriatic  was  to  be  passed,  first,  to  curb  the  powei 
of  the  Macedonians,  and  then  to  call  to  liberty  those 
famous  towns,  the  cradles  of  civilisation.  The  desti- 
nies of  Greece  could  not  be  a  matter  of  indifference  to 
the  Romans,  who  had  borrowed  her  laws,  her  science, 
her  literature,  and  her  arts. 

Sulpicius,  appointed  to  combat  Philip,  landed  on 
the  coast  of  Epirus,  and  penetrated  into  Macedonia, 
where  he  gained  a  succession  of  victories,  while  one 
of  his  lieutenants,  sent  to  Greece  with  the  fleet,  caused 
the  siege  of  Athens  to  be  raised.  During  two  years 
the  war  languished,  but  the  Roman  fleet,  combined 
with  that  of  Attalus  and  the  Rhodians,  remained  mas- 
ter of  the  sea  (555).  T.  Quinctius  Flaminiuus,  raised 
to  the  consulship  while  still  young,  justified,  by  his  in- 
telligence and  energy,  the  confidence  of  his  fellow-citi- 
zens. He  detached  the  Achaians  and  Boeotians  from 
their  alliance  with  the  King  of  Macedonia,  and,  with 
the  aid  of  the  ^Etolians,  gained  the  battle  of  Cynos- 
cephalae  in  Thessaly  (557),  where  the  legion  routed 
the  celebrated  phalanx  of  Philip  II.  and  Alexander 
the  Great.  Philip  III.,  compelled  to  make  peace,  was 
fain  to  accept  hard  conditions ;  the  first  of  which  was 
the  obligation  to  withdraw  his  garrisons  from  the 

(')  "Achaia   alone  bad  twelve  hundred  for  her  share."     (Titus  Livius, 
XXXIV.  50.) 


towns  of  Greece  and  Asia,  and  the  prohibition  to 
make  war  without  the  permission  of  the  Senate. 

The  recital  of  Livy,  which  speaks  of  the  decree  pro- 
claiming liberty  to  Greece,  deserves  to  be  quoted. 
We  see  there  what  value  the  Senate  then  attached  to 
moral  influence,  and  to  that  true  popularity  which  the 
glory  of  having  freed  a  people  gives : — 

"  The  epoch  of  the  celebration  of  the  Isthmian 
games  generally  attracted  a  great  concourse  of  specta- 
tors, either  because  of  the  natural  taste  of  the  Greeks 
for  all  sorts  of  games,  or  because  of  the  situation  of 
Corinth,  which,  seated  on  two  seas,  offered  easy  access 
to  the  curious.  But  on  this  occasion  an  immense 
multitude  flocked  thither  from  all  parts,  in  expecta- 
tion of  the  future  fate  of  Greece  in  general,  and  of 
each  people  in  particular:  this  was  the  only  subject 
of  thought  and  conversation.  The  Koinans  take  their 
place,  and  the  herald,  according  to  custom,  advances 
into  the  middle  of  the  arena,  whence  the  games  are 
announced  according  to  a  solemn  form.  The  trum- 
pet sounds,  silence  is  proclaimed,  and  the  herald  pro- 
nounces these  wrords :  4  The  Roman  Senate,  and  S.  T. 
Quinctius,  imperator,  conquerors  of  Philip  and  the 
Macedonians,  re-establish  in  the  enjoyment  of  liberty, 
their  laws,  and  privileges,  the  Corinthians,  the  Phoci- 
ans,  the  Locrians,  the  island  of  Eubcea,  the  Magnetes, 
the  Thessalians,  the  Perrhoebi,  and  the  Achaeans  of 
Phthiotis.'  These  were  the  names  of  all  the  nations 
which  had  been  under  the  dominion  of  Philip.  At 
this  proclamation,  the  assembly  was  overcome  with 
excess  of  joy.  Hardly  anybody  could  believe  what 
he  heard.  The  Greeks  looked  at  each  other  as  if 


they  were  still  in  the  illusions  of  a  pleasant  dream,  to 
be  dissipated  on  awakening,  and,  distrusting  the  evi- 
dence of  their  ears,  they  asked  their  neighbours  if 
they  were  not  deceived.  The  herald  is  recalled,  each 
man  burning,  not  only  to  hear,  but  to  see  the  messen- 
ger of  such  good  news ;  he  reads  the  decree  a  second 
time.  Then,  no  longer  able  to  doubt  their  happiness, 
they  uttered  cries  of  joy,  and  bestowed  on  their  liber- 
ator such  loud  and  repeated  applause  as  make  it  easy 
to  see  that,  of  all  good,  liberty  is  that  which  has  most 
charm  for  the  multitude.  Then  the  games  were  cele- 
brated, but  hastily,  and  without  attracting  the  looks 
01*  the  attention  of  the  spectators.  One  interest  alone 
absorbed  their  souls,  and  took  from  them  the  feeling 
of  every  other  pleasure. 

"  The  games  ended,  the  people  rush  towards  the 
Roman  general ;  everybody  is  anxious  to  greet  him, 
to  take  his  hand,  to  cast  before  him  crowns  of  flowers 
and  of  ribbons,  and  the  crowd  was  so  great  that  he 
was  almost  suffocated.  He  was  but  thirty -three 
years  of  age,  and  the  vigour  of  life,  joined  with  the 
intoxication  of  a  glory  so  dazzling,  gave  him  strength 
to  bear  up  against  such  a  trial.  The  joy  of  the  peo- 
ples was  not  confined  to  the  enthusiasm  of  the  mo- 
ment: the  impression  was  kept  up  long  afterwards 
in  their  thoughts  and  speech.  '  There  was  then,'  they 
said, '  one  nation  upon  earth,  which,  at  its  own  cost,  at 
the  price  of  fatigues  and  perils,  made  war  for  the  lib- 
erty of  peoples  even  though  removed  from  their  fron- 
tiers and  continent :  this  nation  crossed  the  seas,  in 
order  that  there  should  not  be  in  the  whole  world 
one  single  unjust  government,  and  that  right,  equity, 


arid  law  should  be  everywhere  dominant.  The  voice 
of  a  herald  had  been  sufficient  to  restore  freedom  to 
all  the  cities  of  Greece  and  Asia.  The  idea  alone  of 
Buch  a  design  supposed  a  rare  greatness1  of  soul ;  but 
to  execute  it  needed  as  much  courage  as  fortune.'"^) 
There  was,  however,  a  shadow  on  the  picture.  All 
Peloponnesus  was  not  freed,  and  Flamininus,  after 
having  taken  several  of  his  possessions  from  Nabis, 
king  of  Sparta,  had  concluded  peace  with  him,  with- 
out continuing  the  siege  of  Lacedsemon,  of  which  he 
dreaded  the  length.  He  feared  also  the  arrival  of  a 
more  dangerous  enemy,  Antiochus  III.,  who  had  al- 
ready reached  Thrace,  and  threatened  to  go  over  into 
Greece  with  a  considerable  army.  For  this  the  allied 
Greeks,  occupied  only  with  their  own  interests,  re- 
proached the  Roman  consul  with  having  concluded 
peace  too  hastily  with  Philip,  whom,  in  their  opinion, 
he  could  have  annihilated.  (2)  But  Flamininus  re- 
plied that  he  was  not  commissioned  to  dethrone  Phil- 
ip, and  that  the  existence  of  the  kingdom  of  Macedo- 
nia was  necessary  as  a  barrier  against  the  barbarians 
of  Thrace,  Illyria,  and  Gaul.  (3)  Meanwhile,  accom- 
panied even  to  their  ships  by  the  acclamations  of  the 
people,  the  Roman  troops  evacuated  the  cities  restored 
to  liberty  (560),  and  Flamininus  returned  to  a  triumph 
at  Rome,  bringing  with  him  that  glorious  protector- 

(')  Titus  Livius,  XXXIII.  32. 

(3)  "The  allies  exclaimed  that  the  war  must  be  continued,  and  the  tyrant 
exterminated,  without  which  the  liberty  of  Greece  would  be  always  in  danger. 
It  would  have  been  better  not  to  have  taken  up  arms  at  all  than  to  lay  them 
down  without  having  attained  the  end.  The  consul  replied,  '  If  the  siege  of 
Lacedjemon  retained  the  army  a  long  time,  what  other  troops  could  Rome  op- 
pose to  a  monarch  (Antiochus)  so  powerful  and  so  formidable  ?' "  (Titns  Liv- 
ius, XXXIV.  33.)  (3)  Titus  Livius,  XXXIII.  12. 

9  N 


ate  of  Greece,  so  long  an  object  of  envy  to  the  success- 
ors of  Alexander. 

VIII.  The  policy  of  the  Senate  had  been  to  make 
wragninstAntio-  Macedonia  a  rampart  against  the  Thra- 
ehus  (563).  cians,  and  Greece  herself  a  rampart 

against  Macedonia.  But,  though  the  Romans  had 
freed  the  Achaean  league,  they  did  not  intend  to  cre- 
ate a  formidable  power  or  confederation.  Then,  as 
formerly,  the  Athenians,  the  Spartans,  the  Boeotians, 
the  ^Etolians,  and,  finally,  the  Achseans,  each  endeav- 
oured to  constitute  an  Hellenic  league  for  their  own 
advantage;  and  each  aspiring  to  dominate  over  the 
others,  turned  alternately  to  those  from  whom  it 
hoped  the  most  efficient  support  at  the  time.  In  the 
Hellenic  peninsula,  properly  so  called,  the  ^Etolians, 
to  whose  territory  the  Senate  had  promised  to  join 
Phocis  and  Locris,  coveted  the  cities  of  Thessaly, 
which  the  Romans  obstinately  refused  them. 

Thus,  although  reinstated  in  the  possession  of  their 
independence,  neither  the  ^Etolians,  the  Achaeans,  nor 
yet  the  Spartans,  were  satisfied:  they  all  dreamt 
of  aggrandisement.  The  ^Etolians,  more  impatient, 
made,  in.  562,  three  simultaneous  attempts  against 
Thessaly,  the  island  of  Eubcea,  and  Peloponnesus. 
Having  only  succeeded  in  seizing  Demetrias,  they 
called  Antiochus  IH.  to  Greece,  that  they  might  place 
him  at  the  head  of  the  hegemony,  which  they  sought 
in  vain  to  obtain  from  the  Romans. 

The  better  part  of  the  immense  heritage  left  by 
Alexander  the  Great  had  fallen  to  this  prince.  Al- 
ready, some  years  before,  Flarnininus  had  given  him 


notice  that  it  belonged  to  the  honour  of  the  Republic 
not  to  abandon  Greece,  of  which  the  Roman  people 
had  loudly  proclaimed  itself  the  liberator ;  and  that 
after  having  delivered  it  from  the  yoke  of  Philip,  the 
Senate  now  wished  to  free  from  the  dominion  of  Anti- 
oqhus  all  the  Asian  cities  of  Hellenic  origin.  (*)  Han- 
nibal, who  had  taken  refuge  with  the  King  of  Syria, 
encouraged  him  to  resist,  by  engaging  him  to  carry 
the  struggle  into  Italy,  as  he  himself  had  done.  War 
was  then  declared  by  the  Romans.  To  maintain  the 
independence  of  Greece  against  an  Asiatic  prince  was 
at  once  to  fulfil  treaties  and  undertake  the  defence  of 
civilisation  against  barbarism.  Thus,  in  proclaiming 
the  most  generous  ideas,  the  Republic  justified  its  am- 
bition. 

The  services  rendered  by  Rome  were  already  for- 
gotten. (2)  Antiochus  thus  found  numerous  allies 
in  Greece,  secret  or  declared.  He  organised  a  formi- 
dable confederacy,  into  which  entered  the  ^Etolians, 
the  Athamanes,  the  Elians,  and  the  Boeotians,  and, 
having  landed  at  Chalcis,  conquered  Euboea  and 
Thessaly.  The  Romans  opposed  to  him  the  King  of 
Macedonia  and  the  Achaeans.  Beaten  at  Thermopy- 
lae, in  563,  by  the  consul  Acilius  Glabrio,  aided  by 
Philip,  the  King  of  Syria  withdrew  to  Asia,  and  the 
^Etolians,  left  to  themselves,  demanded  peace,  which 
was  granted  them  in  563. 

It  was  not  enough  to  have  compelled  Antiochus  to 
abandon  Greece.  L.  Scipio,  having  his  brother,  the 

(1)  Titus  Livius,  XXXIV.  58. 

(2)  "  Other  peoples  of  Greece  had  shown  in  this  way  a  no  less  culpable  for- 
getfulness  of  the  benefits  of  the  Roman  people."    (Titus  Livius,  XXXVI.  22.) 


vanquisher  of  Carthage,  for  his  lieutenant,  went  in 
564  to  seek  him  out  in  his  own  territory.  Philip  fa- 
voured the  passage  of  the  Roman  army,  which  cross- 
ed Macedonia,  Thrace,  and  the  Hellespont  without 
difficulty.  The  victories  gained  at  Myonnesus  by  sea, 
and  at  Magnesia  by  land,  terminated  the  campaign, 
and  compelled  Antiochus  to  yield  up  all  his  prov- 
inces on  this  side  Mount  Taurus,  and  pay  15,000  tal- 
ents— a  third  more  than  the  tax  imposed  on  Carthage 
after  the  second  Punic  war.  The  Senate,  far  from  re- 
ducing Asia  then  to  a  province,  exacted  only  just  and 
moderate  conditions.  (*)  All  the  Greek  towns  of  that 
country  were  declared  free,  and  the  Romans  only  oc- 
cupied certain  important  points,  and  enriched  their  al- 
lies at  the  expense  of  Syria.  The  King  of  Pergamus 
and  the  Rhodian  fleet  had  seconded  the  Roman  army. 
Eumenes  II.,  the  successor  of  Attalus  I.,  saw  his  king- 
dom increased ;  Rhodes  obtained  Lycia  and  Caria ; 
Ariarathes,  king  of  Cappadocia,  who  had  given  aid  to 
Antiochus,  paid  two  hundred  talents.  (2) 

IX.  The  prompt  submission  of  the  East  was  a  for- 
Thewarmthecia-  *unate  occurrence  for  the  Republic,  for 
aipme  (55S-579).  near  a^.  jjQjn^  enemies,  always  eager  and 

watchful,  might  at  any  moment,  supported  or  excited 
by  their  brethren  on  the  other  side  of  the  Alps,  attack 
her  in  the  very  centre  of  her  empire. 

Indeed,  since  the  time  of  Hannibal,  war  had  been 
perpetuated  in  the  Cisalpine,  the  bellicose  tribes  of 
which,  though  often  beaten,  engaged  continually  in 

(')  Titus  Livius,  XXXVII.  43. 
(s)  Appian,  Wars  of  Hannibal,  43. 


new  insurrections.  The  settlement  of  the  affairs  of 
Macedonia  left  the  Senate  free  to  act  with  more  vig- 
our, and  in  558  the  defeat  of  the  Ligures,  of  the  Boii, 
of  the  Insubres,  and  of  the  Cenomani,  damped  the  ar- 
dour of  these  barbarous  peoples.  The  Ligures  and 
the  Boii,  however,  continued  the  strife;  but  the  bloody 
battle  of  561,  fought  near  Modena,  and,  later,  the  rav- 
ages committed  by  L.  Flamininus,  brother  of  the  con- 
queror of  Cynoscephalse,  and  Scipio  Nasica,  during  the 
following  years,  obliged  the  Boii  to  treat.  Compelled 
to  yield  the  half  of  their  territory,  they  retired  towards 
the  Danube  in  564,  and  three  years  afterwards  Cis- 
alpine Gaul  was  formed  into  a  Roman  province. 

As  to  the  Ligures,  they  maintained  a  war  of  despe- 
ration to  the  end  of  the  century.  Their  resistance 
was  such  that  Koine  was  obliged  to  meet  it  with 
measures  of  excessive  rigour;  and  in  574,  more  than 
47,000  Ligures  were  transported  into  a  part  of  Sam- 
mum  which  had  been  left  almost  without  inhabitants 
since  the  war  with  Hannibal.  In  581,  lands  beyond 
the  Po  were  distributed  to  other  Ligures.  (*)  Every 
year  the  frontiers  receded  more  towards  the  north, 
and  military  roads,  (2)  the  foundation  of  important 
colonies,  secured  the  march  of  the  armies — a  system 
which  had  been  interrupted  during  the  second  Punic 
war,  but  was  afterwards  adopted,  and  especially  ap- 
plied to  the  south  of  Italy  and  the  Cisalpine.  (3) 

(')  Titus  Livius,  XL.  38 ;  XLII.  22. 

(2)  Roads  from  Arezzo  to  Bologna,  from  Placentia  to  Rimini  (Titus  Livius, 
XXXIX.  2),  and  from  Bologna  to  Aquileia. 

(3)  ROMAN  COLONIES— 488-608. 

JEsulum  (f>07),  or  ^Esium,  according  to  Mommsen,  Jesi  in  Umbria,  on  the 
River  JKsis. 


In  achieving  the  submission  of  this  last  province, 
Rome  had  put  an  end  to  other  less  important  wars. 

ROMAN  COLONIES — Continued. 

Alsium  (507),  a  maritime  colony,  Etruria  (  Via  Aurelia) ;  Palo,  near  Porto. 
Fregence  (509),  a  maritime  colony,  Etruria  (  Via  Aurelia) ;  Torre  Maccarese. 
Pyrgi  (before  536),  maritime  colony,  Etruria  (  Via  Aurelia) ;  Santa  Severa. 
Castrutn  (555),  Pagus,  near  Sylaceum;  Bruttium,  near  Squillace;  united 

in  631  to  the  colony  Minerviae. 

Puteoli  (560),  maritime  colony,  Campania ;  Pozzuoli;  Prefecture. 
Vulturmtm  (560),  maritime  colony,  Campania;   Castelamare,  or  Castel  di 

Volturno ;  Prefecture. 
Liternum  (560),  maritime  colony,  Campania ;  Tor  di  Patria,  near  the  Logo 

di  Patriot;  Prefecture. 
Salemum  (560),  maritime  colony,  Campania ;  Salerno;  decreed  three  years 

before. 

Buxentum  (560),  maritime  colony,  Lucania ;  Policastro. 
Sipontum  (560),  maritime  colony,  Apulia ;  Santa  Maria  di  Sijtonto ;  recolo- 

nised. 
Tempsa  (Temesa)  (560),  maritime  colony,  Bruttium ;  perhaps  near  to  Torre 

del  Piano  del  Casale. 

Croton  (560),  maritime  colony,  Bruttium  ;   Cotrone. 

Potentia  (570),  maritime  colony,  Picenum ;  Porto  di  Potenza,  or  di  Ricanali. 
Pisaurum  (570),  maritime  colony,  Gaulish  Umbria  (  Via  Flaminia);  Pesaro. 
Parma  (571),  Cispadane  Gaul  (  Via  ^Emilia) ;  Parma;  Prefecture. 
Mutitia  (571),  Cispadane  Gaul  (  Via  ^Emilia) ;  Modena;  Prefecture. 
Saturnia  (571),  Etruria  (centre);  Satwnia. 
Graviscce  (573),  maritime  colony,  Etruria  (south)  (Via  Aurelia);  San  Cle- 

mentino  or  Le  Saline  (?). 

Luna  (577),  Etruria  (north),  (  Via  Aurelia) ;  Luni,  near  Sarzana. 
Auximum  (597),  maritime  colony,  Picenum  ;   Osimo. 
LATIN  COLONIES  :  488-608. 

Firmum  (490),  Picenum  (  Via  Valeria) ;  Fermo. 

sEsernia  (491),  Samnium  ;  Isernia. 

Brundisium  (510);  lapygian  Calabria  (  Via  Egnatia~) ;  Brindisi. 

Spoletum  (513),  Umbria  (Via  Flaminia);  Spoleto. 

Cremona  (536),  Transpadane  Gaul;    Cremona;  reinforced  in  560. 

Placentia  (536),  Cispadane  Gaul  (  Via  ^Emilia) ;  Piacenza. 

Copies  (territory  of  Thurium)  (561),  Lucania. 

Fiio,  or  Vibona  Valcntia,  called  also  Hipponium,  Bruttium  (565,  or  perhaps 

515);  Bibona.     Monte-Leone. 

Bononia  (565),  Cispadane  Gaul  (  Via  sEmilia') ;  Bologna. 
Aquileia  (573),  Transpadane  Gaul ;  Aquileia. 
Carteia  (573),  Spain ;  St.  Roque,  in  the  Bay  of  Gibraltar. 


In  577  she  reduced  the  Istrians;  in  579,  the  Sardin- 
ians and  the  Corsicans ;  finally,  from  569  to  573,  she 
extended  her  conquests  into  Spain,  where  she  met  the 
same  enemies  as  Carthage  had  encountered. 

X.  For  twenty-six  years  had  peace  been  maintained 
war  against  Persia  with  Philip,  the  JEtolians  vanquished,  the 
peoples  of  Asia  subdued,  and  the  greater 
part  of  Greece  restored  to  liberty.  Profiting  by  its 
co-operation  with  the  Romans  against  Antiochus,  the 
Achaean  league  had  largely  increased,  and  Philopcemen 
had  brought  into  it  Sparta,  Messene,  and  the  island 
of  Zacynthus ;  but  these  countries,  impatient  of  the 
Achaean  rule,  soon  sought  to  free  themselves  from  it. 
Thus  was  realised  the  prediction  of  Philip,  who  told 
the  Thessalian  envoys,  after  the  battle  of  Cynoscepha- 
lae,  that  the  Romans  would  soon  repent  of  having  giv- 
en liberty  to  peoples  incapable  of  enjoying  it,  and 
whose  dissensions  and  jealousies  would  always  keep 
up  a  dangerous  agitation.  (l)  In  fact,  Sparta  and 
Messene  rebelled,  and  sued  for  help  from  Rome. 
Philopoemen,  after  having  cruelly  punished  the  first 
of  these  cities,  perished  in  his  struggle  with  the  sec- 
ond. Thessaly  and  ^Etolia  were  torn  by  anarchy  and 
civil  war. 

Whilst  the  Republic  was  occupied  in  restoring 
tranquillity  to  these  countries,  a  new  adversary  came 
to  imprudently  attract  its  wrath.  One  would  say  that 
Fortune,  while  raising  up  so  many  enemies  against 
Rome,  took  pleasure  in  delivering  them,  one  after  the 
other,  into  her  hands.  The  old  legend  of  Horatius 

(')  Titus  Livius,  XXXIX.  26. 


killing  the  three  Curiatii  in  succession  was  a  lesson 
which  the  Senate  had  never  forgotten. 

Perseus,  heir  to  his  father's  crown  and  enmities,  had 
taken  advantage  of  the  peace  to  increase  his  army 
and  his  resources,  to  make  allies,  and  to  rouse  up  the 
kings  and  peoples  of  the  East  against  Rome.  Be- 
sides the  warlike  population  of  his  own  country,  he 
had  at  his  beck  barbarous  peoples  like  the  Illyrians, 
the  Thracians,  and  the  Bastarnse,  dwelling  not  far 
from  the  Danube.  Notwithstanding  the  treaty,  which 
forbad  Macedonia  to  make  war  without  the  consent 
of  the  Senate,  Perseus  had  silently  aggrandised  him- 
self on  the  side  of  Thrace ;  he  had  placed  garrisons 
in  the  maritime  cities  of  Oenoe  and  Maronia,  excited 
the  Dardanians  (J)  to  war,  brought  under  subjection 
the  Dolopes,  and  advanced  as  far  as  Delphi.  (2)  He 
endeavored  to  draw  the  Achseans  into  an  alliance, 
and  skilfully  obtained  the  good-will  of  the  Greeks. 
Eumenes  II.,  king  of  Pergamus,  who,  like  his  father 
Attaius  I.,  feared  the  encroachments  of  Macedonia, 
denounced  at  Rome  this  infraction  of  the  old  treaties. 
The  fear  with  which  a  powerful  prince  inspired  him, 
and  the  gratitude  which  he  owed  to  the  Republic  for 
the  aggrandisement  of  his  kingdom  after  the  Asian 
war,  obliged  him  to  cultivate  the  friendship  of  the 
Roman  people.  In  582  he  came  to  Rome,  and,  hon- 
ourably received  by  the  Senate,  forgot  nothing  which 
might  excite  it  against  Perseus,  whom  he  accused  of 
ambitious  designs  hostile  to  the  Republic.  This  de- 
nunciation raised  violent  enmities  against  Eumenes. 
On  his  way  back  to  his  kingdom,  he  was  attacked  by 

(')  Titus  Livius,  XLI.  19.  (')  Titus  Livius,  XLI.  22. 


assassins,  and  dangerously  wounded.  Suspicion  fell 
on  the  Macedonian  monarch,  not  without  show  of 
reason,  and  was  taken  by  the  Republic  as  sufficient 
ground  for  declaring  war  on  a  prince  whose  power 
began  to  offend  it. 

Bold  in  planning,  Perseus  displayed  cowardice 
when  it  was  necessary  to  act.  After  having  from  the 
first  haughtily  rejected  the  Roman  claims,  he  waited 
in  Thessaly  for  their  army,  which,  ill-commanded  and 
ill-organised,  was  beaten  by  his  lieutenants  and  re- 
pulsed into  mountain  gorges,  where  it  might  have 
been  easily  destroyed.  He  then  offered  peace  to  P. 
Licinius  Crassus ;  but,  notwithstanding  his  check,  the 
consul  replied,  with  all  the  firmness  of  the  Roman 
character,  that  peace  was  only  possible  if  Perseus 
would  abandon  his  person  and  his  kingdom  to  the 
discretion  of  the  Senate.  (*)  Struck  by  so  much  as- 
surance, the  king  recalled  his  troops,  and  suffered  the 
enemy  to  effect  his  retreat  undisturbed.  The  inca- 
pacity of  the  Roman  generals,  however,  their  violences, 
and  the  want  of  discipline  among  the  soldiers,  had  al- 
ienated the  Greeks,  who  naturally  preferred  a  prince 
of  their  own  race  to  a  foreign  captain ;  moreover,  they 
did  not  see  the  Macedonians  get  the  better  of  the  Ro- 
mans without  a  certain  satisfaction.  In  their  eyes,  it 
was  the  Hellenic  civilisation  overthrowing  the  pre- 
sumption of  the  Western  barbarians. 

The  campaigns  of  584  and  585  were  not  more  for- 
tunate for  the  Roman  arms.  A  consul  had  the  rash 
idea  of  invading  Macedonia  by  the  passes  of  Calli- 
peuce,  where  his  army  would  have  been  annihilated 

(l)  Titus  Livius,  XLII.  G2. 
9* 


if  the  king  had  had  the  courage  to  defend  himself 
At  the  approach  of  the  legions  he  took  to  flight,  and 
the  Komans  escaped  from  their  perilous  position  with- 
out loss.  (l)  At  length,  the  people,  feeling  the  neces- 
sity of  having  an  eminent  man  at  the  head  of  the 
army,  nominated  Paulus  ^Emilius  consul,  who  had 
given  many  proofs  of  his  military  talents  in  the  Cis- 
alpine. Already  the  greater  part  of  the  Gallo-grseci 
were  in  treaty  with  Perseus.  The  Illyrians  and  the 
people  of  the  Danube  offered  to  second  him.  The 
Rhodians,  and  the  King  of  Pergamus  himself,  per- 
suaded that  Fortune  was  going  to  declare  herself  for 
the  King  of  Macedonia,  made  him  offers  of  alliance ; 
he  chaffered  with  them  with  the  most  inexplicable 
levity.  In  the  mean  time,  the  Roman  army,  ably 
conducted,  advanced  by  forced  marches.  One  single 
combat  terminated  the  war ;  and  the  battle  of  Pydna, 
in  586,  once  more  proved  the  superiority  of  the  Ro- 
man legion  over  the  phalanx.  This,  however,  did  not 
yield  ingloriously ;  and,  though  abandoned  by  their 
king,  who  fled,  the  Macedonian  hoplites  died  at  their 
post. 

When  they  heard  of  this  defeat,  Eumenes  and  the 
Rhodians  hastened  to  wipe  out  the  remembrance  of 
their  ever  having  doubted  the  fortune  of  Rome  (2)  by 
the  swiftness  of  their  repentance.  At  the  same  time, 
L.  Anicius  conquered  Illyria  and  seized  the  person  of 
Gentius.  Macedonia  was  divided  into  four  states 
called  free,  that  is  to  say,  presided  over  by  magis- 
trates chosen  by  themselves,  but  under  the  protector- 
ate of  the  Republic.  By  the  law  imposed  on  these 

(')  Titus  Livius,  XLI.  5.  (")  Titus  Livius,  XLV.  21  et  seq. 


new  provinces,  all  marriages,  and  all  exchange  of  im- 
movable property,  were  interdicted  between  the  citi- 
zens of  different  states,  (x)  and  the  imports  reduced 
one-half.  As  we  see,  the  Republic  applied  the  sys- 
tem practised  in  416  to  dissolve  the  Latin  confeder- 
acy, and  later,  in  449,  that  of  the  Hernici.  Illyria 
was  also  divided  into  three  parts.  The  towns  which 
had  first  yielded  were  exempt  from  all  tribute,  and 
the  taxes  of  the  others  reduced  to  half.  (2) 

It  is  not  uninteresting  to  recall  to  mind  how  Livy 
appreciates  the  institutions  which  Macedonia  and  Il- 
lyria received  at  this  epoch.  "It  was  decreed,"  he 
says, "  that  liberty  should  be  given  to  the  Macedoni- 
ans and  Illyrians,  to  prove  to  the  whole  universe  that, 
in  carrying  their  arms  so  far,  the  object  of  the  Romans 
was  to  deliver  the  enslaved  peoples,  not  to  enslave 
the  free  peoples;  to  guarantee  to  these  last  their  in- 
dependence, to  the  nations  subject  to  kings  a  milder 
and  more  just  government;  and  to  convince  them 
that,  in  the  wars  which  might  break  out  between  the 
Republic  and  their  sovereigns,  the  result  would  be 
the  liberty  of  the  peoples :  Rome  reserving  to  herself 
only  the  honour  of  victory."  (3) 

Greece,  and  above  all  Epirus,  sacked  by  Paulus 
^Eniilius,  underwent  the  penalty  of  defection.  As  to 
the  Achaean  league,  the  fidelity  of  which  had  ap-- 
peared  doubtful,  nearly  a  thousand  of  the  principal 

(')  Titus  Livius,  XLV.  29.  (2)  Titus  Livius,  XLV.  26. 

(3)  Titus  Livius,  XLV.  18. — "The  laws  given  to  the  Macedonians  by  Paulus 
JEmilius  were  so  wisely  framed,  that  they  seemed  to  have  been  made  not  for 
vanquished  enemies,  but  for  allies  whose  services  it  was  desired  to  reward ;  and 
in  which,  after  a  long  course  of  years,  use,  the  sole  reformer  of  laws,  showed 
nothing  defective."  (Titus  Livius,  XLV.  32.) 


citizens,  guilty  or  suspected  of  having  favoured  the 
Macedonians,  were  sent  as  hostages  to  Rome.  (J) 

XL  In  carrying  her  victorious  arms  through  almost 
Modification  of  RO-  a11  tte  Borders  of  the  Mediterranean,  the 
Republic  had  hitherto  obeyed  either  le- 
gitimate needs  or  generous  inspirations.  Care  for 
her  future  greatness,  for  her  existence  even,  made  it 
absolute  on  her  to  dispute  the  empire  of  the  sea  with 
Carthage.  Hence  the  wars,  of  which  Sicily,  Sardinia, 
Spain,  Italy,  and  Africa,  by  turns,  became  the  theatre. 
It  was  also  her  duty  to  combat  the  warlike  peoples 
of  the  Cisalpine,  that  she  might  ensure  the  safety  of 
her  frontiers.  As  to  the  expeditions  of  Macedonia 
and  Asia,  Rome  had  been  drawn  into  them  by  the 
conduct  of  foreign  kings,  their  violation  of  treaties, 
their  guilty  plottings,  and  their  attacks  on  her  allies. 

To  conquer  thus  became  to  her  an  obligation,  un- 
der pain  of  seeing  fall  to  ruin  the  edifice  which  she 
had  built  up  at  the  price  of  so  many  sacrifices ;  and, 
what  is  remarkable,  she  showed  herself  after  victory 
magnificent  towards  her  allies,  clement  to  the  van- 
quished, and  moderate  in  her  pretensions.  Leaving 
to  the  kings  all  the  glory  of  the  throne,  and  to  the 
nations  their  laws  and  liberties,  she  had  reduced  to 
Roman  provinces  only  a  part  of  Spain,  Sicily,  Sar- 
dinia, and  Cisalpine  Gaul.  In  Sicily  she  preserved 
the  most  intimate  alliance  with  Hiero,  tyrant  of  Syra- 
cuse, for  fifty  years.  The  constant  support  of  this 
prince  must  have  shown  the  Senate  how  much  such 
alliances  were  preferable  to  direct  dominion.  In 

(')  Polybius,  XXX.  10 ;  XXXV.  G. 


Spain  she  augmented  the  territory  of  all  the  chiefs 
who  consented  to  become  her  allies.  After  the  bat- 
tle of  Cynoscephalse,  as  after  that  of  Magnesia,  she 
maintained  on  their  thrones  Philip  and  Antiochus, 
and  imposed  on  this  last  only  the  same  conditions  as 
those  offered  before  the  victory.  If,  after  the  battle 
of  Pydna,  she  overthrew  Perseus,  it  was  because  he 
had  openly  violated  his  engagements ;  but  she  gave 
equitable  laws  to  Macedonia.  Justice  then  ruled  her 
conduct,  even  towards  her  oldest  rival ;  for  when 
Masinissa  asked  the  help  of  the  Senate  in  his  quar- 
rels with  Carthage,  he  received  for  answer  that,  even 
in  his  favour,  justice  could  not  be  sacrificed.  (*) 

In  Egypt  her  protection  preserved  the  crown  on 
the  head  of  Ptolemy  Philometor  and  of  his  sister 
Cleopatra.  (2)  Finally,  when  all  the  kings  came  after 
the  victory  of  Pydna  to  offer  their  congratulations  to 
the  Roman  people,  and  to  implore  their  protection, 
the  Senate  regulated  their  demands  with  extreme  jus- 
tice. Eumenes,  himself  an  object  of  suspicion,  sent 
his  brother  Attains  to  Rome ;  and  he,  willing  to  prof- 
it by  the  favourable  impression  he  had  made,  thought 
to  ask  for  him  a  part  of  the  kingdom  of  Pergamus. 
He  was  recommended  to  give  up  the  design.  The 
Senate  restored  his  son  to  Cotys,king  of  Thrace,  with- 
out ransom,  saying  that  the  Roman  people  did  not 
make  a  tramc  of  their  benefits.  (3)  Finally,  in  the 

(')  Titus  Livius,  XLII.  24. — We  see  by  the  following  passage  in  Livy  that 
Masinissa  feared  the  justice  of  the  Senate  as  against  his  own  interest:  "If 
Perseus  had  had  the  advantage,  and  it  Carthage  had  been  deprived  of  the  Roman 
protection,  nothing  would  then  have  hindered  Masinissa  from  conquering  all 
Africa."  (Titus  Livius,  XLII.  29.) 

(»)  Titus  Livius,  XLV.  13.  (3)  Titus  Livius,  XLV.  42. 


disputes  between  Prusias,  king  of  Bithynia,  and  the 
Gallo-graecians,  it  declared  that  justice  alone  could 
dictate  its  decision.  (') 

How,  then,  did  so  much  nobleness  of  views,  so 
much  magnanimity  in  success,  so  much  prudence  in 
conduct  seem  to  be  belied,  dating  from  that  period  of 
twenty-two  years  which  divides  the  war  against  Per- 
sia from  the  third  Punic  war?  Because  too  much 
success  dazzles  nations  as  well  as  kings.  When  the 
Romans  began  to  think  that  nothing  could  resist 
them  in  the  future  because  nothing  had  resisted  them 
in  the  past,  they  believed  that  all  was  permitted 
them.  They  no  longer  made  war  to  protect  their  al- 
lies, defend  their  frontiers,  or  destroy  coalitions,  but 
to  crush  the  weak,  and  use  nations  for  their  own  prof- 
it. We  must  also  acknowledge  that  the  inconstancy 
of  the  peoples,  faithful  in  appearance,  but  always 
plotting  some  defection,  and  the  hatred  of  the  kings, 
concealing  their  resentment  under  a  show  of  abase- 
ment, concurred  to  render  the  Republic  more  suspi- 
cious and  more  exacting,  and  caused  it  to  count  from 
henceforth  rather  on  its  subjects  than  on  its  allies. 
Vainly  did  the  Senate  seek  to  follow  the  grand  tra- 
ditions of  the  past ;  it  was  no  longer  strong  enough 
to  curb  individual  ambitions;  and  the  same  institu- 
tions which  formerly  brought  forth  the  virtues,  now 
only  protected  the  vices  of  aggrandised  Rome.  The 
generals  dared  no  longer  to  obey;  thus, the  consul 
Cn.  Manlius  attacks  the  Gallo-graecians  in  Asia  with- 
out the  orders  of  the  Senate ;  (2)  A.  Manlius  takes  on 

(l)  Titus  Livius,  XLV.  44. 
(')  Titus  Livius,  XXXVIII.  45. 


himself  to  make  an  expedition  into  Istria;(')  the 
consul  C.  Cassius  abandons  the  Cisalpine,  his  prov- 
ince, and  attempts  of  his  own  accord  to  penetrate  into 
Macedonia  by  Illyria ;  (2)  the  praetor  Furius,  on  his 
own  authority,  disarms  one  of  the  peoples  of  Cisal- 
pine Gaul,  the  Cenomani,  at  peace  with  Rome ;  (3) 
Popilius  Lsenas  attacks  the  Statiellates  without  cause, 
and  sells  ten  thousand  of  them ;  others  also  oppress 
the  peoples  of  Spain.  (4)  All  these  things  doubtless 
incur  the  blame  of  the  Senate ;  the  consuls  and  prae- 
tors are  disavowed,  even  accused,  but  their  disobedi- 
ence none  the  less  remain  unpunished,  and  the  accu- 
sations without  result.  In  599,  it  is  true,L.Lentulus, 
consul  in  the  preceding  year,  underwent  condemna- 
tion for  exaction,  but  that  did  not  prevent  him  from 
being  raised  again  to  the  chief  honours.  (5) 

As  long  as  the  object  was  only  to  form  men  des- 
tined for  a  modest  part  on  a  narrow  theatre,  nothing 
was  better  than  the  annual  election  of  the  consuls 
and  praetors,  by  which,  in  a  certain  space  of  time,  a 
great  number  of  the  principal  citizens  of  both  the  pa- 
trician and  plebeian  nobility  participated  in  the  high- 
est offices.  Powers  thus  exercised  under  the  eyes 
of  their  fellow-citizens,  rather  for  honour  than  inter- 
est, obliged  them  to  be  worthy  of  their  trust;  but 
when,  leading  their  legions  into  the  most  remote 
countries,  the  generals,  far  from  all  control,  and  in- 
vested with  absolute  power,  enriched  themselves  by 

(')  Titus  Livius,  XLI.  7.  (2)  Titus  Livius,  XLIII.  1. 

(3)  Titus  Livius,  XXXIX.  3. 

(4)  "It  was  commonly  said  that  the  masters  of  the  Spanish  provinces  them- 
selves opposed  the  prosecution  of  noble  and  powerful  persons. "    (Titus  Livius, 
XLIII.  2.)  (s)  Valerius  Maximus,  VI.  ix.  10. 


tlie  spoils  of  the  vanquished,  dignities  were  sought 
merely  to  furnish  them  with  wealth  during  their 
short  continuance.  The  frequent  re-election  of  the 
magistrates,  in  multiplying  the  contests  of  candidates, 
multiplied  the  ambitious,  who  scrupled  at  nothing  to 
attain  their  object.  Thus  Montesquieu  justly  ob- 
serves, that  "  good  laws  which  have  made  a  small  re- 
public great,  become  a  burden  to  it  when  it  has  in- 
creased, because  their  natural  effect  was  to  create  a 
grand  people,  and  not  to  govern  it."  (') 

The  remedy  for  this  overflowing  of  unruly  passions 
would  have  been,  on  the  one  hand,  to  moderate  the 
desire  for  conquest;  on  the  other,  to  diminish  the 
number  of  aspirants  to  power,  by  giving  them  a  lon- 
ger term  of  duration.  But  then,  the  people  alone, 
guided  by  its  instincts,  felt  the  need  of  remedying 
this  defect  in  the  institution,  by  retaining  in  authori- 
ty those  who  had  their  confidence.  Thus,  they  wish- 
ed to  appoint  Scipio  Africanus  perpetual  dictator;  (2) 
while  pretended  reformers,  such  as  Portius  Cato,  en- 
slaved to  old  customs,  and  in  a  spirit  of  exaggerated 
rigorism,  made  laws  to  interdict  the  same  man  from 
aspiring  twice  to  the  consulship,  and  to  advance  the 
age  at  which  it  was  lawful  to  try  for  this  high  office. 

All  these  measures  were  contrary  to  the  object  at 
which  they  aimed.  In  maintaining  annual  elections, 
the  way  was  left  free  to  vulgar  covetousness ;  in  ex- 
cluding youth  from  high  functions,  they  repressed  the 
impulses  of  those  choice  natures  which  early  reveal 

(')  Montesquieu,  Grandeur  et  Decadence  des  Romains,  ix.  66. 
(s)  Scipio  reproves  the  people,  who  wished  to  make  him  perpetual  consul 
and  dictator.     (Titus  Livius,  XXXVIII.  56.) 


themselves,  and  the  exceptional  elevation  of  which 
had  so  often  saved  Rome  from  the  greatest  disasters. 
Have  we  not  seen,  for  example,  in  406,  Marcus  Vale- 
rius Corvus,  raised  to  the  consulate  at  twenty-three 
years  of  age,  gain  the  battle  of  Mount  Gaurus  against 
the  feamnites ;  Scipio  Africanus,  nominated  proconsul 
at  twenty-four,  conquer  Spain  and  humiliate  Carthage; 
the  consul  Quinctius  Flamininus,  at  thirty,  carry  off 
from  Philip  the  victory  of  Cynoscephalse  ?  Finally, 
Scipio  ^Emilianus,  who  is  to  destroy  Carthage,  will  be 
elected  consul,  even  before  the  age  fixed  by  the  law 
of  Cato. 

No  doubt,  Cato  the  Censor,  honest  and  incorrupti- 
ble, had  the  laudable  design  of  arresting  the  decline 
of  morals.  But,  instead  of  attacking  the  cause,  he 
only  attacked  the  effect ;  instead  of  strengthening  au- 
thority, he  tended  to  weaken  it ;  instead  of  leaving 
the  nations  a  certain  independence,  he  urged  the  Sen- 
ate to  bring  them  all  under  its  absolute  dominion; 
instead  of  adopting  what  came  from  Greece  with 
an  enlightened  discernment,  he  indiscriminately  con- 
demned all  that  was  of  foreign  origin.  (*)  There  was 
in  Cato's  austerity  more  ostentation  than  real  virtue. 
Thus,  during  his  censorship,  he  expelled  Manlius  from 
the  Senate  for  having  kissed  his  wife  before  his  daugh- 
ter in  open  daylight ;  he  took  pleasure  in  regulating 
the  toilette  and  extravagance  of  the  Roman  ladies ; 
and,  by  an  exaggerated  disinterestedness,  he  sold  his 

/       «/  <_?<lj 

(l)  Cato  used  interpreters  in  speaking  to  the  Athenians,  though  he  under- 
stood Greek  perfectly.  (Plutarch,  Cato  the  Censor,  18.) — It  was  an  old  habit  of 
the  Romans,  indeed,  to  address  strangers  only  in  Latin.  (Valerius  Maximus, 
II.  ii.  2.) 

o 


horse  when  he  quitted  Spain,  to  save  the  Republic 
the  cost  of  transport.  (J) 

But  the  Senate  contained  men  less  absolute,  and 
wiser  appreciators  of  the  needs  of  the  age ;  they  de- 
sired to  repress  abuses,  to  carry  out  a  policy  of  mod- 
eration, to  curb  the  spirit  of  conquest,  and  to  accept 
from  Greece  all  that  she  had  of  good.  Scipio  Nasica 
and  Scipio  ^Emilianus  figured  among  the  most  impor- 
tant. (2)  One  did  not  reject  whatever  might  soften 
manners  and  increase  human  knowledge ;  the  other 
cultivated  the  new  muses,  and  was  even  said  to  have 
assisted  Terence. 

The  irresistible  inclination  of  the  people  towards 
all  that  elevates  the  soul  and  ennobles  existence  was 
not  to  be  arrested.  Greece  had  brought  to  Italy  her 
literature,  her  arts,  her  science,  her  eloquence;  and 
when,  in  597,  there  came  to  Home  three  celebrated 
philosophers — Carneades  the  Academician,  Diogenes 
the  Stoic,  and  Critolaus  the  Peripatetic — as  ambassa- 
dors from  Athens,  they  produced  an  immense  sensa- 
tion. The  young  men  flocked  in  crowds  to  see  and 
hear  them ;  the  Senate  itself  approved  this  homage 
paid  to  men  whose  talent  must  polish,  by  the  culture 
of  letters,  minds  still  rude  and  unformed.  (3)  Cato 
alone,  inexorable,  pretended  that  these  ails  would 
soon  corrupt  the  Roman  youth,  and  destroy  its  taste 
for  arms ;  and  he  caused  these  philosophers  to  be  dis- 
missed. 

Sent  to  Africa  as  arbiter  to  appease  the  struggle 

(l)  Plutarch,  Cato  the  Censor,  8,  25. 

(s)  Titus  Livius,  Epitome,  XLVIII.— Valerius  Maximns,  IV.  i.'lO. 

(3)  Plutarch,  Cato  the  Censor,  34.— Aulus  Gellius,  VI.  14. 


between  Masinissa  and  Carthage,  lie  only  embittered 
it.  Jealous  at  seeing  this  ancient  rival  still  great  and 
prosperous,  he  did  not  cease  pronouncing  against  her 
that  famous  decree  of  death :  Delenda  est  Carthago. 
Scipio  Nasica,  on  the  contrary,  opposed  the  destruc- 
tion of  Carthage,  which  he  considered  too  weak  to  do 
injury,  yet  strong  enough  to  keep  up  a  salutary  fear, 
which  might  prevent  the  people  from  casting  them- 
selves into  all  those  excesses  which  are  the  inevitable 
consequences  of  the  unbounded  increase  of  empires.  (]) 
Unhappily,  the  opinion  of  Cato  triumphed. 

As  one  of  our  first  writers  says,  it  must  be  "  that 
truth  is  a  divine  thing,  since  the  errors  of  good  men 
are  as  fatal  to  humanity  as  vice,  which  is  the  error  of 
the  wicked." 

Cato,  by  persecuting  with  his  accusations  the  prin- 
cipal citizens,  and,  among  others,  Scipio  Africanus, 
taught  the  Romans  to  doubt  virtue.  (2)  By  exagger- 
ation in  his  attacks,  and  by  delivering  his  judgments 
with  passion,  he  caused  his  justice  to  be  suspected.  (3) 
By  condemning  the  vices  from  which  he  himself  was 
not  exempt,  he  deprived  his  remonstrances  of  all  mor- 
al force.  (4)  When  he  scourged  the  people  as  accuser 
and  judge,  without  seeking  to  raise  them  by  education 
and  laws,  he  resembled,  says  a  learned  German,  that 

(')  Titus  Livius,  Epitome,  XL IX. 

(2)  "  Cato  barked  without  ceasing  at  the  greatness  of  Scipio."    (Titus  Lir- 
ius,  XXXVIII.  54.) 

(3)  "P.  Cato  had  a  bitter  mind,  a  sharp  and  unmeasured  tongue."    (Titus 
Livius,  XXXIX.  40.) 

(*)  "He  declaimed  against  usurers,  and  he  himself  lent  out,  at  high  inter- 
est, the  money  which  he  got  from  his  estates.  He  condemned  the  sale  of  young 
slaves,  yet  trafficked  in  the  same  under  an  assumed  name."  (Plutarch,  Cato 
the  Censor,  33.) 


iilSTUKX    U*    JU.Lil.UB 

Persian  king  who  whipped  the  sea  with  rods  to  make 
the  tempest  cease.  (J)  His  influence,  though  power- 
less to  arrest  the  movement  of  one  civilisation  taking 
the  place  of  another,  failed  not  to  produce  a  fatal  ef- 
fect on  the  policy  of  that  period.  (2)  The  Senate,  re- 
nouncing the  moderation  and  justice  which  hitherto 
had  stamped  all  its  deeds,  adopted  in  their  stead  a 
crafty  and  arrogant  line  of  action,  and  a  system  of  ex- 
termination. 

Towards  the  beginning  of  the  seventh  century,  ev- 
erything disappears  before  the  Roman  power.  The  in- 
dependence of  peoples,  kingdoms,  and  republics  ceases 
to  exist.  Carthage  is  destroyed,  Greece  gives  up  her 
arms,  Macedonia  loses  her  liberty,  that  of  Spain  per- 
ishes at  Numantia,  and  shortly  afterwards  Pergainus 
undergoes  the  same  fate. 

XII.  Notwithstanding  her  abasement,  Carthage  still 
Punic  War  existed,  the  eternal  object  of  hatred  and 


distrust.  She  was  'accused  of  connivance 
with  the  Macedonians,  ever  impatient  of  their  yoke  ; 
and  to  her  was  imputed  the  resistance  of  the  Celtibe- 
rian  hordes.  In  603,  Masinissa  and  the  Carthagin- 
ians engaged  in  a  new  struggle.  As,  according  to 
their  treaties,  these  last  could  not  make  war  without 
authorisation,  the  Senate  deliberated  on  the  course  it 
was  to  take.  Cato  desired  war  immediately.  Scipio 
Nasica,  on  the  contrary,  obtained  the  appointment  of 
a  new  embassy,  which  succeeded  in  persuading  Mas- 

(l)  Drumann,  Geschichte  Roms,  v.,  p.  148. 

(*)  "  The  last  act  of  his  political  life  was  to  cause  the  ruin  of  Carthage  to 
be  determined  on."     (Plutarch,  Cato  the  Censor,  39.) 


inissa  to  evacuate  the  territory  in  dispute ;  on  its 
part,  the  Senate  of  Carthage  consented  to  submit  to 
the  wisdom  of  the  ambassadors,  when  the  populace 
at  Carthage,  excited  by  those  men  who  in  troublous 
times  speculate  on  the  passions  of  the  mob,  breaks 
out  in  insurrection,  insults  the  Roman  envoys,  and  ex- 
pels the  chief  citizens.  (J)  A  fatal  insurrection ;  for 
in  moments  of  external  crisis  all  popular  movements 
ruin  a  nation,  (2)  as  all  political  change  is  fatal  in  the 
presence  of  a  foreigner  invading  the  soil  of  the  father- 
land. However,  the  Roman  Senate  judged  it  best  to 
temporise,  because  of  the  war  in  Spain,  where  Scipio 
JErnilianus  then  served  in  the  capacity  of  tribune. 
Ordered  to  Africa  (603),  to  obtain  from  Masinissa 
elephants  for  the  war  against  the  Celtiberians,  he  wit- 
nessed a  sanguinary  defeat  of  the  Carthaginian  army. 
This  event  decided  the  question  of  Roman  interven- 
tion ;  the  Senate,  in  fact,  had  no  intention  of  leaving 
the  entire  sovereignty  of  Africa  to  the  Numidian 
king,  whose  possessions  already  extended  from  the 
ocean  to  Cyrene.  (3) 

In  vain  did  Carthage  send  ambassadors  to  Rome 
to  explain  her  conduct.  They  obtained  no  satisfac- 
tion. Utica  yielded  to  the  Romans  (604),  and  the 
two  consuls,  L.  Marcius  Censorinus,  and  M.  Manlius 
Nepos,  arrived  there  at  the  head  of  80,000  men  in 
605.  Carthage  sues  for  peace ;  they  impose  the  con- 
dition that  she  shall  give  up  her  arms ;  she  delivers 
them  up,  with  2,000  engines  of  war.  But  soon  exac- 

(1)  Titus  Livius,  Epitome,  XLVIII. 

(2)  At  Carthage,  the  multitude  governed  ;  at  Rome,  the  power  of  the  Senate 
was  absolute.     (Polybius,  VI.  51 .) 

(3)  Titus  Livius,  L.  1C. 


214  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  (LESAR. 

tions  increase ;  the  inhabitants  are  commanded  to  qnit 
their  city  and  retire  ten  miles  inland.  Exasperated 
by  so  much  severity,  the  Carthaginians  recover  their 
energy ;  they  forge  new  weapons,  raise  the  populace, 
fling  into  the  campaign  Hasdrubal,  who  has  soon  col- 
lected 70,000  men  in  his  camp  at  Nepheris,  and  gives 
the  consuls  reason  to  fear  the  success  of  their  enter- 
prise. (') 

The  Roman  army  met  with  a  resistance  it  was  far 
from  expecting.  Endangered  by  Manlius,  it  was 
saved  by  the  tribune,  Scipio  ^Emilianus,  on  whom  all 
eyes  were  turned.  On  his  return  to  Rome,  he  was  in 
607  elected  consul  at  the  age  of  thirty-six  years,  and 
charged  with  the  direction  of  the  war,  which  hence- 
forth took  a  new  aspect.  Carthage  is  soon  inclosed 
by  works  of  prodigious  labour ;  on  land,  trenches  sur- 
round the  place  and  protect  the  besiegers ;  by  sea,  a 
colossal  bar  interrupts  all  communication,  and  gives 
up  the  city  to  famine ;  but  the  Carthaginians  build  a 
second  fleet  in  their  inner  port,  and  excavate  a  new 
communication  with  the  sea.  During  the  winter  Scip- 
io goes  and  forces  the  camp  at  Nepheris,  and  on  the 
return  of  spring  makes  himself  master  of  the  first  en- 
closure; finally,  after  a  siege  which  lasted  for  three 
years,  with  heroic  efforts  on  both  sides,  the  town  and 
its  citadel  Byrsa  are  carried,  and  entirely  razed  to  the 
ground.  Hasdrubal  surrendered,  with  fifty  thousand 
inhabitants,  the  remains  of  an  immense  population ; 
but  on  a  fragment  of  the  wall  which  had  escaped  the 
fire,  the  wife  of  the  last  Carthaginian  chief,  dressed  in 
her  most  gorgeous  robes,  was  seen  to  curse  her  hus- 

(')  Appian,  Punic  Wars,  93  et  seq. 


PUNIC  WARS  AND  WARS  OF  MACEDONIA  AND  ASIA.    215 

band,  who  had  not  had  the  courage  to  die ;  then,  after 
having  slain  her  two  children,  she  flung  herself  into 
the  flames.  A  mournful  image  of  a  nation  which 
achieves  her  own  ruin,  but  which  does  not  fall  inglo- 
riously. 

When  the  vessel  laden  with  magnificent  spoils,  and 
adorned  with  laurels,  entered  the  Tiber,  bearer  of  the 
grand  news,  all  the  citizens  rushed  out  into  the  streets 
embracing  and  congratulating  each  other  on  so  joyful 
a  victory.  Now  only  did  Rome  feel  herself  free  from 
all  fear,  and  the  mistress  of  the  world.  Nevertheless, 
the  destruction  of  Carthage  was  a  crime  which  Caius 
Gracchus,  Julius  Caesar,  and  Augustus  sought  to  re- 
pair. 

XIII.  The  same  year  saw  the  destruction  of  the 

Greece,  Macedonia,     Gl>eek     autonomy.        ShlCC    the    War    with 

SruT'wdu'ced1  To  Persia,  the  preponderance  of  Roman  in- 
fluence had  maintained  order  in  Achaia ; 
but  on  the  return  of  the  hostages,  in  603,  coincident 
with  the  troubles  of  Macedonia,  party  enmities  were 
re-awakened.  Dissensions  soon  broke  out  between 
the  Achaean  league  and  the  cities  of  the  Peloponnesus, 
which  it  coveted,  and  the  resistance  of  which  it  did 
not  hesitate  to  punish  by  destruction  and  pillage. 

Sparta  soon  rebelled,  and  Peloponnesus  was  all  in 
flames.  The  Romans  made  vain  efforts  to  allay  this 
general  disturbance.  The  envoys  of  the  Senate  car- 
ried a  decree  to  Corinth,  which  detached  from  the 
league  Sparta,  Argos,  Orchomenus,  and  Arcadia.  On 
hearing  this,  the  Achaeans  massacred  the  Lacedsemoni- 
ms  then  at  Corinth,  and  loaded  the  Roman  commis- 


216  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CJESAR. 

sioners  with  insults.  (')  Before  using  severity,  the 
Roman  Senate  resolved  to  make  one  appeal  to  concil- 
iation; but  the  words  of  the  new  envoys  were  not 
listened  to. 

The  Achaean  league,  united  with  Eubcea  and  Boeo- 
tia,  then  dared  to  declare  war  against  Rome,  which 
they  knew  to  be  occupied  in  Spain  and  Africa.  The 
league  was  soon  vanquished  at  Scarphia,  in  Locris,  by 
Metellus,  and  at  Leucopetra,  near  Corinth,  by  Mum- 
mius.  The  towns  of  the  Achaean  league  were  treated 
rigorously;  Corinth  was  sacked;  and  Greece,  under 
the  name  of  Achaia,  remained  in  subjection  to  the 
Romans  (608).  (2) 

However,  Mummius,  as  Polybius  himself  avows,  (3) 
showed  as  much  moderation  as  disinterestedness  after 
the  victory.  He  preserved  in  their  places  the  statues 
of  Philopcemen,  kept  none  of  the  trophies  taken  in 
Greece  for  himself,  and  remained  so  poor  that  the  Sen- 
ate conferred  a  dowry  upon  his  daughter  from  the 
public  treasury. 

About  the  same  time  the  severity  of  the  Senate  had 
not  spared  Macedonia.  During  the  last  Punic  war,  a 
Greek  adventurer,  Andriscus,  pretending  to  be  the  son 
of  Perseus,  had  stirred  up  the  country  to  rebellion, 
with  an  army  of  Thracians.  Driven  out  of  Thessaly 
by  Scipio  Nasica,  he  returned  there,  slew  the  praetor 
Juventius  Thalna,  and  formed  an  alliance  with  the 
Carthaginians.  Beaten  by  Metellus,  he  was  sent  to 
Rome  loaded  with  chains.  Some  years  later,  a  second 
impostor  having  also  endeavoured  to  seize  the  succes- 

(l)  Justin,  XXXIV.  1.— Titus  Livius,  Epitome,  LI. — Polybius,  I.  2,  3. 

(s)  Pausanias,  VII.  1C.— Justin,  XXXIV.  2.  (3)  Polybius,  XL.  11. 


PUNIC  WARS  AND  WARS  OF  MACEDONIA  AND  ASIA.   217 

sion  of  Perseus,  the  Senate  reduced  Macedonia  to  a 
Roman  province  (612).  It  was  the  same  with  Illyria 
after  the  submission  of  the  Ardaei  (618).  Never  had 
so  many  triumphs  been  seen.  Scipio  JSmilianus  had 
triumphed  over  Africa,  Metellus  over  Macedonia, 
Mummius  over  Achaia,  and  Fulvius  Flaccus  over  Il- 
lyria. 

Delivered  henceforth  from  its  troubles  in  the  east 
and  south,  the  Senate  turned  its  attention  towards 
Spain.  This  country  had  never  entirely  yielded :  its 
strength  hardly  restored,  it  took  up  arms  again.  Aft' 
er  the  pacification  which  Scipio  Africanus  and  Sem- 
pronius  Gracchus  successively  induced,  new  insurrec- 
tions broke  forth ;  the  Lusitanians,  yielding  to  the  in- 
stigations of  Carthage,  had  revolted  in  601,  and  had 
gained  some  advantages  over  Mummius  and  his  suc- 
cessor Galba  (603).  But  this  last,  by  an  act  of  infa- 
mous treachery,  massacred  thirty  thousand  prisoners. 
Prosecuted  for  this  act  at  Rome  by  Cato,  he  was  ac- 
quitted. Subsequently,  another  consul  showed  no 
less  perfidy:  Licinius  Lucullus,  having  entered  the 
town  of  Cauca,  which  had  surrendered,  slew  twenty 
thousand  of  its  inhabitants,  and  sold  the  rest.  (l) 

So  much  cruelty  excited  the  indignation  of  the  peo- 
ples of  Northern  Spain,  and,  as  always  happens,  the 
national  feeling  brought  forth  a  hero.  Viriathus,  who 
had  escaped  the  massacre  of  the  Lusitanians,  ^and  from 
a  shepherd  had  become  a  general,  began  a  war  of  par- 
tisans, and,  for  five  years,  having  vanquished  the  Ro- 
man generals,  ended  by  rousing  the  Celtiberians. 
Whilst  these  occupied  Metellus  the  Macedonian,  Fa- 

(')  Appian,  Wars  of  Spain,  52. 

10 


218  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

bins,  left  alone  against  Viriathus,  was  hemmed  into  a 
defile  by  him,  and  constrained  to  accept  peace.  The 
murder  of  Viriathus  left  the  issue  of  the  war  no  lon- 
ger doubtful.  This  death  was  too  advantageous  to 
the  Romans  not  to  be  imputed  to  Caepio,  successor  to 
his  brother  Fabius.  But  when  the  murderers  came 
to  demand  the  wages  of  their  crime,  they  were  told 
that  the  Romans  had  never  approved  of  the  massacre 
of  a  general  by  his  soldiers.  (')  The  Lusitanians, 
however,  submitted,  and  the  legions  penetrated  to  the 
ocean. 

The  war,  ended  in  the  west,  became  concentrated 
round  Numantia,  (2)  where,  in  the  course  of  five  years, 
several  consuls  were  defeated.  When,  in  616,  Manci- 
nus,  surrounded  by  the  enemy  on  all  sides,  was  re- 
duced to  save  his  army  by  a  shameful  capitulation, 
like  that  of  the  Furculae  Caudinse,  the  Senate  refused 
to  ratify  the  treaty,  and  gave  up  the  consul  loaded 
with  chains.  The  same  fate  was  reserved  for  Tiberius 
Gracchus,  his  questor,  who  had  guaranteed  the  treaty ; 
but,  through  the  favour  of  the  people,  he  remained  at 
Rome.  The  Numantines  still  resisted  for  a  long  time 
with  rare  energy.  The  conqueror  of  Carthage  him- 
self had  to  go  to  direct  the  siege,  which  required  im- 
mense works ;  and  yet  the  town  was  taken  only  by 
famine  (621).  Spain  was  overcome,  but  her  spirit  of 
independence  survived  for  a  great  number  of  years. 

Although  the  fall  of  the  kingdom  of  Perganms  was 
posterior  to  the  events  we  have  just  related,  we  will 

(')  Eutropius,  IV.  7. 

(*)  The  town  of  Garray,  in  Spain,  situated  about  a  league  from  Soria,  on  the 
Duero,  is  built  on  the  site  of  ancient  Nnmantia.  (Mifiano,  Diccionario  Geoyrd- 
Jko  de  Espana.) 


PUNIC  WARS  AND  WARS  OF  MACEDONIA  AND  ASIA.    219 

speak  of  it  here  because  it  is  the  continuation  of  the 
system  of  reducing  all  peoples  to  subjection.  Attalus 
III.,  a  monster  of  cruelty  and  folly,  had,  when  dying, 
bequeathed  his  kingdom  to  the  Koman  people,  who 
sent  troops  to  take  possession  of  it ;  but  a  natural  son 
of  Eumenes,  Aristonicus,  raised  the  inhabitants,  and 
defeated  the  consul  Licinius  Crassus,  soon  avenged  by 
one  of  his  successors.  Aristonicus  was  taken,  and  the 
kingdom,  pacified,  passed  by  the  name  of  Asia  under 
Roman  domination  (625). 

XIV.  The  more  the  Republic  extended  its  empire, 
the  more  the  number  of  the  high  func- 

Summary.  .  .  ° 

tions  increased,  and  the  more  important 
they  became.  The  consuls,  the  proconsuls,  and  the 
praetors,  governed  not  only  foreign  countries,  but  Italy 
itself.  In  fact,  Appian  tells  us  that  the  proconsuls 
exercised  their  authority  in  certain  countries  of  the 
peninsula.  (!) 

The  Roman  provinces  were  nine  in  number:  — 
1.  Cisalpine  Gaul.  2.  Farther  Spain.  3.  Nearer  Spain. 
4.  Sardinia  and  Corsica.  5.  Sicily.  6.  Northern  Afri- 
ca. 7.  Illyria.  8.  Macedonia  and  Achaia.  9,  Asia. 
The  people  appointed  yearly  two  consuls  and  seven 
praetors  to  go  and  govern  these  distant  countries ;  but 
generally  these  high  offices  were  attainable  only  by 
those  who  had  been  questors  or  ediles.  Now,  the 
edileship  required  a  large  fortune ;  for  the  ediles  were 
obliged  to  spend  great  sums  in  fetes  and  public  works 
to  please  the  people.  The  rich  alone  could  aspire  to 
this  first  dignity ;  consequently,  it  was  only  the  mem- 

(l)  Appian,  Civil  Wars,  V.  iv.  38. 


220  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CJESAR. 

bers  of  the  aristocracy  who  had  a  chance  of  arriving 
at  the  elevated  position,  -where,  for  one  or  two  years, 
they  were  absolute  masters  of  the  destinies  of  vast 
kingdoms.  Thus,  the  nobility  sought  to  keep  these 
high  offices  closed  against  new  men.  From  535  to 
621 — eighty-six  years — nine  families  alone  obtained 
eighty-three  consulships.  Still  later,  twelve  members 
of  the  family  Metellus  gained  various  dignities  in  less 
than  twelve  years  (630-642.)  (')  Nabis,  tyrant  of 
Sparta,  was  right  then,,  when,  addressing  the  consul 
Quinctius  Flamininus,  he  said,  "With  you,  it  is  regard 
for  the  pay  which  determines  enlistments  into  the 
cavalry  and  infantry.  Power  is  for  a  small  number ; 
dependence  is  the  lot  of  the  multitude.  Our  lawgiver 
(Lycurgus),  on  the  contrary,  did  not  wish  to  put  all 
the  power  into  the  hands  of  certain  citizens,  whose  as- 
sembling together  you  call  the  Senate,  nor  to  give  a 
legal  pre-eminence  to  one  or  two  orders."  (2) 

It  is  curious  to  see* a  tyrant  of  Greece  give  lessons 
in  democracy  to  a  Eoman.  In  reality,  notAvithstand- 
ing  the  changes  introduced  into  the  comitia,  the  bear- 
ing of  which  is  difficult  to  explain,  the  nobility  pre- 
served its  preponderance,  and  the  habit  of  addressing 
the  people  only  after  having  taken  the  sense  of  the 
Senate,  was  still  persisted  in."(3)  The  Roman  govern- 
ment, always  aristocratic,  became  more  oppressive  in 
proportion  as  the  State  increased  in  extent,  and  it  lost 
in  influence  what  the  people  of  Italy  gained  in  intel- 
ligence and  in  legitimate  aspirations  towards  a  better 
future. 

(')  Vclleins  Paterctilus,  II.  20.  (*)  Titus  Living,  XXXIV.  31. 

(3)  Titus  Lirius,  XLV.  21. 


PUNIC  WARS  AND  WARS  OF  MACEDONIA  AND  ASIA.   221 

Besides,  ever  since  the  beginning  of  the  Republic, 
it  had  harboured  in  its  breast  two  opposite  parties, 
the  one  seeking  to  extend,  the  other  to  restrict,  the 
rights  of  the  people.  When  the  first  came  into  pow- 
er, all  the  liberal  laws  of  the  past  were  restored  to 
force;  when  the  second  came  in,  these  laws  were 
evaded.  Thus  we  see  now  the  law  Valeria,  which 
consecrates  appeal  to  the  people,  thrice  revived ;  now 
the  law  interdicting  the  re-election  of  the  consuls  be- 
fore an  interval  of  ten  years,  promulgated  by  Genu- 
cius  in  412,  (!)  and  immediately  abandoned,  renewed 
in  603,  and  subsequently  restored  by  Sylla;  now  the 
law  which  threw  the  freedrnen  into  the  urban  tribes, 
in  order  to  annul  their  vote,  revived  at  three  different 
epochs ;  (2)  now  the  measures  against  solicitation, 
against  exactions,  against  usury,  continually  put  into 
force ;  and  finally,  the  right  of  election  to  the  sacerdo- 
tal office  by  turn,  refused  or  granted  to  the  people.  (3) 
By  the  Portian  laws  of  557  and  559,  it  was  forbidden 
to  strike  with  rods,  or  put  to  death,  a  Roman  citizen, 
before  the  people  had  pronounced  upon  his  doom. 
And  yet  Scipio  ^Emilianus,  to  evade  this  law,  caused 
his  auxiliaries  to  be  beaten  with  sticks  and  his  sol- 
diers with  vine  -  stalks.  (4)  At  the  beginning  of  the 
seventh  century,  the  principle  of  secret  voting  was 
admitted  in  all  elections;  in  615, in  the  elections  of 

(l)  Titus  Livius,  VII.  43. 

(*)  In  555,  585,  and  639.  (Titus  Livius,  XLV.  15.)— Aurelius  Victor,  Illus- 
trious Men,  Ixii. 

(3)  The  tribune  Licinius  Crassus  proposed,  in  609,  to  transfer  to  the  people 
the  election  of  the  pontiffs,  until  then  nominated  by  the  sacerdotal  college. 
This  proposition  was  adopted  only  in  650  by  the  law  Domitia,  and  was  anew 
abolished  by  Sylla. 

(*)  Titus  Livius,  Epitome,  LVII. 


222  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  OESAR. 

the  magistrates;  in  617,  for  the  decision  of  the  peo- 
ple in  judicial  condemnations;  in  623,  in  the  votes  on 
proposals  for  laws.  Finally,  by  the  institution  of  per- 
manent tribunals  (qucestiones  perpetuce),  established 
from  605,  it  was  sought  to  remedy  the  spoliation  of 
the  provinces ;  but  these  institutions,  successively 
adopted  or  abandoned,  could  not  heal  the  ills  of  so- 
ciety. The  manly  virtues  of  an  intelligent  aristocracy 
had  until  then  maintained  the  Republic  in  a  state  of 
concord  and  greatness;  its  vices  were  soon  to  shake 
it  to  its  foundations. 

We  have  just  related  the  principal  events  of  a  pe- 
riod of  one  hundred  and  thirty -three  years,  during 
which  Rome  displayed  an  energy  which  no  nation  has 
ever  equalled.  On  all  sides,  and  almost  at  the  same 
time,  she  has  passed  her  natural  limits.  In  the  north, 
she  has  subdued  the  Cisalpine  Gauls  and  crossed  the 
Alps ;  in  the  west  and  south,  she  has  conquered  the 
great  islands  of  the  Mediterranean  and  the  greater 
part  of  Spain.  Carthage,  her  powerful  rival,  has 
ceased  to  exist.  To  the  east,  the  coasts  of  the  Adri- 
atic are  colonised ;  the  Illyrians,  the  Istrians,  the  Dal- 
matians, are  subjected;  the  kingdom  of  Macedonia 
has  become  a  tributary  province;  and  the  legions 
have  penetrated  even  to  the  Danube.  (J)  Farther 
than  this  exist  only  unknown  lands,  the  country  of 
barbarians,  too  weak  yet  to  cause  alarm.  Continent- 
al Greece,  her  isles,  Asia  Minor  up  to  Mount  Taurus, 
all  this  country,  the  cradle  of  civilisation,  has  entered 
into  the  Roman  empire.  The  rest  of  Asia  receives  her 
laws  and  obeys  her  influence.  Egypt,  the  most  pow- 

(')  The  expedition  against  the  Scordisck  in  619. 


PUNIC  WARS  AND  WAES  OF  MACEDONIA  AND  ASIA.    £23 

erful  of  the  kingdoms  which  made  part  of  the  heri- 
tage of  Alexander,  is -under  her  tutelage.  The  Jews 
implore  her  alliance.  The  Mediterranean  has  become 
a  Roman  lake.  The  Republic  vainly  seeks  an  adver- 
sary worthy  of  her  arms.  But  if  from  without  no  se- 
rious danger  seems  to  threaten  her,  within  exist  great 
interests  not  satisfied,  and  peoples  discontented. 

. 
' 


• 


" 


' 


CHAPTER  VI. 

THE  GRACCHI,  MARIUS,  AND  SYLLA. 
(621-G76.) 

I.  THE  age  of  disinterestedness  and  stoic  virtues 

State  of  the  Repub-    WaS     PaSSed  5     Jt    tad    laS*ed    neal>1y    foU1* 

hundred  years,  and  during  that  period, 
the  antagonism  created  by  divergency  of  opinions 
and  interests  had  never  led  to  sanguinary  conflicts. 
The  patriotism  of  the  aristocracy  and  the  good  sense 
of  the  people  had  prevented  this  fatal  extremity ; 
but,  dating  from  the  first  years  of  the  seventh  centu- 
ry, everything  had  changed}  and  at  every  proposal  of 
reform,  or  desire  of  power,  nothing  was  seen  but  sedi- 
tion, civil  wars,  massacres,  and  proscriptions. 

"  The  Republic,"  says  Sallust, "  owed  its  greatness 
to  the  wise  policy  of  a  small  number  of  good  citi- 
zens," (l)  and  we  may  add  that  its  decline  began  the 
day  on  which  their  successors  ceased  to  be  worthy  of 
those  who  had  gone  before  them.  In  fact,  most  of 
those  who,  after  the  Gracchi,  acted  a  great  part,  were 
so  selfish  and  cruel  that  it  is  difficult  to  decide,  in  the 
midst  of  their  excesses,  which  was  the  representative 
of  the  best  cause. 

As  long  as  Carthage  existed,  like  a  man  who  is  on 
his  guard  before  a  dangerous  rival,  Rome  showed  an 
anxiety  to  maintain  the  purity  and  wisdom  of  her  an- 

(')  Sallust,  Fragm.,  I.  8. 


THE  GRACCHI,  MARIUS,  AND  SYLLA.  225 

cient  principles ;  but  Carthage  fallen,  Greece  subju- 
gated, the  kings  of  Asia  vanquished,  the  Republic,  no 
longer  held  by  any  salutary  check,  abandoned  herself 
to  the  excesses  of  unlimited  power.  (J) 

Sallust  draws  the  following  picture  of  the  state  of 
society :  "  When,  freed  from  the  fear  of  Carthage,  the 
Romans  had  leisure  to  give  themselves  up  to  their 
dissensions,  then  there  sprang  up  on  all  sides  troubles, 
seditions,  and  at  last  civil  wars.  A  small  number  of 
powerful  men,  whose  favour  most  of  the  citizens 
sought  by  base  means,  exercised  a  veritable  des- 
potism under  the  imposing  name,  sometimes  of  the 
Senate,  at  other  times  of  the  People.  The  title  of 
good  and  bad  citizen  was  no  longer  the  reward  of 
what  he  did  for  or  against  his  countiy,  for  all  were 
equally  corrupt ;  but  the  more  any  one  was  rich,  and 
in  a  condition  to  do  evil  with  impunity,  provided  he 
supported  the  present  order  of  things,  the  more  he 
passed  for  a  man  of  worth.  From  this  moment,  the 
ancient  manners  no  longer  became  corrupted  gradual- 
ly as  before;  but  the  depravation  spread  with  the 
rapidity  of  a  torrent,  and  youth  was  to  such  a  degree 
infected  by  the  poison  of  luxury  and  avarice,  that 
there  came  a  generation  of  people  of  which  it  was 
just  to  say,  that  they  could  neither  have  patrimony 
nor  suffer  others  to  have  it.  (2) 

The  aggrandisement  of  the  empire,  frequent  contact 
with  strangers,  the  introduction  of  new  principles  in 
philosophy  and  religion,  the  immense  riches  brought 

(')  "Corruption  especially  had  increased,  because,  Macedonia  destroyed, 
the  empire  of  the  world  seemed  thenceforth  assured  to  Rome."  (Polybius, 
XI.  32.) 

(a)  Sallust,  Fraym.,  I.  10. 

10*  P 


226  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  (LESAR. 

into  Italy  by  war  and  commerce,  had  all  concurred  in 
causing  a  profound  deterioration  of  the  national  char- 
acter. There  had  taken  place  an  exchange  of  popu- 
lations, ideas,  and  customs.  On  the  one  hand,  the  Eo- 
mans,  whether  soldiers,  traders,  or  farmers  of  the  rev- 
enues, in  spreading  themselves  abroad  in  crowds  all 
over  the  world,  (')  had  felt  their  cupidity  increase 
amid  the  pomp  and  luxury  of  the  East ;  on  the  other, 
the  foreigners,  and  especially  the  Greeks,  flowing  into 
Italy,  had  brought,  along  with  their  perfection  in  the 
arts,  contempt  for  the  ancient  institutions.  The  Eo- 
mans  had  undergone  an  influence  w^hich  may  be  com- 
pared with  that  which  was  exercised  over  the  French 
of  the  fifteenth  and  sixteenth  centuries  by  Italy,  then, 
it  is  true,  superior  in  intelligence,  but  perverted  in 
morals.  The  seduction  of  vice  is  irresistible  when  it 
presents  itself  under  the  form  of  elegance,  wit,  and 
knowledge.  As  in  all  epochs  of  transition,  the  moral 
ties  were  loosened,  and  the  taste  for  luxury  and  the 
unbridled  love  of  money  had  taken  possession  of  all 
classes. 

Two  characteristic  facts,  distant  from  one  another 
by  one  hundred  and  sixty-nine  years,  bear  witness  to 
the  difference  of  morals  at  the  two  periods.  Cineas, 
sent  by  Pyrrhus  to  Eome,  with  rich  presents,  to  ob- 
tain peace,  finds  nobody  open  to  corruption  (474). 
Struck  with  the  majesty  and  patriotism  of  the  sena- 

(')  The  Romans  expatriated  themselves  to  such  a  degree  that,  when  Mithri- 
dates  began  war,  and  caused  all  the  Roman  citizens  spread  over  his  states  to 
be  massacred  in  one  day,  they  amounted  to  150,000,  according  to  Plutarch 
(Sylla,  xlviii.) ;  80,000  according  to  Memnon  (hi  the  Bibliotheca  of  Photius, 
Codex  CCXXIV.  31)  and  Valerius  Maximus  (IX.  2,  §  3).— The  small  town 
of  Cirta,  in  Africa,  could  only  be  defended  against  Jugurtha  by  Italiotes. 
(Sallust,  Jugurtha,  26.) 


THE  GRACCHI,  MARIUS,  AND  SYLLA.  227 

tors,  he  compares  the  Senate  to  an  assembly  of  kings. 
Jugurtha,  on  the  contrary,  coming  to  Rome  (643)  to 
plead  his  cause,  finds  his  resources  quickly  exhausted 
in  buying  everybody's  conscience,  and,  full  of  con- 
tempt for  that  great  city,  exclaims  in  leaving  it :  "  Ve- 
nal town,  which  would  soon  perish  if  it  could  find  a 
purchaser!"  (') 

Society,  indeed,  was  placed,  by  noteworthy  changes, 
in  new  conditions :  for  the  populace  of  the  towns  had 
increased,  while  the  agricultural  population  had  di- 
minished; agriculture  had  become  profoundly  modi- 
fied; the  great  landed  properties  had  absorbed  the 
little;  the  number  of  proletaries  and  freedmen  had 
increased,  and  the  slaves  had  taken  the  place  of  free 
labour.  The  military  service  was  no  longer  consid- 
ered by  the  nobles  as  the  first  honour  and  the  first 
duty.  Religion,  that  fundamental  basis  of  the  Re- 
public, had  lost  its  prestige.  And,  lastly,  the  allies 
were  weary  of  contributing  to  the  greatness  of  the 
empire,  without  participating  in  the  rights  of  Roman 
citizens.  (2)  There  was,  as  we  have  seen,  two  peoples, 
quite  distinct :  the  people  of  the  allies  and  subjects, 
and  the  people  of  Rome.  The  allies  were  always  in 
a  state  of  inferiority ;  their  contingents,  more  consid- 
erable than  those  of  the  metropolis,  received  only  half 
the  pay  of  the  latter,  and  were  subjected  to  bodily 
chastisement  from  which  the  soldiers  of  the  legions 
were  exempted.  Even  in  the  triumphs,  their  cohorts, 

(l)  Sallust,  Jugurtha,  35. 

(")  "  And  Rome  refused  to  admit  in  the  number  of  her  citizens  the  men  by 
whom  she  had  acquired  that  greatness  of  which  she  was  so  proud  as  to  despise 
the  peoples  of  the  same  blood  and  of  the  same  origin."  (Vclleius  Paterculus, 
IT.  15.) 


228         •  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CVESAR. 

by  way  of  humiliation,  followed,  in  the  last  rank  and 
in  silence,  the  chariot  of  the  victor.  It  was  natural 
then  that,  penetrated  with  the  feelings  of  their  own 
dignity  and  the  services  they  had  rendered,  they 
should  aspire  to  be  treated  as  equals.  The  Roman 
people,  properly  so  named,  occupying  a  limited  terri- 
tory, from  Caere  to  Cumse,  preserved  all  the  pride  of 
a  privileged  class.  It  was  composed  of  from  about 
three  to  four  hundred  thousand  citizens,  (T)  divided 
into  thirty-five  tribes,  of  which  four  only  belonged  to 
the  town,  and  the  others  to  the  country.  In  these 
last,  it  is  true,  had  been  inscribed  the  inhabitants  of 
the  colonies  and  of  several  towns  of  Italy,  but  the 
great  majority  of  the  Italiotes  were  deprived  of  polit- 
ical rights,  and  at  the  very  gates  of  Rome  there  still 
remained  disinherited  cities,  such  as  Tibur,  Prseneste, 
Signia,  and  Norba.  (2) 

The  richest  citizens,  in  sharing  among  them  the 
public  domain,  composed  of  about  two-thirds  of  the 
totality  of  the  conquered  territory,  had  finished  by 
getting  nearly  the  whole  into  their  own  hands,  either 
by  purchase  from  the  small  proprietors,  or  by  forci- 
bly expelling  them;  and  this  occurred  even  beyond 
the  frontiers  of  Italy.  (3)  At  a  later  time,  when  the 
Republic,  mistress  of  the  basin  of  the  Mediterranean, 
received,  either  under  the  name  of  contribution,  or  by 

0)  See  the  list  of  Censuses  at  Note  (*)  of  page  256. 

(*)  Mommsen,  Geschichte  Roms,  I.,  p.  785. 

(3)  The  lands  taken  from  the  town  of  Leontium  were  of  the  extent  of  thirty 
thousand  jtigera.  They  were,  in  542,  farmed  out  by  the  censors ;  but  at  the 
end  of  some  time,  there  remained  only  one  citizen  of  the  country  among  the 
eighty-four  farmers  who  had  installed  themselves  in  them ;  all  the  others  be- 
longed to  the  Roman  nobility.  (Mommsen,  ii.  75. — Cicero,  Second  Prosecu- 
tion of  Ferns,  III.  46  ct  seq.) 


THE  GRACCHI,  MABIUS,  AND  SYLLA.  229 

exchange,  an  immense  quantity  of  corn  from  the  most 
fertile  countries,  the  cultivation  of  wheat  was  neglect- 
ed in  Italy,  and  the  fields  were  converted  into  pas- 
tures and  sumptuous  parks.  Meadows,  indeed,  which 
required  fewer  hands,  would  naturally  be  preferred 
by  the  great  proprietors.  Not  only  did  the  vast  do- 
mains, latif  undid,  appertain  to  a  small  number,  but 
the  knights  had  monopolised  all  the  elements  of  rich- 
es of  the  country.  Many  had  retired  from  the  ranks 
of  the  cavalry  to  become  farmers-general  (publicani), 
bankers,  and,  almost  alone,  merchants.  Formed,  over 
the  whole  face  of  the  empire,  into  financial  companies, 
they  worked  the  provinces,  and  formed  a  veritable 
money  aristocracy,  whose  importance  was  continually 
increasing,  and  which,  in  the  political  struggles,  made 
the  balance  incline  to  the  side  where  it  threw  its  in- 
fluence. 

Thus,  not  only  was  the  wealth  of  the  country  in 
the  hands  of  the  patrician  and  plebeian  nobility,  but 
the  free  men  diminished  incessantly  in  numbers  in 
the  rural  districts.  If  wre  believe  Plutarch,  (')  there 
were  no  longer  in  Etruria,  in  620,  any  but  foreigners 
for  tillers  of  the  soil  and  herdsmen,  and  everywhere 
slaves  had  multiplied  to  such  a  degree,  that,  in  Sicily 
alone,  200,000  took  parfin  the  revolt  of  619.  (2)  In 
650,  the  King  of  Bithynia  declared  himself  unable  to 
furnish  a  military  contingent,  because  all  the  young 
adults  had  been  carried  away  for  slaves  by  Eoman 
collectors.  (3)  In  the  great  market  of  Delos,  10,000 

(')  Plutarch,  Tiberius  Gracchus,  9. 

(2)  Diodorus  Siculus,  Fragments,  XXXIV.  3. 

(3)  Diodcrus  Siculus,  Fragments,  XXXVI.,  p.  147,  cd.  Schweighscuser. 


230  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

slaves  were  sold  and  embarked  in  one  day  for  It- 

aiy.  O 

The  excessive  number  of  slaves  was  then  a  danger 
to  society  and  a  cause  of  weakness  to  the  State ;  (2) 
and  there  was  the  same  inconvenience  in  regard  to 
the  freedmen.  Citizens  since  the  time  of  Servius  Tul- 
lius,  but  without  right  of  suffrage ;  free  in  fact,  but 
remaining  generally  attached  to  their  old  masters; 
physicians,  artists,  grammarians,  they  were  incapable, 
they  and  their  children,  of  becoming  senators,  or  of 
forming  part  of  the  college  of  pontiffs,  or  of  marrying 
a  free  woman,  or  of  serving  in  the  legions,  unless  in 
case  of  extreme  danger.  Sometimes  admitted  into 

o 

the  Roman  communalty,  sometimes  rejected;  verita- 
ble mulattoes  of  ancient  times,  they  participated  in 
two  natures,  and  bore  always  the  stigma  of  their  ori- 
gin. (3)  Confined  to  the  urban  tribes,  they  had,  with 
the  proletaries,  augmented  that  part  of  the  population 

(l)  Strabo,  XIV.  v.  570. 

(J)  "Our  ancestors  feared  always  the  spirit  of  slavery,  even  in  the  case 
where,  born  in  the  field  and  under  the  roof  of  his  master,  the  slave  learnt  to 
love  him  from  his  birth.  But  since  we  count  ours  by  nations,  each  of  which 
has  its  manners  and  gods,  or  perhaps  has  no  gods,  no,  this  vile  and  confused  as- 
semblage will  never  be  kept  under  but  by  fear."  (Tacitus,  Annales,  XIV.  44.) 

(')  In  442,  the  censor  Appius  Claudius  Csecus  causes  the  freedmen  to  be  in- 
scribed in  all  the  tribes,  and  allows  their  sons  the  entrance  to  the  Senate.  (Di- 
odorus  Siculus,  XX.  36.) — In  450  the  censor  Q.  Fabius  Rullianus  (Maximus) 
confines  them  to  the  four  urban  tribes  (Titus  Livius,  IX.  46) ;  towards  530, 
other  censors  opened  again  all  the  tribes  to  them  ;  in  534,  the  censors  L.  ^mil- 
ius  Papus  and  C.  Flaminius  re-established  the  order  of  450  (Titus  Livius,  Epi- 
tome, XX.);  an  exception  is  made  in  favour  of  those  who  have  a  son  of  the  age 
of  more  than  five  years,  or  who  possess  lands  of  the  value  of  more  than  30,000 
sestertii  (XLV.  15);  in  585,  the  censor  Tiberius  Sempronius  Gracchus  expels 
them  from  the  rustic  tribes,  where  they  had  been  again  introduced,  and  unites 
them  in  one  sole  urban  tribe,  the  Esquiline.  (Titus  Livius,  XLV.  15. — Cicero, 
De  Oratore,  I.  ix.  38.)— (639.)  "The  ./Emilian  law  permits  freedmen  to  vote 
in  the  four  urban  tribes."  (Aurelius  Victor,  Illustrious  Men,  72.) 


THE  GRACCHI,  MARIUS,  AND  SYLLA.  231 

of  Rome  for  which  the  conqueror  of  Carthage  and 
Numantia  often  showed  a  veritable  disdain :  "  Si- 
lence !"  he  shouted  one  day,  "you  whom  Italy  does 
not  acknowle4ge  for  her  children ;"  and  as  the  noise 
still  continued,  he  proceeded,  "  Those  whom  I  caused 
to  be  brought  here  in  chains  will  not  frighten  me  be- 
cause to-day  their  bonds  have  been  broken."  (l) 
When  the  people  of  the  town  assembled  in  the  Fo- 
rum without  the  presence  of  the  rural  tribes,  which 
were  more  independent,  they  were  open  to  all  seduc- 
tions, and  to  the  most  powerful  of  these — the  money 
of  the  candidates  and  the  distributions  of  wheat  at  a 
reduced  price.  They  were  also  influenced  by  the  mob 
of  those  deprived  of  political  rights,  when,  crowding 
the  public  place,  as  at  the  English  hustings,  they 
sought,  by  their  cries  and  gestures,  to  act  on  the  minds 
of  the  citizens. 

On  another  hand,  proud  of  the  deeds  of  their  ances- 
tors, the  principal  families,  in  possession  of  the  soil 
and  of  the  power,  desired  to  preserve  this  double  ad- 
vantage without  being  obliged  to  show  themselves 
worthy  of  it ;  they  seemed  to  disdain  the  severe  edu- 
cation which  had  made  them  capable  of  filling  all  of- 
fices, (2)  so  that  it  might  be  said  that  there  existed 
then  at  Rome  an  aristocracy  without  nobility,  and  a 
democracy  without  people. 

There  were,  then,  injustices  to  redress,  exigencies  to 
satisfy,  and  abuses  to  repress ;  for  neither  the  sumptu- 
ary laws,  nor  those  against  solicitation,  nor  the  meas- 

(')  Valerius  Maxim  us,1  VI.  2,  §  3. — Velleius  Patcrculus,  II.  4. 

(a)  "I  know  Romans  who  have  waited  for  their  elevation  to  the  consulship 
to  begin  reading  the  history  of  our  ancestors  and  the  precepts  of  the  Greeks  on 
military  art."  (Speech  of  Marius,  Sallust,  Jiigwtha,  85.) 


232  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

ures  against  the  freedmen,  were  sufficient  to  cure  the 
diseases  of  society.  It  was  necessary,  as  in  the  time 
of  Licinius  Stolo  (378),  to  have  recourse  to  energetic 
measures — to  give  more  stability  to  power,  confer  the 
right  of  city  on  the  peoples  of  Italy,  diminish  the  num- 
ber of  slaves,  revise  the  titles  to  landed  property,  dis- 
tribute to  the  people  the  lands  illegally  acquired,  and 
thus  give  a  new  existence  to  the  agricultural  class. 

All  the  men  of  eminence  saw  the  evil  and  sought 
the  remedy.  Caius  Lselius,  among  others,  the  friend 
of  Scipio  JEmilianus,  and  probably  at  his  instigation, 
entertained  the  thought  of  proposing  salutary  reforms, 
but  was  prevented  by  the  fear  of  raising  troubles.  (') 

II.  Tiberius  Sempronius  Gracchus  alone  dared  to 
Tiberius  Gracchua  ^a^e  a  courageous  initiative.  Illustrious 
by  birth,  remarkable  for  his  physical  ad- 
vantages as  well  as  eloquence,  (2)  he  was  son  of  the 
Gracchus  who  was  twice  consul,  and  of  Cornelia,  the 
daughter  of  Scipio  Africanus.  (3)  At  the  age  of 
eighteen,  Tiberius  had  been  present,  under  the  orders 
of  his  brother-in-law,  Scipio  JEmilanus,  at  the  ruin  of 
Carthage,  and  was  the  first  to  mount  to  the  assault.  (4) 
Questor  of  the  Consul  Mancinus  in  Spain,  he  had  con- 
tributed to  the  treaty  of  Numantia.  Animated  with 
the  love  of  virtue,  (5)  far  from  being  dazzled  by  the 

(')  Plutarch,  Tiberius  Gracchus,  8. 

(2)  "  Tiberius  Gracchus  gcnere,  forma,  cloqucntia  facile  princeps."    (Florus, 
III.  14.) 

(3)  Velleius  Paterculus,  II.  2. — Seneca  the  Philosopher,  De  Consolatione,  ad 
Marciam,  xvi. 

(*)  Plutarch,  Parallel  between  Ayis  and  Tiberius  Gracchus,  iv. 
(5)  "  Pure  and  just  in  his  views."     (Velleius  Paterculus,  II.  2.) — "Anima- 
ted by  the  noblest  ambition."    (Appian,  Civil  Wars,  I.  9.) 


THE  GRACCHI,  MARIUS,  AND  SYLLA.  233 

splendour  of  the  moment,  he  foresaw  the  dangers  of 
the  future,  and  wished  to  prevent  them  while  there 
was  still  time.  At  the  moment  of  his  elevation  to 
the  tribuneship,  in  621,  he  took  up  again,  with  the  ap- 
proval of  men  of  eminence  and  philosophers  of  most 
distinction,  the  project  which  had  been  entertained  by 
Scipio  ^Emilianus  (*)  to  distribute  the  public  domain 
among  the  poor.  (2)  The  people  themselves  demand- 
ed the  concession  with  great  outcries,  and  the  walls 
of  Rome  were  daily  covered  with  inscriptions  calling 
for  it.  (3) 

Tiberius,  in  a  speech  to  the  people,  pointed  out  elo- 
quently all  the  germs  of  destruction  in  the  Roman 
power,  and  traced  the  picture  of  the  deplorable  con- 
dition of  the  citizens  spread  over  the  territory  of  Ita- 
ly without  an  asylum  in  which  to  repose  their  bodies 
enfeebled  by  war,  after  they  had  shed  their  blood  for 
their  country.  He  cited  revolting  examples  of  the  ar- 
bitrary conduct  of  certain  magistrates,  who  had  caused 
innocent  men  to  be  put  to  death  on  the  most  futile 
pretexts.  (*) 

He  then  spoke  with  contempt  of  the  slaves,  of  that 

(')  Plutarch,  Tib.  Gracchus,  9. 

(2)  u  It  was  at  the  instigation  of  the  rhetorician  Diophanes  and  the  philoso- 
pher Blossius  that  he  took  counsel  of  the  citizens  of  Rome  most  distinguished 
for  their  reputation  and  virtues :  among  others,  Crassus,  the  grand  pontiff;  Mu- 
cius  Scsevola,  the  celebrated  lawyer,  then  consul ;  and  Appius  Claudius,  his  fa- 
ther-in-law."    (Plutarch,  Tib!  Gracchus,  9.) 

(3)  Plutarch,  Tib.  Gracchus,  9. 

(•)  Aulus  Gellius  relates  two  passages  from  the  speech  of  C.  Gracchus,  which 
we  think  ought  rather  to  be  ascribed  to  Tib.  Sempronius  Gracchus.  In  one,  he 
has  stated  the  case  of  a  young  noble  who  caused  a  peasant  to  be  murdered  be- 
cause he  made  a  joke  upon  him  as  he  passed  in  a  litter ;  in  the  other,  he  told 
the  story  of  a  consul  who  ordered  the  most  considerable  men  in  the  town  of 
Teanum  to  be  beaten  with  rods,  because  the  consul's  wife,  going  to  bathe,  had 
found  the  baths  of  the  town  not  clean.  (Aulus  Gellins,  X.  3.) 


234  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

restless,  uncertain  class,  invading  the  rural  districts, 
useless  for  the  recruitment  of  the  armies,  dangerous  to 
society,  as  the  last  insurrection  in  Sicily  clearly  proved. 
He  ended  by  proposing  a  law,  which  was  simply  a  re- 
production of  that  of  Licinius  Stolo,  that  had  fallen 
into  'disuse.  Its  object  was  to  withdraw  from  the  no- 
bility a  portion  of  the  lands  of  the  domain  which  they 
had  unjustly  seized.  No  landholder  should  retain 
more  than  five  hundred  jug  era  for  himself  and  two 
hundred  and  fifty  for  each  of  his  sons.  These  lands 
should  belong  to  them  for  ever ;  the  part  confiscated 
should  be  divided  into  lots  of  thirty  jug  era  and  farm- 
ed hereditarily,  either  to  Roman  citizens,  or  to  Italiote 
auxiliaries,  on  condition  of  a  small  rent  to  the  treasu- 
ry, and  with  an  express  prohibition  to  alienate.  The 
proprietors  were  to  be  indemnified  for  the  part  of  their 
lands  which  they  so  lost.  This  project,  which  all  the 
old  writers  judged  to  be  just  and  moderate,  raised  a 
tempest  among  the  aristocracy.  The  Senate  rejected 
it,  and,  when  the  people  were  on  the  point  of  adopt- 
ing it.  the  tribune  Octavius,  gained  over  by  the  rich 
citizens,  (*)  opposed  to  it  his  inflexible  veto.  Sudden- 
ly interrupted  in  his  designs,  Tiberius  embraced  the 
resolution,  as  bold  as  it  was  contrary  to  the  laws,  of 
obtaining  a  vote  of  the  tribes  to  depose  the  tribune. 
These  having  pronounced  accordingly,  the  new  law 
was  published,  and  three  triumvirs  appointed  for  car- 
rying it  into  execution:  they  were,  Tiberius,  his  broth- 
er Caius,  and  his  father-in-law  Appius  Claudius. 
Upon  another  proposition,  he  obtained  a  decision  that 
the  money  left  by  the  King  of  Pergarnus  to  the  Ro- 

(')  Appian,  Civil  Wars,  I.  12. 


THE  GRACCHI,  MARIUS,  AND  SYLLA.  235 

inan  people  should  be  employed  for  the  expenses  of 
establishing  those  who  were  to  receive  the  lands.  (*) 

The  agrarian  law  had  only  passed  by  the  assistance 
of  the  votes  of  the  country  tribes.  (2)  Nevertheless, 
the  popular  party,  in  its  enthusiasm,  carried  Tiberius 
home  in  triumph,  calling  him  not  only  the  benefactor 
of  one  city,  but  the  father  of  all  the  peoples  of  Italy. 

The  possessors  of  the  great  domains,  struck  in  their 
dearest  interests,  were  far  from  sharing  in  this  joy. 
Not  satisfied  with  having  attempted  to  carry  off  the 
urns  at  the  time  the  law  was  voted,  they  plotted  the 
assassination  of  Tiberius.  (3)  In  fact,  as  Machiavelli 
says:  "Men  value  riches  even  more  than  honours,  and 
the  obstinacy  of  the  Roman  aristocracy  in  defending 
its  possessions  constrained  the  people  to  have  recourse 
to  extremities."  (4) 

The  chiefs  of  the  opposition,  great  landholders,  such 
as  the  tribune  Octavius  and  Scipio  Nasica,  attacked  in 
every  possible  way  the  author  of  the  law  which  de- 
spoiled them,  and  one  day  the  senator  Pompeius  went 
so  far  as  to  say  that  the  King  of  Pergamus  had  sent 
Tiberius  a  robe  of  purple  and  the  diadem,  signs  of  the 
tribune's  future  royalty.  (5)  The  latter,  in  self-defence, 
had  recourse  to  proposals  inspired  rather  by  the  .de- 
sire of  a  vain  popularity  than  the  general  interest. 
The  struggle  became  daily  more  and  more  embittered, 
and  his  friends  persuaded  him  to  secure  his  re-election 
as  tribune,  in  order  that  the  inviolability  of  his  office 

(1)  Plutarch,  Tib.  Gracchus,  16. 

(2)  Appian,  Civil  Wars,  I.  13. 

(3)  Plutarch,  Tib.  Gracchus,  12. 

(4)  Machiavelli,  Discourse  on  Titus  Livius,  I.  37. 
(s)  Plutarch,  Tib.  Gracchus,  16. 


236  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CJESAR. 

might  afford  a  refuge  against  the  attacks  of  his  en- 
emies. The  people  was  convoked ;  but  the  most  sub- 
stantial support  of  Tiberius  failed  him :  the  country 
people,  retained  by  the  harvest,  did  not  obey  the 
call.  (*) 

Tiberius  only  sought  a  reform,  and,  unknowingly, 
he  had  commenced  a  revolution.  But  to  accomplish 
this  he  did  not  possess  all  the  necessaiy  qualities.  A 
singular  mixture  of  gentleness  and  audacity,  he  un- 
chained the  tempest,  but  dared  not  launch  the  thun- 
derbolt. Surrounded  by  his  adherents,  he  walked  to 
the  comitia  with  more  appearance  of  resignation  than 
assurance.  The  tribes,  assembled  in  the  Capitol,  were 
beginning  to  give  their  votes,  when  the  senator  Ful- 
vius  Flaccus  came  to  warn  Tiberius  that,  in  the  meet- 
ing of  the  Senate,  the  rich,  surrounded  by  their  slaves, 
had  resolved  on  his  destruction.  This  information 
produced  a  considerable  agitation  round  the  tribune, 
and  those  at  a  distance  demanding  the  cause  of  the 
tumult,  Tiberius  raised  his  hand  to  his  head  to  ex 
plain  by  signs  the  danger  which  threatened  him.  (2) 
Then  his  enemies  hurried  to  the  Senate,  and,  giving 
their  own  interpretation  to  his  gesture,  denounced 
him  as  aiming  at  the  kingly  power.  The  Senate,  pre- 
ceded by  the  sovereign  pontiff,  Scipio  Nasica,  repaired 
to  the  Capitol.  The  mob  of  Tiberius  was  dispersed, 
and  he  himself  was  slain,  with  three  hundred  of  his 
friends,  near  the  gate  of  the  sacred  inclosure.  All  his 
partisans  were  hunted  out,  and  underwent  the  same 
fate,  and  among  others  Diophanes  the  rhetorician. 

(')  Appian,  Civil  Wars,  I.  14. 

(')  Plutarch,  Tib.  Gracchus,  16,  22. 


THE  GRACCHI,  MARIUS,  AND  SYLLA.  237 

The  man  had  succumbed,  but  the  cause  remained 
standing,  and  public  opinion  forced  the  Senate  to  dis- 
continue its  opposition  to  the  execution  of  the  agra- 
rian law,  to  substitute  for  Tiberius,  as  commissioner 
for  the  partition  of  lands,  Publius  Crassus,  an  ally  of 
the  Gracchi ;  the  people  commiserated  the  fate  of  the 
victims  and  cursed  the  murderers.  Scipio  Nasica 
gained  nothing  by  his  triumph;  to  withdraw  him 
from  the  general  resentment  he  was  sent  to  Asia, 
where  he  died  miserably. 

The  execution  of  the  law  encountered,  nevertheless, 
many  obstacles.  The  limits  of  the  ager  puUicus  had 
never  been  well  defined ;  few  title-deeds  existed,  and 
those  which  could  be  produced  were  often  unintelli- 
gible. The  value  of  this  property,  too,  had  changed 
prodigiously.  It  was  necessary  to  indemnify  those 
who  had  cleared  uncultivated  grounds  or  made  im- 
provements. Most  of  the  lots  contained  religious 
buildings  and  sepulchres.  According  to  the  antique 
notions,  it  was  a  sacrilege  to  give  them  any  other  des- 
tination. The  possessors  of  the  ager  publicus,  sup- 
ported by  the  Senate  and  the  equestrian  order,  made 
the  most  of  all  these  difficulties.  The  Italiotes  show- 
ed no  less  ardour  in  protesting  against  the  partition 
of  the  lands,  knowing  well  that  it  would  be  less  fa- 
vourable to  them  than  to  the  Romans. 

The  struggles  which  had  preceded  had  so  excited 
men's  passions,  that  each  party,  as  the  opportunity 
occurred,  presented  laws  the  most  opposite  to  each 
other.  At  one  time,  on  the  motion  of  the  tribune 
Junius  Pennus,  it  is  a  question  of  expelling  all  for- 
eigners from  Rome  (628),  in  order  to  deprive  the 


238  IIISTOHY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

party  of  the  people  of  auxiliaries ;  at  another,  on  that 
of  M.  Fulvius,  the  right  of  city  is  claimed  in  favour 
of  the  Italiotes  (629).  This  demand  leads  to  dis- 
turbances :  it  is  rejected,  and  the  Senate,  to  rid  itself 
of  Fulvius,  sends  him  against  the  Salluvii,  who  were 
threatening  Massilia.  But  already  the  allies  them- 
selves, impatient  at  seeing  their  rights  incessantly  de- 
spised, were  attempting  to  secure  them  by  force,  and 
the  Latin  colony  of  Fregellse  revolts  first ;  but  it  is 
soon  destroyed  utterly 'by  the  praetor  M.  Opimius 
(629).  The  rigour  of  this  act  of  repression  was  cal- 
culated to  intimidate  the  other  towns ;  but  there  are 
questions  which  must  be  resolved,  and  cannot  be  put 
down.  The  cause  which  has  been  vanquished  ten 
years  is  on  the  point  of  finding  in  the  brother  of  Ti- 
berius Gracchus  a  new  champion. 

III.  Caius  Gracchus,  indeed,  nourished  in  his  heart, 
CM™  Gmcchiw  as  a  sacre(i  deposit,  the  ideas  of  his  broth- 
er and  the  desire  to  revenge  him.  After 
serving  in  twelve  campaigns,  he  returned  to  Rome  to 
solicit  the  tribuneship.  On  his  arrival,  the  nobles 
trembled,  and,  to  combat  his  ascendency,  they  accused 
him  of  being  concerned  in  the  insurrection  of  Fregel- 
las ;  but  his  name  'brought  him  numerous  sympathies. 
On  the  day  of  his  election,  a  vast  crowd  of  citizens 
arrived  in  Rome  from  all  parts  of  Italy,  and  so  great 
was  the  confluence  that  the  Campus  Martius  could 
not  hold  them ;  and  many  gave  their  votes  even  from 
the  roofs.  (*)  Invested  with  the  tribunitian  power, 
Gracchus  made  use  of  it  to  submit  to  the  sanction  of 

(')  Plutarch,  C.  Gracchus,  5. 


THE  GRACCHI,  MARIUS,  AND  SYLLA.  239 

the  people  several  laws ;  some  directed  merely  against 
the  enemies  of  his  brother;^)  others,  of  great  politic- 
al meaning,  which  require  more  particular  notice. 

First,  the  importance  of  the  tribunes  was  increased 
by  the  faculty  of  being  re-elected  indefinitely,  (2) 
which  tended  to  give  a  character  of  permanence  to 
functions  which  were  already  so  preponderant.  Next, 
the  law  frumentaria,  by  turn  carried  into  effect  and 
abandoned,  (3)  gained  him  adherents  by  his  granting 
without  distinction,  to  all  the  poor  citizens,  the  month- 
ly distribution  of  a  certain  quantity  of  wheat ;  and 
for  this  purpose  vast  public  granaries  were  construct- 
ed. (4)  The  shortening  of  the  time  of  service  of  the 
soldiers,  (5)  the  prohibition  to  enrol  them  under  sev- 
enteen years  of  age,  and  the  payment  by  the  treasury 
of  their  equipment,  which  was  previously  deducted 
from  their  pay,  gained  him  the  favour  of  the  army. 
The  establishment  of  new  tolls  (jportoria)  augmented 
the  resources  of  the  State ;  new  colonies  were  found- 
ed, (6)  not  only  in  Italy,  but  in  the  possessions  out  of 

(l)  They  interdicted  to  the  magistrates  deposed  by  the  people  the  exercise 
of  all  functions,  and  authorised  criminal  proceedings  against  the  magistrate 
who  had  been  the  author  of  the  illegal  banishment  of  a  citizen.  The  first  of 
these  struck  openly  at  Octavius,  whom  Tiberius  had  deposed ;  the  second  at 
Popilius,  who,  in  his  praetorship,  had  banished  the  friends  of  Tiberius.  (Plu- 
tarch, C.  Gracchus,  8.)  (»)  Appian,  Civil  Wars,  I.  21. 

(3)  "In  556,  the  curule  ediles  Fulvius  Nobilior  and  Flaminius  distributed 
to  the  people  a  million  of  modii  of  Sicilian  wheat,  at  two  uses  the  bushel."  (Ti- 
tus Livius,  XXXIII.  42.) 

(4)  Appian,  Civil  Wars,  I.  21.— Cicero,  Tusculan  Disputations,  III.  20. 

(5)  Plutarch,  C.  Gracchus,  7.     According  to  what  Polybius  says,  the  period 
of  service  was  fixed  at  ten  years,  for  we  read  in  Plutarch  :  "  Caius  Gracchus 
said  to  the  censors  that,  obliged  only  by  the  law  to  ten  campaigns,  he  had 
made  twelve."     (Plutarch,  C.  Gracchus,  4.) 

(')  FIFTH  PERIOD. — ROMAN  COLONIES. 
Dertona  (630).     In  Liguria,  now  Tortona. 


24:0  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  C.ESAR. 

the  peninsula.  (*)  The  agrarian  law,  which  was  con- 
nected with  the  establishment  of  these  colonies,  was 
confirmed,  probably  with  the  view  of  restoring  to  the 
commissioners  charged  with  its  execution  their  judi- 
cial powers,  which  had  fallen  into  disuse.  (2)  Long 
and  wide  roads,  starting  from  Rome,  placed  the  me- 
tropolis in  easy  communication  with  the  different 
countries  of  Italy.  (3) 

Down  to  this  time,  the  appointments  to  the  prov- 
inces had  taken  place  after  the  consular  elections, 

ROMAN  COLONIES —  Continued. 

Fabrateria  (630).     Among  the  Volsci  (Latium  jlfajus').     Now  Falvaterra. 

A  colony  of  the  Gracchi. 
Aqua:  Sextix  (631)  ;  Aix  (Mouths  of  the  Rhone).     Cited  erroneously  as  a 

colony,  was  only  a  castellum. 
Minervia  (Scylacium)  (632).     In  Calabria,  now  Squlllace.     A  colony  of 

,the  Gracchi. 
Neptunia  (Tarcntum)  (632).     In  Calabria,  now  Toronto.     A  colony  of 

the  Gracchi. 

Carthago  (Junonia).     In  Africa.     A  colony  of  the  Gracchi,  was  only  com- 
menced. 
Narbo  Martins  (636).     In  Narbonnese  Gaul,  now  Narbonne.     Founded 

under  the  influence  of  the  Gracchi. 
Eporedia  (654).     In  Transpadane  Gaul,  now  Ivrea. 

In  this  period  Rome  ceases  to  found  Latin  colonies.  The  allied  countries 
and  the  towns  of  the  Latin  name  began  to  demand  the  right  of  city ;  the  as- 
similation of  Italy,  in  respect  to  language  and  manners,  is  indeed  so  advanced 
that  it  is  superfluous,  if  not  dangerous,  to  found  new  Latin  cities. 

The  name  of  Colonies  of  the  Gracchi  is  given  to  those  which  were  established 
essentially  for  the  aid  of  the  poor  citizens,  and  no  longer,  as  formerly,  with  a 
strategic  view. 

Carthage  and  Narbonnc  are  the  first  two  colonies  founded  beyond  the  limits 
of  Italy,  contrary  to  the  rule  previously  followed.     The  only  example  which 
could  be  mentioned  as  appertaining  to  the  previous  period  is  that  of  ItaKca, 
founded  in  Spain  by  Scipio  in  548,  for  those  of  his  veterans  wKo  wished  to  re- 
main in  the  country.     They  received  the  right  of  city,  but  not  the  title  of  col- 
ony.    The  inhabitants  of  Aqua:  Sextice  must  have  been  in  much  the  same  situ- 
ation. (')  Velleius  Paterculns,  II.  6, 15.— Plutarch,  C.  Gracchus,  7,  8, 
(J)  Appian,  Civil  Wars,  I.  19  et  seq. 
(')  Plutarch,  C.  Gracchus,  9.— Appian,  Civil  Wars,  I.  23. 


THE  GRACCHI,  MARIUS,  AND  SYLLA.  241 

wliicli  allowed  the  Senate  to  distribute  the  great 
commands  nearly  according  to  its  own  convenience ; 
it  was  now  arranged,  in  order  to  defeat  the  calcu- 
lations of  ambition  and  cupidity,  that  the  Senate 
should  assign,  before  the  election  of  the  consuls,  the 
provinces  which  they  should  administrate.  (')  To 
elevate  the  title  of  Roman  citizen,  the  dispositions  of 
the  law  Porcia  were  put  in  force  again,  and  it  was 
forbidden  not  only  to  pronounce  capital  punish- 
ment (2)  on  a  Roman  citizen,  except  in  case  of  high 
treason  (perditeUw),  but  even  for  this  offence  to  apply 
it  without  the  ratification  of  the  people.  It  was 
equivalent  to  repealing  the  law  of  provocation,  the 
principle  of  which  had  been  inscribed  in  the  laws  of 
the  Twelve  Tables. 

C.  Gracchus  attempted  still  more  in  the  cause  of 
equality.  He  proposed  to  confer  the  right  of  city  on 
the  allies  who  enjoyed  the  Latin  law,  and  even  to  ex- 
tend this  benefit  to  all  the  inhabitants  of  Italy.  (3) 
He  wished  that  in  the  comitia  all  classes  should  be 
admitted  without  distinction  to  draw  lots  for  the  cen- 
tury called  prcerogativa,  or  which  had  precedency  in 
voting ;  (4)  this  "  prerogative"  had  in  fact  a  great  in- 
fluence, because  the  suffrage  of  the  first  voters  was  re- 
garded as  a  divine  presage;  but  these  propositions 
Avere  rejected.  Desirous  of  diminishing  the  power 
of  the  Senate,  Gracchus  resolved  to  oppose  to  it  the 

(')  Sallust,  Juyvrtha,  27. — Cicero,  Oration  on  the  .Consular  Provinces,  2,15; 
Oration  for  Balbus,  27.  (z)  Cicero,  Oration  for  Rabirius,  4. 

(3)  riutarch,  C.  Gracchus,  7, 12. — According  to  Velleius  Paterculus  (II.  6), 
"he  would  have  extended  this  right  to  all  the  peoples  of  Italy  as  far  as  the 
Alps." 

(*)  Pseudo-Sallust,  First  Letter  to  Ccesar,  vii.— Titus  Livius,  XXVI.  22. 

11  Q 


242  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

knights,  whose  importance  he  increased  by  new  attri- 
butes. He  caused  a  law  to  be  passed  which  author- 
ised the  censor  to  let  to  farm,  in  Asia,  the  lands  taken 
from  the  inhabitants  of  the  conquered  towns.  (')  The 
knights  then  took  in  farm  the  rents  and  tithes  of 
those  countries,  of  which  the  soil  belonged  of  right  to 
the  Roman  people ;  (2)  the  old  proprietors  were  re- 
duced to  the  condition  of  simple  tenants.  Finally, 
Caius  gave  the  knights  a  share  in  the  judiciary  pow- 
ers, exercised  exclusively  by  the  Senate,  the  venality 
of  which  had  excited  public  contempt.  (3)  Three 
hundred  knights  were  joined  with  three  hundred  sen- 
ators, and  the  cognisance  of  all  actions  at  law  thus 
devolved  upon  six  hundred  judges.  (*)  These  meas- 
ures gained  for  him  the  good-will  of  an  order  which, 
hostile  hitherto  to  the  popular  party,  had  contributed 
to  the  failure  of  the  projects  of  Tiberius  Gracchus. 

The  tribune's  success  was  immense ;  his  popularity 
became  so  great  that  the  people  surrendered  to  him 
the  right  of  naming  the  three  hundred  knights  among 
whom  the  judges  were  to  be  chosen,  and  his  simple 
recommendation  was  enough  to  secure  the  election  of 
Fannius,  one  of  his  partisans,  to  the  consulship.  De- 

(*)  "  Aut  censoria  locatio  constituta  est,  nt  Asia;,  lege  Sempronia."  Cicero, 
Second  Prosecution  ofVerres,  III. — See,  on  this  question,  Mommsen,  Inscrip- 
tiones  Latince  Antiquissimce,  pp.  100,  101. 

(2)  In  the  province,  the  domain  of  the  soil  belongs  to  the  Roman  people ;  the 
proprietor  is  reputed  to  have  only  the  possession  or  usufruct.  (Gaius,  Institutes, 
II.  7.) 

(J)  The  senators  were  reproached  with  the  recent  examples  of  prevarication 
given  by  Cornelius  Cotta,  by  Salinator,  and  by  Manius  Aquilius,  the  conqueror 
of  Asia. 

(4)  Yet  the  Epitome  of  Titus  Livius  (LX.)  speaks  of  600  knights  instead  of 
300.  (See  Pliny,  Natural  History,  XXXIII.  7.— Appian,  Civil  Wars,  I.  22.— 
Plutarch,  C.  Gracchus,  7.) 


THE  GEACCHI,  MARIUS,  AND  SYLLA.  243 

siring  further  to  show  his  spirit  of  justice  towards  the 
provinces,  he  sent  back  to  Spain  the  wheat  arbitrarily 
carried  away  from  the  inhabitants  by  the  propraetor 
Fabius.  The  tribunes  had  thus,  at  that  epoch,  a  ver- 
itable omnipotence :  they  had  charge  of  the  great 
works ;  disposed  of  the  public  revenues ;  dictated,  so 
to  say,  the  election  of  the  consuls ;  controlled  the  acts 
of  the  governors  of  provinces ;  proposed  the  laws,  and 
saw  to  their  execution. 

These  measures  taken  together,  from  the  circum- 
stance that  they  were  favourable  to  a  great  number 
of  interests,  calmed  for  some  time  the  ardour  of  the 
opposition,  and  reduced  it  to  silence.  Even  the  Sen- 
ate became  reconciled  in  appearance  with  Caius  Grac- 
chus; but  under  the  surface  the  feeling  of  hatred  still 
existed,  and  another  tribune  was  raised  up  against 
him,  Livius  Drusus,  whose  mission  was  to  propose 
measures  destined  to  restore  to  the  Senate  the  affec- 
tion of  the  people.  C.  Gracchus  had  designed  that 
the  allies  enjoying  Latin  rights  should,  be  admitted 
to  the  right  of  city.  Drusus  caused  it  to  be  declared 
that,  like  the  Roman  citizens,  they  should  no  longer 
be  subject  to  be  beaten  with  rods.  According  to  the 
law  of  the  Gracchi,  the  lands  distributed  to  the  poor 
citizens  were  burdened  with  a  small  rent  for  the  profit 
of  the  public  treasiiry ;  Drusus  freed  them  from  it.  (J) 
In  rivalry  to  the  agrarian  law,  he  obtained  the  crea- 
tion of  twelve  colonies  of  three  thousand  citizens 
each.  Lastly,  it  was  thought  necessary  to  remove 
Caius  Gracchus  himself  out  of  the  way,  by  appoint- 
ing him  to  lead  to  Carthage,  to  raise  it  from  its  ruins, 

(')  Plutarch,  C.  Graecttus,  12. 


244  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

the  colony  of  six  thousand  individuals,  taken  from  all 
pails  of  Italy,  (')  of  which  he  had  obtained  the  estab- 
lishment. 

During  his  absence,  things  took  an  entirely  new 
turn.  If,  on  the.  one  hand,  the  measures  of  Drusus 
had  satisfied  a  part  of  the  people,  on  the  other,  Ful- 
vius,  the  friend  of  Caius,  a  man  of  excessive  zeal, 
compromised  his  cause  by  dangerous  exaggerations. 
Opimius,  the  bitter  enemy  of  the  Gracchi,  offered  him- 
self for  the  consulship.  Informed  of  these  different  in- 
trigues, Caius  returned  suddenly  to  Rome  to  solicit  a 
third  renewal  of  the  tribuneship.  He  failed,  while 
Opimius,  elected  consul,  with  the  prospect  of  combat- 
ing a  party  so  redoubtable  to  the  nobles,  caused  all 
citizens  who  were  not  Romans  to  be  banished  from 
the  town,  and,  under  a  religious  pretext,  attempted  to 
obtain  the  revocation  of  the  decree  relating  to  the  col- 
ony of  Carthage.  "When  the  day  of  deliberation  ar- 
rived, two  parties  occupied  the  Capitol  at  an  early 
hour. 

The  Senate,  in  consideration  of  the  gravity  of  the 
circumstances  and  in  the  interest  of  the  public  safety, 
invested  the  consul  with  extraordinary  powers,  de- 
claring that  it  was  necessary  to  exterminate  tyrants — 
a  treacherous  qualification  always  employed  against 
the  defenders  of  the  people,  and,  in  order  to  make 
more  sure  of  triumph,  they  had  recourse  to  foreign 
troops.  The  Consul  Opimius,  at  the  head  of  a  body 
of  Cretan  archers,  easily  put  to  the  rout  a  tumultuous 
assembly.  Caius  took  flight,  and,  finding  himself  pur- 
sued, slew  himself.  Fulvius  underwent  a  similar  fate. 

(l)  Appian,  Civil  Wars,  I.  24. 


THE  GRACCHI,  MAEIUS,  AND  SYLLA.  245 

The  head  of  the  tribune  was  carried  in  triumph. 
Three  thousand  men  were  thrown  into  prison  and 
strangled.  The  agrarian  laws  and  the  emancipation 
of  Italy  ceased,  for  some  time,  to  torment  the  Senate. 

Such  was  the  fate  of  the  Gracchi,  two  men  who  had 
at  heart  to  reform  the  laws  of  their  country,  and  who 
fell  victims  to  selfish  interests  and  prejudices  still  too 
powerful.  "  They  perished,"  says  Appian,  (J)  "  be- 
cause they  employed  violence  in  the  execution  of  an 
excellent  measure."  (2)  In  fact,  in  a  State  where  legal 
forms  had  been  respected  for  four  hundred  years,  it 
was  necessary  either  to  observe  them  faithfully,  or  to 
have  an  army  at  command. 

Yet  the  work  of  the  Gracchi  did  not  die  with  them. 
Several  of  their  laws  continued  long  to  subsist.  The 
agrarian  law  was  executed  in  part,  inasmuch  as,  at  a 
subsequent  period,  the  nobles  bought  back  the  por- 
tions of  lands  which  had  been  taken  from  them,  (3) 
and  its  effects  were  only  destroyed  at  the  end  of  fif- 
teen years.  Implicated  in  the  acts  of  corruption  im- 
puted to  Jugurtha,  of  which  we  shall  soon  have  to 
speak,  the  Consul  Opimius  had  the  same  fate  as 
Scipio  Nasica,  and  a  no  less  miserable  end.  It  is  cu- 
rious to  see  two  men,  each  vanquisher  of  a  sedition, 
terminate  their  lives  in  a  foreign  land,  exposed  to  the 
hatred  and  contempt  of  their  fellow-citizens.  Yet  the 
reason  is  natural:  they  combated  with  arms  ideas 

0)  Appian,  Civil  Wars,  1. 17. 

(*)  "I  am  not  one  of  those  consuls  who  think  that  it  is  a  crime  to  praise  in 
the  Gracchi,  as  magistrates  whose  counsels,  wisdom,  and  laws  carried  a  salu- 
tary reform  into  many  parts  of  the  administration."  (Cicero,  Second  Speech  on 
the  Agrarian  Law,  5.) 

(3)  Appian,  Civil  Wars,  I.  27. 


246  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

which  arms  could  not  destroy.  When,  in  the  midst 
of  general  prosperity,  dangerous  Utopias  spring  up, 
without  root  in  the  country,  the  slightest  employment 
of  force  extinguishes  them;  but,  on  the  contrary,  when 
society,  deeply  tormented  by  real  and  imperious  needs, 
requires  reform,  the  success  of  the  most  violent  repres- 
sion is  but  momentaneous :  the  ideas  repressed  appear 
again  incessantly,  and,  like  the  fabled  hydra,  for  one 
head  struck  off  a  hundred  others  grow  up  in  its 
place. 

IV.  An  arrogant  oligarchy  had  triumphed  in  Rome 
war  of  Jugurtha  over  tne  popular  party  i  will  it  have  at 
least  the  energy  to  raise  again  the  hon- 
our of  the  Roman  name  abroad  ?  Such  will  not  be 
the  case :  events,  of  which  Africa  is  on  the  point  of 
becoming  the  theatre,  will  show  the  baseness  of  these 
men  who  sought  to  govern  the  world  by  repudiating 
the  virtues  of  their  ancestors. 

Jugurtha,  natural  son  of  Mastanabal,  king  of  Nu- 
midia,  by  a  concubine,  had  distinguished  himself  in 
the  Roman  legions  at  the  siege  of  Numantia.  Reck- 
oning on  the  favour  he  enjoyed  at  Rome,  he  had  re- 
solved to  seize  the  inheritance  of  Micipsa,  to  the  prej- 
udice of  the  two  legitimate  children,  Hiempsal  and 
Adherbal.  The  first  was  murdered  by  his  orders, 
and,  in  spite  of  this  crime,  Jugurtha  had  succeeded  in 
corrupting  the  Roman  commissioners  charged  with 
the  task  of  dividing  the  kingdom  between  him  and 
Adherbal,  and  in  obtaining  from  them  the  larger  part. 
But  soon  master  of  the  whole  country  by  force  of 
arms,  he  put  Adherbal  to  death  also.  The  Senate 


THE  GRACCHI,  MARIUS,  AND  SYLLA.  247 

sent  against  Jugurtha  the  consul  Bestia  Calpurnius, 
who,  soon  bribed  as  the  commissioners  had  been,  con- 
cluded a  disgraceful  peace.  So  many  infamous  deeds 
could  not  remain  in  the  shade.  The  .consul,  on  his 
return,  was  attacked  by  C.  Memmius,  who,  in  forcing 
Jugurtha  to  come  to  Rome  to  give  an  account  of  him- 
self, seized  the  occasion  of  reminding  his  hearers  of 
the  grievances  of  the  people  and  of  the  scandalous 
conduct  of  the  nobles,  in  the  following  words : — ' 

"  After  the  assassination  of  Tiberius  Gracchus,  who, 
according  to  the  nobles,  aspired  to  the  kingly  power, 
the  Roman  people  saw  itself  exposed  to  their  vigor- 
ous persecutions.  Similarly,  after  the  murder  of  Caius 
Gracchus  and  Marcus  Fulvius,  how  many  people  of 
your  order  have  they  not  caused  to  be  imprisoned? 
At  either  of  these  epochs  it  was  not  the  law,  but  their 
caprice  alone,  which  put  an  end  to  the  massacres. 
Moreover,  I  acknowledge  that  to  restore  to  the  people 
ilieir  rights,  is  to  aspire  to  the  kingly  power /  and  we 
must  regard  as  legitimate  all  vengeance  obtained  by 

the  blood  of  the  citizens In  these  last 

years  you  groaned  in  secret  to  see  the  public  treasure 
wasted,  the  kings  and  free  people  made  the  tributa- 
ries of  a  few  nobles — of  those  who  alone  are  in  pos- 
session of  splendid  dignities  and  great  riches.  Never- 
theless, it  is  too  little  for  them  to  be  able  with  impu- 
nity to  commit  such  crimes ;  they  have  finished  by 
delivering  to  the  enemies  of  the  State  your  laws,  the 
dignity  of  your  empire,  and  all  that  is  sacred  in  the 

eyes 'of  gods  and  men But  who  are  they, 

then,  those  who  have  invaded  the  Republic  ?  Villains 
covered  with  blood.,  devoured  by  a  monstrous  cupid- 


248  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

ity,  the  most  criminal,  and  at  the  same  time  the  most 
arrogant,  of  men.  For  them,  good  faith,  honour,  relig- 
ion, and  virtue,  are,  like  vice,  objects  of  traffic.  Some 
have  put  to  death  tribunes  of  the  people ;  others  have 
commenced  unjust  proceedings  against  you ;  most  of 
them  have  shed  your  blood ;  and  these  excesses  are 
their  safeguard:  the  further  they  have  gone  in  the 
course  of  their  crimes,  the  more  they  feel  themselves 
in  safety.  ....  Ah !  could  you  count  upon  a 
sincere  reconciliation  with  them  ?  They  seek  to  rule 
over  you,  you  seek  to  be  free ;  it  is  their  will  to  op- 
press you,  you  resist  oppression;  lastly,  they  treat 
your  allies  as  enemies,  your  enemies  as  allies."  (a) 

He  then  reminded  his  audience  of  all  Jugurtha's 
crimes.  The  latter  rose  to  justify  himself;  but  the 
tribune  C.  Baebius,  with  whom  he  was  in  league,  or- 
dered the  king  to  keep  silence.  The  Numidian  was 
on  the  point  of  gathering  the  fruit  of  such  an  accu- 
mulation of  corruptions,  when,  having  caused  a  dan- 
gerous rival,  Massiva,  the  grandson  of  Masinissa,  to  be 
assassinated  at  Rome,  he  became  the  object  of  public 
reprobation,  and  was  compelled  to  return  to  Africa. 
War  then  re-commences;  the  consul  Albums  lets  it 
drag  on  in  length.  Recalled  to  Rome  to  hold  the 
comitia,  he  entrusts  the  command  to  his  brother,  the 
propraetor  Aulus,  whose  army,  soon  seduced  by  Ju- 
gurtha, lets  itself  be  surrounded,  and  is  under  the  ne- 
cessity of  making  a  dishonourable  capitulation.  The 
indignation  at  Rome  is  at  its  height.  On  the  propo- 
sal of  a  tribune,  an  inquiry  is  opened  against  all  the 
presumed  accomplices  in  the  misdeeds  of  Jugurtha ; 

(')  Sail ust,  Jugurtha,  31. 


THE  GRACCHI,  MARIUS,  AND  SYLLA.  249 

they  were  punished,  and,  as  often  happens  under  such 
circumstances,  the  vengeance  of  the  people  passed  the 
limits  of  justice.  At  last,  after  warm  debates,  an  hon- 
ourable man  is  chosen,  Metellus,  belonging  to  .the  fac- 
tion of  the  nobles,  and  he  is  charged  with  the  war  in 
Africa.  Public  opinion,  by  forcing  the  Senate  to 
punish  corruption,  had  triumphed  over  bad  passions ; 
and  "  it  was  the  first  time,"  says  Sallust, "  that  the 
people  put  a  bridle  on  the  tyrannical  pride  of  the  no- 
bility." o 

V.  The  Gracchi  had  made  themselves,  so  to  say, 
the  civil  champions  of  the  popular  cause: 

Mariua  (647).  .  r      .  IT 

Manus  became  its  stern  soldier.  Uorn 
of  an  obscure  family,  bred  in  camps,  having  arrived 
by  his  courage  at  high  grades,  he  had  the  roughness 
and  the  ambition  of  the  class  which  feels  itself  op- 
pressed. A  great  captain,  but  a  partisan  in  spirit, 
naturally  inclined  to  good  and  to  justice,  he  became, 
towards  the  end  of  his  life,  through  love  of  power, 
cruel  and  inexorable.  (2) 

After  having  distinguished  himself  at  the  siege  of 
Numantia,  he  was  elected  tribune  of  the  people,  and 
displayed  in  that  office  a  great  impartiality.  (3)  It 
w,as  the  first  step  of  his  fortune.  Having  become 
the  lieutenant  of  Metellus,  in  the  war  against  Jugur- 


(')  Sallust,  Jugurtha,  5. 

(2)  "  Morius  had  only  made  his  temper  more  unyielding."    (Plutarch,  Syl- 
la,  39.}—"  Talent,  probity,  simplicity,  profound  knowledge  of  the  art  of  war, 
Marias  joined  to  the  same  degree  the  contempt  of  riches  and  pleasures  with 
the  love  of  glory."     (Sallust,  'Jugurtha,  63.) — Marius  was  born  on  the  territory 
of  Arpinum,  at  Cereatce,  now  Casamari  (the  house  of  Marius). 

(3)  "Obtained  the  esteem  of  both  parties."     (Plutarch,  Marius,  4.) 
11* 


250  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

tha  he  sought  to  supplant  his  general ;  and,  at  a  later 
period,  succeeded  in  allying  himself  to  an  illustrious 
family  by  marrying  Julia,  paternal  aunt  of  the  great 
Caesar.  Guided  by  his  instinct  or  intelligence,  he  had 
learnt  that  beneath  the  official  people  there  existed  a 
people  of  proletaries  and  of  allies  which  demanded  a 
consideration  in  the  State. 

.  Having  reached  the  consulship  through  his  high 
military  reputation,  backed  by  intrigues,  he  was 
charged  with  the  war  of  Numidia,  and,  before  his 
departure,  expressed  with  energy,  in  an  address  to 
the  people,  the  rancours  and  principles  of  the  demo- 
cratic party  of  that  time. 

"You  have  charged  me,"  he  said, "with  the  war 
against  Jugurtha;  the  nobility  is  irritated  at  your 
choice :  but  why  do  you  not  change  your  decree,  by 
going  to  seek  for  this  expedition  a  man  among  that 
crowd  of  nobles,  of  old  lineage,  who  counts  many  an- 
cestors, but  not  a  single  campaign  ?  ...  It  is 
true  that  he  would  have  to  take  among  the  people 
an  adviser  who  could  teach  him  his  business.  With 
these  proud  patricians  compare  Marius,  a  new  man. 
What  they  have  heard  related  by  others,  what  they 
have  read  of,  I  have  seen  in  part,  I  have  in  part  done. 
.  .  .  .  They  reproach  me  with  the  obscurity  of 
my  birth  and  fortune;  I  reproach  them  with  their 
cowardice  and  personal  infamy.  Nature,  our  common 
mother,  has  made  all  men  equal,  and  the  bravest  is 
the  most  noble.  ...  If  they  think  they  are  jus- 
tified in  despising  me,  let  them  also  despise  their  an- 
cestors, ennobled  like  me  by  their  personal  merits. 
.  .  .  .  And  is  it  not  more  worthy  to  be  oneself 


THE  GRACCHI,  MARIUS,  AND  SYLLA.  251 

the  author  of  his  name  than  to  degrade  that  which 
has  been  transmitted  to  you  \ 

"  I  cannot,  to  justify  your  confidence,  make  a  dis- 
play of  images,  nor  boast  of  the  triumphs  or  consul- 
ships of  my  ancestors ;  but  I  can  produce,  if  neces- 
sary, javelins,  a  standard,  the  trappings  of  war,  twenty 
other  military  gifts,  besides  the  scars  which  furrow 
my  breast.  These  are  my  images,  these  my  nobility, 
not  left  by  inheritance,  but  won  for  myself  by  great 
personal  labours  and  perils."  (f) 

After  this  oration,  in  which  is  revealed  the  legiti- 
mate ardour  of  those  who,  in  all  aristocratic  countries, 
demand  equality,  Marius,  contrary  to  the  ancient  sys- 
tem, enrolled  more  proletaries  than  citizens.  The 
veterans  also  crowded  under  his  standards.  He  con- 
ducted the  war  of  Africa  with  skill;  but  he  was 
robbed  of  part  of  his  glory  by  his  questor,  P.  Corne- 
lius Sylla.  This  man,  called  soon  afterwards  to  play 
so  great  a  part,  sprung  from  an  illustrious  patrician 
family,  ambitious,  ardent,  full  of  boldness  and  confi- 
dence in  himself,  recoiled  before  no  obstacle.  The 
successes,  which  cost  so  many  efforts  to  Marius,  seemed 
to  come  of  themselves  to  Sylla.  Marius  defeated  the 
Numidian  prince,  but,  by  an  adventurous  act  of  bold- 
ness, Sylla  received  his  submission,  and  ended  the 
war.  From  that  time  began,  between  the  proconsul 
and  his  young  questor,  a  rivalry  which,  in  time,  was 
changed  into  violent  hatred.  They  became,  one,  the 
champion  of  the  democracy ;  the  other,  the  hope  of 
the  oligarchic  faction.  So  the  Senate  extolled  beyond 
measure  Metellus  and  Sylla,  in  order  that  the  people 

(')  Sallust,  Jugurtha,  85. 


252  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CJESAR. 

should  not  consider  Marius  as  the  first  of  the  gener- 
als. (l)  The  gravity  of  events  soon  baffled  this  ma- 
noeuvre. 

While  Marius  was  concluding  the  war  with  Jugur- 
tha,  a  great  danger  threatened  Italy.  Since  641,  an 
immense  migration  of  barbarians  had  moved  through 
Illyria  into  Cisalpine  Gaul,  and  had  defeated,  at  No- 
reia  (in  Carniola)  the  consul  Papirius  Carbo.  They 
were  the  Cimbri,  and  all  their  peculiarities,  manners, 
language,  habits  of  pillage,  and  adventures,  attested 
their  relationship  to  the  Gauls.  (2)  In  their  passage 
through  Rhsetia  into  the  country  of  the  Helvetii,  they 
dragged  with  them  different  peoples,  and  during  some 
years  devastated  Gaul;  returned  in  645  to  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  the  Roman  province,  they  demanded  of 
the  Republic  lands  to  settle  in.  The  consular  army 
sent  to  meet  them  was  defeated,  and  they  invaded 
the  province  itself.  The  Tigurini  (647),  a  people  of 
Helvetia,  issuing  from  their  mountains,  slew  the  con- 
sul L.  Cassius,  and  made  his  army  pass  under  the 
yoke.  It  was  only  a  prelude  to  greater  disasters. 
A  third  invasion  of  the  Cimbri,  followed  by  two  new 
defeats  in  649,  on  the  banks  of  the  Rhine,  excites  the 
keenest  apprehensions,  and  points  to  Marius  as  the 
only  man  capable  of  saving  Italy ;  the  nobles,  more- 
over, in  presence  of  this  great  danger,  sought  no  lon- 
ger to  seize  the  power.  (3)  Marius  was,  contrary  to 
the  law,  named  a  second  time  consul,  in  650,  and 
charged  with  the  war  in  Gaul. 

This  great  captain  laboured  during  several  years 

(')  Plutarch,  Marius,  10.  (*)  Plutarch,  Marius,  19. 

(s)  Plutarch,  Marius,  11. 


THE  GRACCHI,  MARIUS,  AND  SYLLA.  253 

to  restore  military  discipline,  practise  his  troops,  and 
familiarise  them  with  their  new  enemies,  whose  aspect 
filled  them  with  terror  Marius,  considered  indis- 
pensable, was  re-elected  from  year  to  year;  from  650 
to  654,  he  was  five  times  elected  consul,  and  beat  the 
Cimbri,  united  with  the  Ambrones  and  Teutones, 
near  Aquae  Sextise  (Aix),  re-passed  into  Italy,  and  ex- 
terminated, near  Vercellae,  the  Cimbri  who  had  es- 
caped from  the  last  battle  and  those  whom  the  Celti- 
berians  had  driven  back  from  Spain.  These  immense 
butcheries,  these  massacres  of  whole  peoples,  removed 
for  some  time  the  barbarians  from  the  frontiers  of  the 
Republic. 

Consul  for  the  sixth  time  (654),  the  saviour  of 
Rome  and  Italy,  by  a  generous  deference,  would  not 
triumph  without  his  colleague  Catulus,  (*)  and  did 
not  hesitate  to  exceed  his  powers  in  granting  to  two 
auxiliary  cohorts  of  Cameria,  who  had  distinguished 
themselves,  the  rights  of  city.  (2)  But  his  glory  was 
obscured  by  culpable  intrigues.  Associated  with  the 
most  turbulent  chiefs  of  the  democratic  party,  he  ex- 
cited them  to  revolt,  and  sacrificed  them  as  soon  as 
he  saw  that  they  could  not  succeed.  When  govern- 
ments repulse  the  legitimate  wishes  of  the  people 
and  true  ideas,  then  factious  men  seize  on  them  as  a 
powerful  arm  to  serve  their  passions  and  personal  in- 
terests; the  Senate  having  rejected  all  the  proposals 
of  reform,  those  who  sought  to  raise  disorders  found 
in  them  a  pretext  and  support  in  their  perverse  proj- 
ects. L.  Appuleius  Saturninus,  one  of  Marius's  crea- 
tures, and  Glaucia,  a  fellow  of  loose  manners,  were 

(')  Plutarch,  Marius,  28.  (2)  Plutarch,  Marius,  29. 


254  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

guilty  of  incredible  violences.  The  first  revived  the 
agrarian  laws  of  the  Gracchi,  and  went  beyond  them 
in  proposing  the  partition  of  the  lands  taken  from 
the  Cimbri;  a  measure  which  he  sought  to  impose 
by  terror  and  murder.  In  the  troubles  which  broke 
out  at  the  election  of  the  consuls  for  655,  the  urban 
tribes  came  to  blows  with  the  country  tribes.  In 
the  midst  of  the  tumult,  Saturninus,  followed  by  a 
troop  of  desperadoes,  made  himself  master  of  the  Cap- 
itol, and  fortified  himself  in  it  Charged,  in  his  qual- 
ity of  consul,  with  the  repression  of  sedition,  Marius 
first  favoured  it  by  an  intentional  inaction  ;  then,  see- 
ing all  good  citizens  run  to  arms,  and  the  factious 
without  support,  even  deserted  by  the  urban  ple- 
beians, he  placed  himself  at  the  head  of  some  troops, 
and  occupied  the  avenues  to  the  Capitol.  From  the 
first  moment  of  the  attack,  the  rebels  threw  down 
their  arms  and  demanded  quarter.  Marius  left  them 
to  be  massacred  by  the  people,  as  though  he  had 
wished  that  the  secret  of  the  sedition  might  die  with 
them. 

The  question  of  Italian  emancipation  was  not  for- 
eign to  the  revolt  of  Saturninus.  It  is  certain  that 
the  claims  of  the  Italiotes,  rejected  after  the  death  of 
C.  Gracchus,  and  then  adjourned  at  the  approach  of 
the  Cimbri,  who  threatened  all  the  peninsula  with  one 
common  catastrophe,  were  renewed  with  more  earn- 
estness than  ever  after  the  defeat  of  the  barbarians. 
The  earnestness  of  the  allies  to  come  to  the  succour  of 
Italy,  the  courage  which  they  had  shown  in  the  bat- 
tle-fields of  Aquae  Sextiae  and  Vercellae,  gave  them 
new  claims  to  become  Romans.  Yet,  if  some  prudent 


THE  GHACCHI,  MARIUS,  AND  SYLLA.  255 

politicians  believed  that  the  time  was  arrived  for 
yielding  to  the  wishes  of  the  Italiotes,  a  numerous 
and  powerful  party  revolted  at  the  idea  of  such  a  con- 
cession. The  more  the  privileges  of  the  citizens  be- 
came extended,  the  more  the  Roman  pride  resisted  the 
thought  of  having  sharers  in  them.  M.  Livius  Drusus 
(663),  tribune  of  the  people,  son  of  the  Drusus  already 
mentioned,  having  under  his  command  in  Rome  an 
immense  body  of  clients,  the  acknowledged  patron  of 
all  the  Italiote  cities,  dared  to  attempt  this  salutary 
reform,  and  had  nearly  carried  it  by  force  of  party. 
He  was  not  ignorant  that  there  was  already  in  exist- 
ence a  formidable  confederacy  of  the  peoples  of  the 
south  and  east  of  Italy,  and  that  more  than  once  their 
chiefs  had  meditated  a  general  insurrection.  Drusus, 
trusting  in  their  projects,  had  had  the  art  to  restrain 
them  and  to  obtain  from  them  the  promise  of  a  blind 
obedience.  The  success  of  the  tribune  seemed  cer- 
tain. The  people  were  gained  over  by  distributions 
of  wheat  and  concessions  of  lands ;  the  Senate,  intimi- 
dated, appeared  to  have  become  powerless,  when,  a 
few  days  before  the  vote  of  the  tribes,  Drusus  was 
assassinated.  All  Italy  accused  the  senators  of  this 
crime,  and  war  became  inevitable. 

The  obstinate  refusal  of  the  Romans  to  share  with 
the  Italiotes  all  their  political  rights,  had  been  long  a 
cause  of  political  agitation.  More  than  two  hundred 
years  before,  the  war  of  the  Latins  and  the  revolt  of 
the  inhabitants  of  Campania,  after  the  battle  of  Can- 
nae, had  no  other  motives.  About  the  same  time 
(536),  Spurius  Carvilius  proposed  to  admit  into  the 
Senate  two  senators  taken  from  each  people  in  Lati- 


256  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CJBSAK. 

um.  "  The  assembly,"  says  Livy,  (')  "  burst  into  a 
murmur  of  indignation,  and  Manlius,  raising  his  voice 
over  the  others,  declared  that  there  existed  still  a  de- 
scendant of  that  consul  who  once,  in  the  Capitol, 
threatened  to  kill  with  his  own  hand  the  first  Latin  he 
should  see  in  the  curia  ;"  a  striking  proof  of  this  secu- 
lar resistance  of  the  Roman  aristocracy  to  everything 
which  might  threaten  its  supremacy.  But,  after  this 
epoch,  the  ideas  of  equality  had  assumed  a  power 
which  it  was  impossible  to  mistake. 

VI.  This  civil  war,  which  was  called  the  War  of 
wars  of  the  Ames  ^  Allies,  (2)  showed  once  more  the  im- 
potence of  material  force  against  the  le- 
gitimate aspirations  of  peoples,  and  it  covered  the 
country  with  blood  and  ruins.  Three  hundred  thou- 
sand citizens,  the  choice  of  the  nation,  perished  on  the 
field  of  battle.  (3)  Rome  had  the  superiority,  it  is 
true,  and  yet  it  was  the  cause  of  the  vanquished 
which  triumphed,  since,  after  the  war,  the  only  object 
of  which  was  the  assertion  of  the  rights  of  citizenship, 
these  rights  were  granted  to  most  of  the  peoples  of 
Italy.  Sylla  subsequently  restricted  them,  and  we 
may  be  convinced,  by  examining  the  different  cen- 
suses, that  the  entire  emancipation  was  only  accom- 
plished under  Caesar.  (4) 

(')  Titus  Livus,  XXIII.  22. 

(s)  In  our  opinion,  bellum  sociale,  or  sociorum,  has  been  wrongly  translated  by 
"social  war,"  an  expression  which  gives  a  meaning  entirely  contrary  to  the 
nature  of  this  war.  (3)  Velleius  Paterculus,  II.  15. 

(*)  LIST  OF  THE  DIFFERENT  CENSUSES  :  — 


187.       80,000.     The  first  census  under  Scrvius  Tullius.     (Titus  Livius,  I.  44 
—  Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus,  IV.  22.  —  Eutropius,  I.  7.) 


THE  GRACCHI,  MARIUS,  AND  SYLLA. 


257 


The  revolt  "burst  out  fortuitously  before  the  day 


LIST  OF  THE  DIFFERENT  CENSUSES — Continued. 
Census. 


Year  of 
Rome. 
245.     130,000. 

278.     110,000. 


280.     190,000. 

(Towards 

28G).        8,714. 

295.     117,319. 
331.     120,000. 


305.  152,573. 
415.  165,000. 
422% 

to  [-250,000. 
435) 
4GO.     262,321. 


465.  272,000. 
474.  287,222. 
479.  292,334. 


489. 
502. 
507. 
513. 
534. 
546. 


382,234. 
297,797. 
241,212. 
260,000. 
270,213. 
137,108. 


550.     214,000. 


(Plutarch,  Publicola,  14.) 

(Upwards  of).  (Dionysius  of  Halicarnassns,  IX.  25.) — 
119,309  according  to  Eutropius,  I.  14 ;  and  120,000  ac- 
cording to  G.  Syncellus,  452,  ed.  Bonn. 

(Rather  more  than).     (Dionysius  of  Halicarnassns,  IX.  36.) 

(sic.)     (Titus  Livius,  Epitome,  III.,  ed.  O.  Jahn.)     Correct  it 

to  118,714. 

(Titus  Livius,  III.  24.)— 117,219  according  to  the  Epitome. 
(Canon  of  Eusebius,  Olympiad  Ixxxix.  2  ;   115,000  according 

to  another  manuscript.)    This  passage  is  wanting  in  the 

Armenian  translation. 

(Pliny,  Natural  History,  XXXIII.  16,  ed.  Sillig.) 
(Eusebins,  Olymp.  ex.  1.) 

(Titus  Livius,  IX.  19. — G.  Syncellus,  Chronographia,  525,  has 
the  number  260,000.) 

(Titus  Livius,  X.  47;  the  Epitome,  272,320. — Eusebius> 
Olymp.  cxxi.  4,  writes  270,000 ;  the  Armenian  translator, 
220,000.) 

(Titus  Livius,  Epitome,  XI.) 

(Titus  Livius,  Epitome,  XIII.) 

(Eutropius,  II.  10.)  — 271,234  according  to  Titus  Livius 
(Epitome,  XIV.). 

(Titus  Livius,  Epitome,  XVI.)     Correct  it  to  282,234. 

(Titus  Livius,  Epitome,  XVIII.) 

(Titus  Livius,  Epitome,  XIX.) 

(Eusebius,  Olymp.  cxxxiv.  4.) 

(Titus-  Livius,  Epitome,  XX.) 

(Titus  Livius,  XXII.  36.)— This  enormous  difference  is  wrong- 
ly ascribed  to  the  losses  experienced  in  the  first  five  years 
of  the  Second  Punic  war,  and  Titus  Livius  states  but  a  very 
small  difference,  minor  aliquanto  numerus  quam  qui  ante  bel- 
lumfuerat,  which  would  give  us  cause  to  believe  in  an  er- 
ror of  the  copyist  in  the  number  of  the  census,  so  that  we 
should  read  237,108. 

(Titus  Livius,  XXIX.  37 ;  Fasti  Capitolini.^—THie  censors,  as 
is  formally  stated,  had  extended  their  operations  to  the 
armies ;  in  addition  to  which,  many  allies  and  Latins  had 
come  to  take  their  domicile  in  Rome,  and  had  been  included 
in  the  census. 

R 


258 


HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 


fixed.  It  was  provoked  by  the  violence  of  a  Roman 
magistrate,  who  was  massacred  by  the  inhabitants  of 
Asculuin ;  but  all  was  ready  for  an  insurrection,  which 


561.     143,704. 


566. 
576. 


258,318. 
288,294. 


581.     269,015. 


LIST  OF   THE   DIFFERENT   CENSUSES Continued. 


(Titus  Livius,  XXXV.  9.)  Here,  also,  there  doubtless  exists 
an  error ;  we  must  read  243, 704.  Perhaps,  too,  the  cen- 
sors did  not  include  in  that  number  of  citizens  the  soldiers 
in  campaign. 

(Titus  Livius,  XXXVIII.  36)  ;  Epitome,  258,310.  Many  al- 
lies of  the  Latin  name  had  been  included  in  the  census. 

(Titus  Livius,  Epitome,  XLI.)  The  figures  of  the  census  of 
preceding  and  following  years  lead  us  to  adopt  this  num- 
ber, though  the  manuscripts  give  only  258,294. 

(Titus  Livius,  XLII.  10);  Epitome,  267,231.  "The  reason 
of  the  inferiority  of  the  census  of  581  was,"  according  to 
Titus  Livius,  "the  edict  of  the  Consul  Postumius,  in  virtue 
of  which  those  who  belonged  to  the  class  of  the  Latin  allies 
were  to  return,  to  be  taken  for  their  censuses,  in  their  re- 
spective towns,  according  to  the  edict  of  the  Consul  C.  Clau- 
dius, so  that  there  was  not  a  single  person  of  the  allies  who 
was  taken  at  Rome."  (Titus  Livius,  XLII.  10.) 

(Titus  Livius,  Epitome,  XLV.) 

(Titus  Livius,  Epitome,  XLVI.) 

(Titus  Livius,  Epitome,  XLVII.) 

(Titus  Livius,  Epitome,  XL VIII.) 

(Eusebius,  Olymp.  clviii.  3.) 

(Titus  Livius,  Epitome,  LIV.) 

(Titus  Livius,  Epitome,  LVI.) 

(Titus  Livius,  Epitome,  LIX.) 

(Titus  Livius,  Epitome,  LX.) 

(Titus  Livius,  Epitome,  LXIII.) 

(Eusebius,  Olymp.  clxxiv.  1.)  , 

(Titus  Livius,  Epitome,  XCVIH.)— Dio  Cassius  (XTJII.  25) 
relates  that  the  census  ordered  by  Caesar  after  the  civil 
war  had  presented  a  frightful  diminution  of  the  number  of 
the  population  (ditvr)  6\iyavOpoiria*).  Appian  (II.  102)  says 
that  this  number  had  only  reached  about  the  half  of  the 
previous  census.  According  to  Plutarch  (  Cccsar,  55),  upon 
320,000  citizens  counted  before  the  war,  Caesar  had  only 
found  150,000.  They  confounded  the  registers  of  the  dis- 
tribution of  wheat  with  the  lists  of  the  census.  (See  Sue- 
tonius,  Ccesar,  41.) 


586. 

312,805. 

591. 

337,022. 

595. 

323,316. 

600. 

324,000. 

608. 

334,000. 

613. 

327,442. 

618. 

317,933. 

623. 

318,823. 

629. 

394,726. 

639. 

"394,336. 

667. 

463,000. 

684. 

900,000. 

V 

THE  GRACCHI,  MARIUS,  AND  SYLLA.  259 

was  not  long  before  it  became  general.  The  allies 
had  a  secret  government,  chiefs  appointed,  and  an 
army  organised.  At  the  head  of  the  peoples  confed- 
erated against  Rome  were  distinguished  the  Marsi 
and  the  Samnites ;  the  first  excited  rather  by  a  feel- 
ing of  national  pride  than  by  the  memory  of  injuries 
to  be  revenged ;  the  second,  on  the  contrary,  by  the 
hatred  which  they  had  vowed  against  the  Romans 
during  long  struggles  for  their  independence— strug- 
gles renewed  on  the  invasion  of  Hannibal.  Both 
shared  the  honour  of  the  supreme  command.  It  ap- 
pears, moreover,  that  the  system  of  government  adopt- 
ed by  the  confederation  was  a  copy  of  the  Roman  in- 
stitutions. To  substitute  Italy  for  Rome,  and  to  re- 
place the  denomination  of  a  single  town  by  that  of  a 
great  people,  was  the  avowed  aim  of  the  new  league. 
A  Senate  was  named,  or  rather  a  Diet,  in  which  each 
city  had  its  representatives ;  they  elected  two  consuls, 
Q.  Pompsedius  Silo,  a  Marsian,  and  C.  Papius  Mutilus, 
a  Samnite.  For  their  capital,  they  chose  Cornnium, 

LIST  OF  THE  DIFFERENT  CENSUSES — Continued. 

YSf    ^UBU, 

Augustus  says  expressly  that  between  the  years  684  and 
726  there  was  no  census  taken,  post  annum  alterum  et  qitad- 
ragesimum.  (Monument  of  Ancyra,  tab.  2.) — The  number 
of  citizens  whom  he  found  at  that  epoch,  4,063,000,  is 
about  that  which  Caesar  might  have  declared.  (Photius, 
Biblioth.,  cod.  xcvii. — Fragm.  Histor.,  ed.  Miiller,  III.  606.) 

726.  4,063,000.  Closing  of  the  lustrum  by  Augustus  on  his  sixth  consulship, 
with  M.  Agrippa  for  his  colleague.  (Monument  of  Ancyra.} 

746.  4,233,000.  Second  closure  of  the  lustrum  by  Augustus  alone.  (Monu- 
ment of  Ancyra.) 

767.  4,037,000.  According  to  the  Monument  of  Ancyra ;  9,300,000  accord- 
ing to  the  Chronicle  of  Evsebius ;  third  closure  of  the  lus- 
trum by  Augustus  and  Tiberius  Caesar,  his  colleague,  under 
the  consulate  of  Sex.  Pompeius  and  Sex.  Appuleius. 


260  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

the  name  of  which  was  changed  to  that  of  Italia,  or 
Vitelia,  which,  in  the  Oscan  language,  spoken  by  a 
part  of  the  peoples  of  Southern  Italy,  had  the  same 
signification.  (*) 

The  allies  were  wanting  neither  in  skilful  generals 
nor  in  brave  and  experienced  soldiers;  in  the  two 
camps,  the  same  arms,  the  same  discipline.  The  war, 
commenced  at  the  end  of  the  year  663,  was  pursued 
on  both  sides  with  the  utmost  animosity.  It  extend- 
ed through  Central  Italy,  from  the  north  to  the  south, 
from  Firmum  (JFermo)  to  Grumentum,  in  Lucania, 
and  from  east  to  west  from  Cannae  to  the  Liris.  The 
battles  were  sanguinary,  and  often  indecisive,  and,  on 
both  sides,  the  losses  were  so  considerable,  that  it 
soon  became  necessary  to  enrol  the  freedmen,  and 
even  the  slaves. 

The  allies  obtained  at  first  brilliant  successes.  Ma- 
rius  had  the  glory  of  arresting  their  progress,  al- 
though he  had  only  troops  demoralised  by  reverses. 
Fortune,  this  time  again,  served  Sylla  better;  con- 
queror wherever  he  appeared,  he  sullied  his  exploits 
by  horrible  cruelties  to  the  Samnites,  whom  he  seem- 
ed to  have  undertaken  to  destroy  rather  than  to  sub- 
due. The  Senate  displayed  more  humanity,  or  more 
policy,  in  granting  spontaneously  the  right  of  Roman 
city  to  all  the  allies  who  remained  faithful  to  the  Re- 
public, and  in  promising  it  to  all  those  who  should 
lay  down  their  arms.  It  treated  in  the  same  manner 
the  Cisalpine  Gauls;  as  to  their  neighbours  on  the 

(')  These  two  words  are  found  on  the  Italiote  medals  struck  during  the  war. 
A  denarius  in  the  Bibliotheque  Impe'riale  presents  the  legend  ITALIA  in 
Latin  characters,  and,  on  the  reverse,  the  name  of  Papius  Mutilus  in  Oscan 
characters:  >.  h  T7  N  N  FT  »>  Gai,  PAAPI+  G  (aijilt). 


THE  GKACCHI,  MARIUS,  AND  SYLLA.  261 

left  bank  of  the  Po,  it  conferred  upon  them  the  right 
of  Latium.  This  wise  measure  divided  the  confeder- 
ates ;  (!)  the  greater  part  submitted.  The  Samnites, 
almost  alone,  continued  to  fight  in  their  mountains 
with  the  fury  of  despair.  The  emancipation  of  Italy 
was  accompanied,  nevertheless,  with  a  restrictive  meas- 
ure which  was  designed  to  preserve  to  the  Romans 
the  preponderance  in  the  comitia.  To  the  thirty-five 
old  tribes,  eight  new  ones  were  added,  in  which  all 
the  Italiotes  were  inscribed ;  and,  as  the  votes  were 
reckoned  by  tribes,  and  not  by  head,  it  is  evident  that 
the  influence  of  the  new  citizens  must  have  been 
nearly  null.  (2) 

Etruria  had  taken  no  part  in  the  Social  War.  The 
nobility  was  devoted  to  Rome,  and  the  people  lived 
in  a  condition  approximating  to  bondage.  The  law 
Julia,  which  gave  to  the  Italiotes  the  right  of  Roman 
city,  and  which  took  its  name  from  its  author,  the 
consul  L.  Julius  Csesar,  produced  among  the  Etrus- 
cans a  complete  revolution.  It  was  welcomed  with 
enthusiasm. 

While  Italy  was  in  flames,  Mithridates  VI.,  king 
of  Pontus,  determined  to  take  advantage  of  the  weak- 
ness of  the  Republic  to  aggrandise  himself.  In  664, 
he  invaded  Bithynia  and  Cappadocia,  and  expelled  the 
kings,  allies  of  Rome.  At  the  same  time  he  entered 
into  communication  with  the  Samnites,  to  whom  he 
promised  subsidies  and  soldiers.  Such  was  the  ha- 
tred then  inspired  by  the  Romans  in  foreign  coun- 
tries, that  an  order  of  Mithridates  was  sufficient  to 

(')  This  measure  satisfied  the  Etruscans.     (Appian,  Civil  Wars,  I.  49.) 
(5)  Velleius  Paterculus,  II.  20.— Appian,  Civil  Wars,  I.  49. 


262  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  C^SAR. 

raise  the  province  of  Asia,  where,  in  one  day,  eighty 
thousand  Komans  were  massacred.  (')  At  this  time 
the  Social  War  was  already  approaching  its  end. 
With  the  exception  -of  Samnium,  all  Italy  was  sub- 
dued, and  the  Senate  could  turn  its  attention  to  the 
distant  provinces. 

VII.  Sylla,  appointed  consul  in  recompense  for  his 
services,  was  charged  with  the  task  of 
chastising  Mithridates.  While  he  was 
preparing  for  this  mission,  the  tribune  of  the  people, 
P.  Sulpicius,  had  formed  a  powerful  party.  A  remark- 
able man,  though  without  scruples,  he  had  the  quali- 
ties and  the  defects  of  most  of  those  who  played  a 
part  in  these  epochs  of  dissension.  (2)  Escorted  by 
six  hundred  Roman  knights,  whom  he  called  the  Anti- 
Senate,  (3)  he  sold  publicly  the  right  of  citizen  to 
freedmen  and  foreigners,  and  received  the  price  on  ta- 
bles raised  in  the  middle  of  the  public  place.  (4)  He 
caused  a  plebiscitum  to  be  passed  to  put  an  end  to 
the  subterfuge  of  the  law  Julia,  which,  by  an  illusory 
re-partition,  cheated  the  Italiotes  of  the  veiy  rights 
which  it  seemed  to  accord  to  them ;  and  instead  of 
maintaining  them  in  the  eight  new  tribes,  he  caused 
them  to  be  inscribed  in  the  thirty -five  old  ones.  The 
measure  was  not  adopted  without  warm  discussions ; 
but  Sulpicius  was  supported  by  all  the  new  citizens, 

(')  See  Note  (')  to  page  226. 

(2)  "  P.  Snlpicins  had  sought  by  his  rectitude  the  popular  esteem :  his  elo- 
quence, his  activity,  his  mental  superiority,  and  his  fortune,  made  of  him  a  re- 
markable man."    (Velleius  Paterculus,  II.  18.) 

(3)  Plutarch,  Mantis,  36. 

(4)  Plutarch,  Sylla,  11. 


THE  GRACCHI,  MARIUS,  AND  SYLLA.  263 

together  with,  the  democratic  faction  and  Marius.  A 
riot  earned  the  vote,  and  Sylla,  threatened  with  death, 
was  obliged  to  take  refuge  in  the  house  of  Marius, 
and  hastily  quit  Rome.  Master  of  the  town,  Sulpici- 
us  showed  the  influences  he  obeyed,  by  causing  to  be 
given  to  the  aged  Marius  the  province  of  Asia,  and 
the  command  of  the  expedition  against  Mithridates. 
But  Sylla  had  his  army  in  Campania,  and  was  de- 
termined to  support  his  own  claims.  While  the  fac- 
tion of  Marius,  in  the  town,  indulged  in  acts  of  vio- 
lence against  the  contrary  faction,  the  soldiers  of  Sylla 
were  irritated  at  seeing  the  legions  of  his  rival  iikely 
to  snatch  from  them  the  rich  booty  which  Asia  prom- 
ised; and  they  swore  to  avenge  their  chief.  Sylla 
placed  himself  at  their  head,  and  marched  from  Nola 
upon  Rome,  with  his  colleague,  Pompeius  Rufus,  who 
had  just  joined  him.  The  greater  part  of  the  superi- 
or officers  dared  not  follow  him,  so  great  was  still  the 
prestige  of  the  eternal  city.  (')  In  vain  deputations 
are  addressed  to  him ;  he  marches  onwards,  and  pen- 
etrates into  the  streets  of  Rome.  Assailed  by  the  in- 
habitants, and  attacked  by  Marius  and  Sulpicius,  he 
triumphs  only  by  dint  of  boldness  and  energy.  It 
was  the  first  time  that  a  general,  entering  Rome  as  a 
conqueror,  had  seized  the  power  by  force  of  arms. 

Sylla  restored  order,  prevented  pillage,  convoked 
the  assembly  of  the  people,  justified  his  conduct,  and, 
wishing  to  secure  for  his  party  the  preponderance  in 
the  public  deliberations,  he  recalled  to  force  the  old 
custom  of  requiring  the  previous  assent  of  the  Senate 
before  the  presentation  of  a  law.  The  comitia  by 

O  Appian,  Civil  Wars,  I.  57. 


264  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  OffiSAR. 

centuries  were  substituted  for  the  comitia  by  tribes, 
to  which  was  left  only  the  election  of  the  inferior 
magistrates.  (*)  Sylla  caused  Sulpicius  to  be  put  to 
death,  and  abrogated  his  decrees ;  and  he  set  a  price 
on  the  head  of  Marius,  forgetting  that  he  had  himself, 
a  short  time  before,  found  a  refuge  in  the  house  of  his 
rival.  He  proscribed  the  chiefs  of  the  democratic  fac- 
tion, but  most  of  them  had  fled  before  he  entered 
Rome.  Marius  and  his  son  had  reached  Africa  through 
a  thousand  dangers.  This  revolution  appears  not  to 
have  been  sanguinary,  and,  with  the  exception  of  Sul- 
picius, the  historians  of  the  time  mention  no  consider- 
able person  as  having  been  put  to  death.  The  terror 
inspired  at  first  by  Sylla,  lasted  no  long  time.  Rep- 
robation of  his  acts  was  shown  both  in  the  Senate 
and  among  the  people,  who  seized  every  opportunity 
to  mark  their  discontent.  Sylla  was  to  resume  the 
command  of  the  army  of  Asia,  and  that  of  the  army 
of  Italy  had  fallen  to  Pompeius.  The  massacre  of 
this  latter  by  his  own  soldiers  made  the  future  dicta- 
tor feel  how  insecure  was  his  power ;  he  sought  to 
put  a  stop  to  the  opposition  to  which  he  was  exposed 
by  accepting  as  a  candidate  at  the  consular  comitia 
TJ.  Cornelius  Cinna,  a  known  partisan  of  Marius,  tak- 
ing care,  however,  to  exact  from  him  a  solemn  oath  of 
fidelity.  But  Cinna,  once  elected,  held  none  of  his  en- 
gagements, and  the  other  consul,  Cn.  Octavius,  had 
neither  the  authority  nor  the  energy  necessary  to  bal- 
ance the  influence  of  his  colleague. 

(')  Appian,  Civil  Wars,  I.  59.  "  Populus  Romanus,  Lucio  Sylla  dictatore 
ferontp,  coinitiis  ccnturiatis,  municipiu  civitatem  ademit."  (Cicero,  Speech/or 
his  House,  30.) 


THE  GRACCHI,  MARIUS,  AND  SYLLA.  265 

Sylla,  after  presiding  at  the  consular  comitia,  went 
in  all  haste  to  Capua  to  take  the  command  of  his 
troops,  whom  he  led  into  Greece  against  the  lieuten- 
ants of  Mithridates.  Cinna  determined  to  execute  the 
law  of  Sulpicius,  which  assimilated  the  new  citizens 
to  the' old  ones;^)  he  demanded  at  the  same  time 
the  return  of  the  exiles,  and  made  an  appeal  to  the 
slaves.  Immediately  the  Senate,  and  even  the  tri- 
bunes of  the  people,  pronounced  against  him.  He 
was  declared  deposed  from  the  consulate.  "  A  mer- 
ited disgrace,"  says  Paterculus,  "but  a  dangerous  prec- 
edent." (2)  Driven  from  Rome,  he  hurried  to  Nola 
to  demand  an  asylum  of  the  Samnites,  who  were  still 
in  arms.  Thence  he  went  to  sound  the  temper  of  the 
Roman  army  employed  to  observe  Samnium,  and, 
once  assured  of  the  dispositions  of  the  soldiers  in  his 
favour,  he  penetrated  into  their  camp,  demanding  pro- 
tection against  his  enemies.  His  speeches  and  prom- 
ises seduced  the  legions:  they  chose  Cinna  for  their 
chief  by  acclamation,  and  followed  him  without  hesi- 
tating. Meanwhile  two  lieutenants  of  Marius,  Q.  Ser- 
torius  and  Cn.  Papirius  Carbo,  both  exiled  by  Sylla, 
proceeded  to  levy  troops  in  the  north  of  Italy ;  and 
the  aged  Marius  landed  in  Etruria,  where  his  presence 
was  immediately  followed  by  an  insurrection.  The 

(')  "In  conferring  upon  the  peoples  of  Italy  the  right  of  Roman  city,  they 
had  been  distributed  into  eight  tribes,  in  order  that  the  strength  and  number 
of  these  new  citizens  might  not  encroach  upon  the  dignity  of  the  old  ones,  and 
that  men  admitted  to  this  favour  might  not  become  more  powerful  than  those 
who  had  given  it  to  them.  But  Cinna,  following  in  the  steps  of  Marius  and 
Sulpicius,  announced  that  he  should  distribute  them  in  all  the  tribes ;  and,  on 
this  promise,  they  arrived  in  crowds  from  all  parts  of  Italy."  (Velleius  Pater- 
culus, 11.20.) 

(2)  Velleius  Paterculus,  II.  20. 

12 


266  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  C^iSAK. 

Etruscan  peasants  accused  the  Senate  as  the  cause  of 
all  their  sufferings ;  and  the  enemy  of  the  nobles  and 
the  rich  appeared  to  them  as  an  avenger  sent  by  the 
gods.  In  ranging  themselves  under  his  banner,  they 
believed  that  they  were  on  the  way  with  him  to  the 
pillage  of  the  eternal  city. 

War  was  on  the  point  of  re-commencing,  and  this 
time  Romans  and  Italiotes  marched  united  against 
Rome.  From  the  north,  Marius,  Sertorius,  and  Carbo 
were  advancing  with  considerable  forces.  Cinna,  mas- 
ter of  Campania,  was  penetrating  into  Latium,  while 
a  Samnite  army  invaded  it  on  the  other  side.  To 
these  five  armies  the  Senate  could  oppose  but  one ; 
that  of  Cn.  Pompeius  Strabo,  an  able  general,  but  an 
intriguing  politician,  who  hoped  to  raise  himself  un- 
der favour  of  the  disorder.  Quitting  his  cantonments 
in  Apulia,  he  had  arrived,  by  forced  marches,  under 
the  walls  of  Rome,  seeking  either  to  sell  his  services 
to  the  Senate  or  to  effect  a  conciliation  with  Marius. 
He  soon  saw  that  the  insurgents  were  strong  enough 
to  do  without  him.  His  soldiers,  raised  in  the  Pice- 
num  and  in  the  country  of  the  Marsi,  refused  to  fight 
for  the  Senate  against  their  old  confederates,  and 
would  have  abandoned  their  general  but  for  the  cour- 
age and  presence  of  mind  of  his  son,  a  youth  of  twen- 
ty years  of  age,  the  same  who  subsequently  was  the 
great  Pompey.  One  day  the  legionaries,  snatching 
their  ensigns,  threatened  to  desert  in  mass:  young 
Pompey  laid  himself  across  the  gateway  of  the  camp, 
and  challenged  them  to  pass  over  his  body.  (')  Death 
delivered  Pompeius  Strabo  from  the  shame  of  being 

(')  Plutarch,  Pompeius,  3. 


THE  GRACCHI,  MARIUS,  AND  SYLLA.  267 

present  at  an  inevitable  catastrophe.  According  to 
some  authors,  he  sank  under  the  attacks  of  an  epidem- 
ic disease;  according  to  others,  he  was  struck  by  light- 
ning in  the  very  midst  of  his  camp.  Deprived  of  its 
chief,  his  army  passed  over  to  the  enemy ;  the  Senate 
was  without  defenders,  and  the  populace  rose  against 
it :  Rome  opened  her  gates  to  Cinna  and  Marius. 

The  conquerors  were  without  pity  in  putting  to 
death,  often  with  refinements  in  cruelty  unknown  to 
the  Romans,  the  partisans  of  the  aristocratic  faction 
who  had  fallen  into  their  hands.  During  several 
days,  the  slaves,  whom  Cinna  had  restored  to  liberty, 
gave  themselves  up  to  every  excess.  Sertorius,  the 
only  one  of  the  chiefs  of  the  democratic  party  who 
had  some  feelings  of  justice,  made  an  example  of 
these  wretches,  and  massacred  nearly  four  thousand 
of  them.  (a) 

Marius  and  Cinna  had  proclaimed,  as  they  ad- 
vanced upon  Rome  in  arms,  that  their  aim  was  to  as- 
sure to  the  Italiotes  the  entire  enjoyment  of  the  rights 
of  Roman  city ;  they  declared  themselves  both  con- 
suls for  the  year  668.  Their  power  was  too  consid- 
erable to  be  contested,  for  the  new  citizens  furnished 
them  with  a  contingent  of  thirty  legions,  or  about 
150,000  men.  (2)  Marius  died  suddenly  thirteen  days 
after  entering  upon  office,  and  the  democratic  party 
lost  in  him  the  only  man  who  still  preserved  his  pres- 
tige. A  fact  which  arose  out  of  his  funeral,  paints 

(')  Plutarch,  Sertorius,  5. 

(2)  "  Cinna  counted  on  that  great  multitude  of  new  Romans,  who  furnished 
him  with  more  than  three  hundred  cohorts,  divided  into  thirty  legions.  To 
give  the  necessary  credit  and  authority  to  his  faction,  he  recalled  the  two 
Marii  and  the  other  exiles.''  (Velleius  Paterculus,  II.  20.) 


268  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  C^SAR. 

the  manners  of  the  epoch,  and  the  character  of  the 
revolution  which  had  just  been  effected.  An  extra- 
ordinary sacrifice  was  wanted  for  his  tomb :  the  pon- 
tiff Q.  Mucius  Scsevola,  one  of  the  most  respectable 
old  men  of  the  nobility,  was  chosen  as  the  victim. 
Conducted  in  pomp  before  the  funeral  pile  of  the  con- 
queror of  the  Cimbri,  he  was  struck  by  the  sacrificer, 
who,  with  an  inexperienced  hand,  plunged  the  knife 
into  his  throat  without  killing  him.  Kestored  to  life, 
Scsevola  was  cited  in  judgment,  by  a  tribune  of  the 
people,  for  not  having  received  the  \>\ow  fairly.  (') 

While  Rome  and  all  Italy  were  plunged  in  this 
fearful  anarchy,  Sylla  drove  out  of  Greece  the  gener- 
als of  Mithridates  VI.,  and  gained  two  great  battles 
at  Chseronea  (668)  and  Orchomenus  (669).  He  was 
still  in  Boeotia,  when  Valerius  Flaccus,  sent  by  Cinna 
to  replace  him,  landed  in  Greece,  penetrated  into 
Thessaly,  and  thence  passed  into  Asia.  Sylla  fol- 
lowed him  thither  immediately,  in  haste  to  conclude 
with  the  King  of  Pontus  an  arrangement  which  would 
enable  him  to  lead  his  army  back  into  Italy.  Cir- 
cumstances were  favourable.  Mithridates  had  need 
to  repair  his  losses,  and  he  found  himself  in  presence 
of  a  new  enemy,  the  lieutenant  of  Valerius  Flaccus, 
the  fierce  Flavius  Fimbria,  who,  having  by  the  mur- 
der of  his  general  become  head  of  the  army  of  Asia, 
had  seized  upon  Pergamus.  Mithridates  subscribed 
to  the  conditions  imposed  by  Sylla ;  he  restored  all 
the  provinces  of  which  he  had  taken  possession,  and 

C1)  Quod  parcius  telttm  recepisset.  This  expression  appears  to  be  borrowed 
from  the  combats  of  gladiators,  which  derived  their  origin  from  similar  human 
sacrifices  performed  at  the  funcrdls.  (See  Cicero,  Speech  for  Roscius  Ameri- 
nus,  12. — Valerius  Maximus,  IX.  xi.  2.) 


THE  GRACCHI,  MARIUS,  AND  SYLLA.  269 

gave  plate  and  money.  Sylla  then  advanced  into 
Lydia  against  Fimbria;  but  the  latter,  at  the  ap- 
proach of  the  victor  of  Chseronea,  could  not  restrain 
his  soldiers.  His  whole  army  disbanded  and  passed 
over  to  Sylla.  Threatened  by  his  rival,  the  murderer 
of  Flaccus  was  driven  to  slay  himself.  Nothing  now 
stood  in  the  way  of  Sylla's  projects  on  Italy,  and  he 
prepared  to  make  his  enemies  at  Rome  pay  dearly  for 
their  temporary  triumph.  At  the  moment  of  setting 
sail,  he  wrote  to  the  Senate  to  announce  the  conclu- 
sion of  the  war  in  Asia,  and  his  own  speedy  return. 
Three  years,  he  said,  had  been  sufficient  to  enable  him 
to  re-unite  with  the  Roman  empire  Greece,  Macedo- 
nia, Ionia,  and  Asia,  and  to  shut  up  Mithridates  with- 
in the  limits  of  his  old  possessions ;  he  was  the  first 
Roman  who  received  an  embassy  from  the  King  of 
the  Parthians.  (*)  He  complained  of  the  violence  ex- 
ercised against  his  friends  and  his  wife,  who  had  fled 
with  a  crowd  of  fugitives  to  seek  an  asylum  in  his 
camp.  (2)  He  added,  without  vain  threats,  his  inten- 
tion to  restore  order  by  force  of  arms ;  but  he  prom- 
ised not  to  repeal  the  great  measure  of  the  emancipa- 
tion of  Italy,  and  ended  by  declaring  that  the  good 
citizens,  new  as  well  as  old,  had  nothing  to  fear  from 
him. 

This  letter,  which  the  Senate  ventured  to  receive,  re- 
doubled the  fury  of  the  men  who  had  succeeded  Ma- 
rius.  Blood  flowed  again.  Cinna,  who  caused  him- 
self to  be  re-elected  consul  for  the  fourth  time,  and 
Cn.  Papirius  Carbo,  his  colleague,  collecting  in  haste 
numerous  troops,  but  ill  disciplined,  prepared  to  do 

(l)  Plutarch,  Sylla,  6.  (2)  Appian,  Civil  Wars,  I.  77. 


270  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

their  best  to  make  head  against  the  storm  which  was 
approaching.  Persuaded  that  Sylla  would  proceed 
along  the  Adriatic  to  invade  Italy  from  the  north, 
Cinna  had  collected  at  Ancona  a  considerable  army, 
with  the  design  of  surprising  him  in  the  midst  of  his 
march,  and  attacking  him  either  in  Epirus  or  Illyria. 
But  his  soldiers,  Italiotes  in  great  part,  encouraged 
by  the  promises  of  Sylla,  and,  moreover,  full  of  con- 
tempt for  their  own  general,  said  openly  that  they 
would  not  pass  the  sea.  Cinna  attempted  to  make 
an  example  of  some  of  the  mutineers.  A  revolt  broke 
out,  and  he  was  massacred.  To  avoid  a  similar  lot, 
Carbo,  who  came  to  take  the  command,  hastened  to 
promise  the  rebels  that  they  should  not  quit  Italy. 

Sylla  landed  at  Brundusiuni,  in  671,  at  the  head  of 
an  army  of  forty  thousand  men,  composed  of  five  le- 
gions, six  thousand  cavalry,  and  contingents  from  Pel- 
oponnesus and  Macedonia.  The  fleet  numbered  six- 
teen hundred  vessels.  (')  He  followed  the  Appian 
Way,  and  reached  Campania  after  a  single  battle, 
fought  not  far  from  Canusium.  (2)  He  brought  the 
gold  of  Mithridates  and  the  plunder  of  the  temples 
of  Greece,  means  of  seduction  still  more  dangerous 
than  his  ability  on  the  field  of  battle.  Hardly  ar- 
rived in  Italy,  he  rallied  round  him  the  prescripts  and 
all  those  who  detested  the  inapt  and  cruel  govern- 
ment of  the  successors  of  Marius.  The  remains  of 
the  great  families  decimated  by  them  repaired  to  his 
camp  as  to  a  safe  place  of  refuge.  M.  Licinitis  Cras- 
sus  became  one  of  his  ablest  lieutenants,  and  it  was 
then  that  Cn.  Pompeius,  the  son  of  Strabo,  a  genera] 

0)  Appian,  Civil  Wars,  I.  79.  (2)  Appian,  Civil  Wars,  I.  95. 


THE  GRACCHI,  MARIUS,  AND  SYLLA.  271 

at  twenty-three  years  of  age,  raised  an  army  in  the 
Picemim,  beat  three  bodies  of  the  enemies,  and  came 
to  offer  to  Sylla  his  sword,  already  redoubtable. 

It  was  the  beginning  of  the  year  672  when  Sylla 
entered  Latium ;  he  completely  defeated,  near  Signia, 
the  legions  of  the  younger  Marius,  whose  name  had 
raised  him  to  the  consulship.  This  battle  rendered 
Sylla  master  of  Rome ;  but  to  the  north,  in  Cisalpine 
Gaul  and  Etruria,  Carbo,  in  spite  of  frequent  defeats, 
disputed  the  ground  with  obstinacy  against  Pompey 
and  Sylla's  other  lieutenants.  In  the  south,  the  Sam- 
nites  had  raised  all  their  forces,  and  were  preparing 
to  succour  Prseneste,  besieged  by  Sylla  in  person,  and 
defended  by  young  Marius.  Pontius  Telesinus,  the 
general  of  the  Samnites,  finding  it  out  of  his  power  to 
raise  the  siege,  conceived  then  the  audacious  and  al- 
most desperate  idea  of  carrying  his  whole  army  to 
Home,  taking  it  by  surprise,  and  sacking  it.  "  Let  us 
burn  the  wolves'  den,"  (')  he  said  to  his  soldiers :  "  so 
long  as  it  exists,  there  will  be  no  liberty  in  Italy." 

By  a  rapid  night-march,  Telesinus  deceived  the  vig- 
ilance of  his  adversary ;  but,  exhausted  with  fatigue, 
on  arriving  at  the  foot  of  the  ramparts  of  Rome,  the 
Samnites  were  unable  to  give  the  assault,  a"nd  Sylla 
had  time  to  arrive  with  the  choicest  of  his  legions. 

A  sanguinary  battle  took  place  at  the  very  gates 
of  the  town,  on  the  day  of  the  calends  of  November, 
672,  and  it  continued  far  into  the, night.  The  left 

(')  Velleius  Paterculus,  II.  27.  The  Samnites  thus  designated  the  Ro- 
mans, in  allusion  to  the  wolf,  the  nurse  of  the  founder  of  Rome.  A  Samnite 
medal  represents  the  bull,  the  symbol  of  Italy,  throwing  the  wolf  to  the 
ground.  It  bears  the  name  of  C.  Papius  Mutilus,  with  the  title  Embralur, 
Q  \M  N  Q  ^  TT1'3>  an  Oscan  word  corresponding  to  the  Latin  imperator. 


272  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

wing  of  the  Romans  was  beaten  and  took  to  flight,  in 
spite  of  the  efforts  of  Sylla  to  rally  it ;  Telesinus  per- 
ished in  the  fight,  and  Crassus,  who  commanded  the 
right  wing,  gained  a  complete  victory.  At  daylight, 
the  Samnites  who  had  escaped  the  slaughter  laid 
down  their  arms  and  demanded  quarter.  (*) 

More  than  a  year  still  passed  away  before  the  com- 
plete pacification  of  Italy,  and  it  was  only  obtained 
by  employing  the  most  violent  and  sanguinary  meas- 
ures. Sylla  made  this  terrible  declaration,  that  he 
would  not  pardon  one  of  his  enemies.  At  Prseneste, 
all  the  senators  who  were  the  partisans  of  Marius  had 
their  throats  cut,  and  the  inhabitants  were  put  to  the 
sword.  Those  of  Norba,  surprised  through  treason, 
rather  than  surrender,  buried  themselves  under  the 
ruins  of  their  city. 

Sylla  had  scrupled  at  nothing  in  his  way  to  power : 
the  corruption  of  the  armies,  (2)  the  pillage  of  towns, 
the  massacre  of  the  inhabitants,  and  the  extermina- 
tion of  his  enemies ;  nor  did  he  show  any  more  scru- 
ples in  maintaining  himself  in  it.  He  inaugurated 
his  return  to  the  Senate  by  the  slaughter,  near  the 
Temple  of  Bellona,  of  three  thousand  Samnites  who 
had  surrendered  prisoners.  (3)  A  considerable  num- 

(*)  "  Thus  terminated  two  most  disastrous  wars :  the  Italic,  called  also  the 
Social  War,  and  the  Civil  War ;  they  had  lasted  together  ten  years ;  they  had 
mown  down  more  than  a  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  men,  of  whom  twenty- 
four  had  been  consuls,  seven  praetors,  sixty  ediles,  and  nearly  two  hundred  sen- 
ators."  (Eutropius,  V.  6.) 

(2)  "  Sylla  fomented  these  disorders  by  loading  his  troops  with  largesses  and 
profusions  without  bounds,  in  order  to  corrupt  and  draw  to  him  the  soldiers  of 
the  opposite  parties."  (Plutarch,  Sylla,  16.) 

(')  Dio  Cassius  (XXXIV.  cxxxvi.  §  1)  gives  the  number  as  8,000;  Appian 
as  3,000.  Valerius  Maximus  speaks  of  three  legions  (IX.  2,  §  1). 


THE  GRACCHI,  MAKIUS,  AND  SYLLA.  273 

ber  of  the  inhabitants  of  Italy  were  deprived  of  the 
right  of  city  which  had  been  granted  them  after  the 
war  of  the  allies ;  (*)  he  invented  a  new  punishment, 
that  of  proscription,  (2)  and,  in  Rome  alone,  he  ban- 
ished four  thousand  seven  hundred  citizens,  among 
whom  were  ninety  senators,  fifteen  consulars,  and  two 
thousand  seven  hundred  knights.  (3)  His  fury  fell 
heaviest  upon  the  Samnites,  whose  spirit  of  independ- 
ence he  feared,  and  he  almost  entirely  annihilated  that 
nation.  (*)  Although  his  triumph  had  been  a  reac- 
tion against  the  popular  party,  he  treated  as  prisoners 
of  war  the  children  of  the  noblest  and  most  respecta- 
ble families,  and,  by  a  monstrous  innovation,  even  the 
women  suffered  the  same  lot.  (5)  Lists  of  proscrip- 
tion, placarded  on  the  Forum  with  the  names  of  the 
intended  victims,  threw  terror  into  families ;  to  laugh 
or  cry  on  looking  at  these  was  a  crime.  (6)  M.  Pleto- 
rius  was  slaughtered  for  having  fainted  at  the  sight 
of  the  punishment  inflicted  on  the  praetor,  M.  Mari- 
us ;  (7)  to  denounce  the  hiding-place  of  the  prescripts, 
or  put  them  to  death,  formed  a  title  to  recompenses 
paid  from  the  public  treasury,  amounting  in  some 

(:)  "A  great  number  of  allies  and  Latins  were  deprived  by  one  man  of  the 
right  of  city,  which  had  been  given  to  them  for  their  numerous  and  honourable 
services."  {Speech  ofLepidus,  Sallust,  Fragm.,  1. 5.) — "We  have  seen  the  Ro- 
man people,  at  the  proposal  of  the  dictator  Sylla,  take,  in  the  comitia  of  centu- 
ries, the  right  of  city  from  several  municipal  towns ;  we  have  seen  it  also  de- 
priving them  of  the  lands  they  possessed As  to  the  right  of  city, 

the  interdiction  did  not  last  even  so  long  as  the  military  despotism  of  the  dic- 
tator." (Cicero,  Speech  for  his  House,  30.) 

(!)  Appian,  Civil  Wars,  I.  95.— Velleius  Paterculus,  II.  28. 

(3)  Appian,  Civil  Wars,  I.  95. 

(*)  Strabo,  V.  iv.  207. 

(5)  Dio  Cassius,  XXXIV.  137,  §  1. 

(')  Dio  Cassius,  XXXIV.  137.  (')  Valerius  Maximus,  IX.  ii.  1. 

12* 


274  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  C^ESAK. 

cases  to  twelve  thousand  drachmas  (about  11,640 
francs  [£460])  ahead;  (')  to  assist  them,  to  have  had 
friendly  or  any  other  relations  with  the  enemies  of 
Sylla,  was  enough  to  subject  the  offender  to  capital 
punishment.  From  one  end  of  Italy  to  the  other,  all 
those  who  had  served  under  the  orders  of  Harms, 
Carbo,  or  Norbanus,  were  massacred  or  banished,  and 
their  goods  sold  by  auction.  They  were  to  be  struck 
even  in  their  posterity :  the  children  and  grandchil- 
dren of  the  prescripts  were  deprived  of  the  right  of 
inheritance  and  of  being  candidates  for  public  offi- 
ces. (2)  All  these  acts  of  pitiless  vengeance  had  been 
authorised  by  a  law  called  Valeria,  promulgated  in 
672,  and  which,  in  appointing  Sylla  dictator,  conferred 
upon  him  unlimited  powers.  Yet,  though  Sylla  kept 
the  supreme  power,  he  permitted  the  election  of  the 
consuls  every  year,  an  example  which  was  subsequent- 
ly followed  by  the  emperors. 

Calm  re-established  in  Rome,  a  new  constitution 
was  promulgated,  which  restored  the  aristocracy  to  its 
ascendency.  The  dictator  fell  into  the  delusion  of 
believing  that  a  system  founded  by  violence,  upon 
selfish  interests,  could  survive  him.  It  is  easier  to 
change  laws  than  to  arrest  the  course  of  ideas. 

The  legislation  of  the  Gracchi  was  abolished.  The 
senators,  by  the  law  jiidiciaria,  acquired  again  the  ex- 
clusive privilege  of  the  judicatory  functions.  The 
colony  of  Capua,  a  popular  creation,  was  destroyed 
and  restored  to  the  domain.  Sylla  assumed  to  him- 
self one  of  the  first  privileges  of  the  censorship,  which 

0)  Plutarch,  Caio  of  Utica,  21. 

(»)  Appian,  Civil  War*,  I.  96.— Titus  Livins,  Epitome,  LXXXIX. 


THE  GRACCHI,  MARIUS,  AND  SYLLA.  275 

he  had  suppressed — the  nomination  of  the  members 
of  the  Senate.  He  introduced  into  that  assembly,  dec- 
imated during  the  civil  wars,  three  hundred  knights. 
By  the  law  on  the  priesthood,  he  removed  from  the 
votes  of  the  people  and  restored  to  the  college  the 
choice  of  the  pontiffs  and  of  the  sovereign  pontiff. 
He  limited  the  power  of  the  tribunes,  leaving  them 
only  the  right  of  protection  (auxitium),  (*)  and  for- 
bidding their  access  to  the  superior  magistracies.  (2) 
He  flattered  himself  that  he  had  thus  removed  the 
ambitious  from  a  career  henceforward  profitless. 

He  admitted  into  Rome  ten  thousand  new  citizens 
(called  Cornelians),  (3)  taken  from  among  the  slaves 
whose  masters  had  been  proscribed.  Similar  enfran- 
chisements took  place  in  the  rest  of  Italy.  He  had 
almost  exterminated  two  nations,  the  Etruscans  and 
the  Samnites;  he  re-peopled  their  deserted  countries 
by  distributing  the  estates  of  his  adversaries  among 
a  considerable  number  of  his  soldiers,  whom  some  au- 
thors raise  to  the  prodigious  number  of  forty-seven 
legions,  (4)  and  created  for  his  veterans  twenty-three 
military  colonies  on  the  territory  taken  from  the  rebel 
towns.  (5) 

All  these  arbitrary  measures  were  dictated  by  the 
spirit  of  reaction;  but  those  which  follow  were  in- 
spired by  the  desire  to  re-establish  order  and  the  hie- 
rarchy. 

(')  Appian,  I.  100. — Velleius  Patcrculus,  II.  31. — The  auxilium  was  the  pro- 
tection accorded  by  the  tribune  of  the  people  to  whoever  claimed  it. 

(2)  Appian,  Civil  Wars,  I.  100  et  seq. 

(3)  Appian,  Civil  Wars,  I.     (See,  on  an  inscription  raised  by  the  freedmen 
in  honour  of  the  dictator,  and  which  has  been  discovered  in  Italy,  Mommsen, 
Inscriptions  Latinos  Antiquissimce,  p.  168.) 

(4)  Titus  Livius,  Epitome,  LXXXIX.  (s)  Appian,  Civil  Wars,  1. 1QO. 


276  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

The  rules  formerly  adopted  for  the  succession  of 
the  magistracies  were  restored.  (l)  No  person  could 
offer  himself  for  the  consulship  without  having  pre- 
viously held  the  office  of  praetor ;  or  for  the  praetor- 
ship  before  he  had  held  that  of  questor.  Thirty  years 
were  fixed  as  the  age  necessary  for  the  questorship, 
forty  for  the  praetorship,  and  forty-three  for  the  con- 
sulship. The  law  required  an  interval  of  two  years 
between  the  exercise  of  two  different  magistracies, 
and  often  between  the  same  magistracy,  a  rule  so  se- 
verely maintained,  that,  for  having  braved  it  in  mere- 
ly soliciting  for  the  consulship,  (2)  Lucretius  Ofella, 
one  of  Sylla's  most  devoted  partisans,  was  put  to 
death.  The  dictator  withdrew  from  the  freedmen 
the  right  of  voting,  from  the  knights  the  places  of 
honour  in  the  spectacles ;  he  put  a  stop  to  the  adju- 
dications entrusted  to  the  farmers-general  and  the  dis- 
tributions of  wheat,  and  suppressed  the  corporations, 
which  threatened  a  real  danger  to  public  tranquillity. 
Lastly,  to  put  limits  to  extravagance,  the  sumptuary 
laws  were  promulgated.  (3) 

By  the  law  de  provinciis  ordinandis,  he  sought  to 
regulate  the  provinces  and  ameliorate  their  adminis- 
tration. The  two  consuls  and  the  eight  praetors  were 
retained  at  Rome  during  their  year  of  office  by  the 
administration  of  civil  affairs.  They  took  afterwards, 
in  quality  of  proconsuls  or  propraetors,  the  command 
of  one  of  the  ten  provinces,  which  they  exercised  dur- 
ing a  year;  after  which  a  new  curiate  law  became 

(')  Appian,  Civil  Wars,  I.  100.— In  574,  the  age  required  for  the  different 
magistracies  had  already  been  fixed.     (Titus  Livius,  XL.  44.) 

(')  Appian,  Civil  Wars,  1. 101.— Titus  Livius,  Epitome,  LXXXIX. 
(3)  Aulus  Gellius,  II.  34- 


THE  GRACCHI,  MARIUS,  AND  SYLLA.  277 

necessary  to  renew  the  imperium  ;  they  preserved  it 
until  their  return  to  Rome.  Thirty  days  were  allow- 
ed to  them  for  quitting  the  province  after  the  arrival 
of  their  successors.  (J)  The  number  of  praetors,  ques- 
tors,  pontiffs,  and  augurs  was  augmented.  (2)  Every 
year  twenty  questors  were  to  "be  named,  which  would 
ensure  the  recruitment  of  the  Senate,  since  this  office 
gave  entrance  to  it.  Sylla  multiplied  the  commissions 
of  justice.  He  took  measures  for  putting  a  stop  to 
the  murders  which  desolated  Italy  (lex  de  sicariis), 
and  to  protect  the  citizens  against  outrages  (lex  de  in- 
jurns).  The  lex  magistratis  completed,  so  to  say,  the 
preceding.  (3)  In  the  number  of  crimes  of  high  trea- 
son, punished  capitally,  are  the  excesses  of  magistrates 
charged  with  the  administration  of  the  provinces; 
quitting  their  government  without  leave  of  the  Sen- 
ate; conducting  an  army  beyond  the  limits  of  his 
province ;  undertaking  a  war  unauthorised ;  treating 
with  foreign  chiefs :  such  were  the  principal  acts  de- 
nounced as  crimes  against  the  Republic.  There  was 
not  one  of  them  of  which  Sylla  himself  had  not  been 
guilty. 

Sylla  abdicated  in  675,  the  only  extraordinary  act 
which  remained  for  him  to  accomplish.  He  who  had 
earned  mourning  into  so  many  families  returned  into 
his  own  house  alone,  through  a  respectful  and  sub- 
missive crowd.  Such  was  the  ascendency  of  his  old 

(')  Cicero,  Familiar  Letters,  III.  6,  8,  10. 

(2)  Titus  Livius,  Epitome,  LXXXIX.  — Tacitus,  Amals,  XL  22.—  Aurelius 
Victor,  Illustrious  Men,  Ixxv. 

(3)  Cicero,  De  Oratore,  11.39.  —  "A  law  which,  among  the  ancients,  em- 
braced different  objects :  treasons  in  the  army,  seditions  at  Rome,  diminution 
of  the  majesty  of  the  Roman  people  by  the  bad  administration  of  a  magistrate." 
(Tacitus,  Annals,  I.  72.) 


278  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

power,  supported,  moreover,  by  the  ten  thousand  Cor- 
nelians present  in  Rome  and  devoted  to  his  person,  (J) 
that,  though  he  had  resumed  his  position  of  simple  cit- 
izen, he  was  still  allowed  to  act  as  absolute  master, 
and  even  on  the  eve  of  his  death,  which  occurred  in 
676,  he  made  himself  the  executioner  of  pitiless  jus- 
tice, in  daring  to  cause  to  be  slaughtered  before  his 
eyes  the  praetor  Granius,  guilty  of  exaction.  (2) 

Unexampled  magnificence  was  displayed  at  his  fu- 
neral ;  his  body  was  earned  to  the  Campus  Martius, 
where  previously  none  but  the  kings  had  been  in- 
humed. (3)  He  left  Italy  tamed,  but  not  subdued ; 
the  great  nobles  in  power,  but  without  moral  author- 
ity ;  his  partisans  enriched,  but  trembling  for  their 
riches ;  the  numerous  victims  of  tyranny  held  down, 
but  growling  under  the  oppression;  lastly,  Rome 
taught  that  henceforth  she  is  without  protection 
against  the  boldness  of  any  fortunate  soldier.  (4) 

VII.  The  history  of  the  last  fifty  years,  and  espe- 

EffectsofPyiu'a  cially  the  dictatorship  of  Sylla,  show  be- 
Dicutorship.  yond  dou]:)i  i}iSLi  Italy  demanded  a  mas- 
ter. Everywhere  institutions  gave  way  before  the 
power  of  an  individual,  sustained  not  only  by  his 
owTn  partisans,  but  also  by  the  irresolute  multitude, 
which,  fatigued  by  the  action  and  reaction  of  so  many 
opposite  parties,  aspired  to  order  and  repose.  If  the 

(')  Appian,  Civil  Wars,  1. 104. 

(J)  He  waited  the  death  of  the  dictator  to  rob  the  treasury  of  a  sum  which 
he  owed  to  the  State.  (Plutarch,  Sylla,  46.) 

(3)  Appian,  Civil  Wars,  1. 106. 

(*)  Sylla  had  taken  the  name  of  Foi-tunate  (Felix).  (Mommsen,  Inscrip- 
tiones  Latince  Antiquissimce,  p.  168),  or  of  Faustus,  according  to  Velleius  Pater- 
culus. 


THE  GRACCHI,  MABIUS,  AND  SYLLA.  279 

conduct  of  Sylla  had  been  moderated,  what  is  called 
the  Empire  would  probably  have  commenced  with 
him ;  but  his  power  was  so  cruel  and  so  partial,  that 
after  his  death,  the  abuses  of  liberty  were  forgotten 
in  the  memory  of  abuses  of  tyranny.  The  more  the 
democratic  spirit  had  expanded,  the  more  the  ancient 
institutions  lost  their  prestige.  In  fact,  as  democracy, 
trusting  and  passionate,  believes  always  that  its  inter- 
ests are  better  represented  by  an  individual  than  by 
a  political  body,  it  was  incessantly  disposed  to  deliver 
its  future  to  the  man  who  raised  himself  above  others 
by  his  own  merit.  The  Gracchi,  Marius,  and  Sylla, 
had  in  turn  disposed  at  will  of  the  destinies  of  the 
Republic,  and  trampled  under  foot  with  impunity  an- 
cient institutions  and  ancient  customs ;  but  their  reign 
was  ephemeral,  (')  for  they  only  represented  factions. 
Instead  of  embracing  collectively  the  hopes  and  inter- 
ests of  all  the  peninsula  of  Italy,  they  favoured  exclu- 
sively particular  classes  of  society.  Some  sought  be- 
fore all  to  secure  the  prosperity  of  the  proletaries  of 
Rome,  or  the  emancipation  of  the  Italiotes,  or  the  pre- 
ponderance of  the  knights ;  others,  the  privileges  of 
the  aristocracy.  They  failed. 

To  establish  a  durable  order  of  things  there  want- 
ed a  man  who,  raising  himself  above  vulgar  passions, 
should  unite  in  himself  the  essential  qualities  and  just 
ideas  of  each  of  his  predecessors,  avoiding  their  faults 
as  well  as  their  errors.  To  the  greatness  of  soul  and 
love  of  the  people  of  certain  tribunes,  it  was  needful 

(*)  "It  cannot  be  denied  that  Sylla  had  then  the  power  of  a  king,  although 
he  had  restored  the  Republic."  (Cicero,  Speech  on  the  Report  of  the  Aruspices, 
25.) 


280  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

to  join  the  military  genius  of  great  generals  and  the 
strong  sentiments  of  the  Dictator  in  favour  of  order 
and  the  hierarchy. 

The  man  capable  of  so  lofty  a  mission  already  ex- 
isted ;  but  perhaps,  in  spite  of  his  name,  he  might 
have  still  remained  long  unknown,  if  the  penetrating 
eye  of  Sylla  had  not  discovered  him  in  the  midst  of 
the  crowd,  and,  by  persecution,  pointed  him  out  to 
public  attention.  That  man  was  Caesar. 


BOOK   II. 

HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  (LESAR. 


CHAPTER  I. 
(654-684.) 

I.  ABOUT  the  time  when  Marius,  by  his  victories 
First  Yeara  of  C*-  over  *^e  Cimbri  and  Teutones,  saved  Ita- 


ly from  a  formidable  invasion,  was  born 
at  Rome  the  man  who  would  one  day,  by  again  sub- 
duing the  Gauls  and  Germans,  retard  for  several  cen- 
turies the  irruption  of  the  barbarians,  give  the  knowl- 
edge of  their  rights  to  oppressed  peoples,  assure  con- 
tinuance to  Roman  civilisation,  and  bequeath  his  name 
to  the  future  chiefs  of  nations,  as  a  consecrated  em- 
blem of  power. 

Caius  Julius  Caesar  was  born  at  Rome  on  the  4th 
of  the  ides  of  Quintilis  (July  12),  654,  (J)  and  the 

(')  The  celebrated  German  author,  Mommsen  (Roman  History,  III.  15), 
does  not  admit  this  date  of  654.  He  proposes,  under  correction,  the  date  of 
G52,  for  the  reason  that  the  ages  required  for  the  higher  offices  of  State,  since 
Sylla's  time,  were  thirty-seven  for  the  edileship,  forty  for  the  prsetorship,  forty- 
three  for  the  consulship,  and  as  Cossar  was  curule  cedile  in  689,  praetor  in  692, 
consul  in  695,  he  would,  had  he  been  born  in  654,  have  filled  each  of  these  offi- 
ces two  years  before  the  legal  age. 

This  objection,  certainly  of  some  force,  is  dispelled  by  other  historical  testi- 
mony. Besides,  we  know  that  at  Rome  they  did  not  always  observe  the  laws 
when  dealing  with  eminent  men.  Lucullus  was  raised  to  be  chief  magistrate 
before  the  required  age,  and  Pompey  was  consul  at  thirty-four.  (Appian,  Civil 


282  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  C^SAR. 

month  Quintilis,  called  Julius  [July]  in  honour  of 
him,  has  borne  for  1,900  years  the  name  of  the  great 
man.  He  was  the  son  of  C.  Julius  Caesar,  (*)  praetor, 

Wars,  I.  14.) — Tacitus  speaks  on  this  matter  thus:  "With  our  ancestors  thin 
magistracy  (the  questorsliip)  was  the  prize  of  merit  only,  for  every  citizen  of 
ability  had  then  the  right  to  aim  at  these  honours ;  even  age  was  so  little  re- 
garded, that  extreme  youth  did  not  exclude  from  either  the  consulship  or  the  dicta- 
torship." (Annals,  XI.  22.) — In  any  case,  if  the  opinion  of  M.  Mommsen  bo 
adopted,  the  birth  of  Cassar  must  be  referred  to  651,  not  652.  For,  if  he  was 
born  in  the  month  of  July,  652,  he  could  only  be  forty-three  years  of  age  in  the 
month  of  July,  695 ;  and  as  the  nomination  of  the  consuls  preceded  by  six 
months  their  entering  into  office,  it  would  be  in  the  month  of  July,  694,  when 
he  would  have  attained  the  legal  age,  which  would  bring  the  date  of  his  birth 
to  the  year  651.  But  Plutarch  (Ccesar,  69),  Suetonius  (C&sar,  88),  and  Appian 
(  Civil  IVars,  II.  149)  all  agree  in  saying  that  Caesar  was  fifty-six  when  he  was 
assassinated  on  the  15th  of  March,  710,  which  fixes  his  birth  in  the  year  654. 
On  the  other  hand,  according  to  Velleius  Paterculus  (II.  43),  Caesar  was  ap- 
pointed flamen  of  Jupiter  by  Marius  and  Cinna  when  scarcely  out  of  infancy, 
and  at  Rome  infancy  ended  at  about  fourteen  ;  and  the  consulship  of  Marius 
and  Cinna  being  in  668,  Caesar,  according  to  our  calculation,  would  then,  in  fact, 
have  entered  on  his  fourteenth  year.  The  same  author  adds  that  he  was  about 
eighteen  in  672,  when  he  left  Rome  to  escape  the  proscriptions  of  Sylla,  a  new 
reason  for  retaining  the  preceding  date. 

Caesar  made  his  first  campaign  in  Asia,  at  the  taking  of  Mitylene,  in  674 
(Titus  Livius,  Epitome,  LXXXIX.),  which  makes  him  twenty  at  the  date  of  his 
entrance  into  the  service.  According  to  Sallust  ( Catilina,  49),  when  Caesar 
was  nominated  grand  pontiff  in  competition  with  Catulus,  ho  was  almost  a 
youth  (adolescentulus)  •  and  Dio  Cassius  says  the  same,  in  nearly  the  same 
terms.  Doubtless  they  expressed  themselves  thus  because  of  the  great  dispro- 
portion in  the  age  of  the  two  candidates.  The  expression  of  these  authors, 
although  unfitting,  nevertheless  agrees  better  with  our  reckoning,  which  as- 
cribes thirty-seven  years  of  age  to  Caesar,  than  to  the  other,  which  gives  him 
thirty-nine.  Tacitus  also,  as  we  shall  see  in  a  note  to  a  subsequent  page,  when 
speaking  of  the  accusation  against  Dolabella,  tends  to  make  Caesar  too  young 
rather  than  too  old. 

(l)  The  family  of  the  .Tulii  was  very  ancient,  and  we  find  personages  bearing 
this  name  from  the  third  century  of  Rome.  The  first  of  whom  history  makes 
mention  was  C.  Julius  Julus,  consul  in  265.  There  were  other  consuls  of  the 
same  family  in  272,  281,  307,  324;  consular  tribunes  in  330,  351,  362,  367; 
and  a  dictator,  C.  Julius  Julus,  in  402 ;  but  their  filiation  is  little  known.  The 
genealogy  of  Caesar  begins  in  a  direct  line  only  from  Sextus  Julius  Caesar, 
praetor  in  546.  We  borrow  the  genealogy  of  the  family  of  the  Julii  from  the 
History  of  Rome  by  Families,  by  the  learned  professor  W.  Drumann  (Vol.  III., 


654—684.  283 

who  died  suddenly  at  Pisa  about  670,  (*)  and  of  Au- 
relia,  descended  from  an  illustrious  plebeian  family. 

page  120 ;   Kcenigsberg,  1837),  introducing  one  variation  only,  explained  in 
Note  (4)  of  page  290. 
Sex.  Jul.  Csesar,      L.  JuL  Caesar, 
praetor,  546. 


L.  Jul.  Csesar,  Sex.  Jul.  Caa^ar, 

prater,  571.  trib.  mil.,  573. 


L.  J.  Caesar,     Sex.  J.  Csesar,  C.  Jnl.  Ctesar. 

prsetor,  5S8.         Cos..  597. 


Sex.  J.  Csesar,     L.  J.  Csesar.  C.  JuL  Csesar. 

prsetor,  631.       — Popillia.  Marcia. 


I  I-                       I                           I 

L.  Jul.  Csesar,  C.  Jul.  Csesar.                   C.  Jnl.  Csesar,         Julia.        Sex.  Jul.  drs 

Cos.,C64.  .    Strabo.                               prsetor.        — C.  Marius.        Cos.,  663. 

Censor.  sedil.  cur.,  664.                     — Aurelia. 
— Fulvia. 


L.  Jul.  Csesar,         Julia.          C.  JUT..  CJESAB,     Julin,  maj.        Julia,  min.       Sex.  Jul.  Csesar, 
Cos..  690.      — M.  Antonius.       Dictator.        —  L.  Pinarius.  M.  A.  Halbus.        flam.  Quirin. 
— P.  Lentulus.  — Cornelia — *      — Q.  Pedius. 

L.  Jul.  Csesar.  Julia.  Atia  Sex.  Julius  Csesar. 

— 70S.  — Cn.  Pomp.  Mag.       (moth,  of  Augustus).          —708. 

— Cn.  Pompeius. 
— Pompeia. 
— Calpurnia. 

The  opinion  most  accredited  with  the  ancients,  on  the  origin  of  the  name  of 
Cffisar,  was  that  Julius  slew  an  elephant  in  a  fight.  In  the  Punic  tongue  ccesar 
signifies  "an  elephant."  The  medals  of  Csesar,  as  grand  pontiff,  confirm  this 
hypothesis ;  on  the  reverse  is  an  elephant  crushing  a  serpent  beneath  its  feet. 
(Cohen,  Consular  Medals,  plate  xx.  10.) — We  know  that  some  symbols  on  the 
Koman  medals  are  a  species  of  canting  heraldry.  Pliny  gives  another  etymol- 
ogy of  the  name  of  Caesar :  "Primusque  Caesarum  a  caeso  matris  utero  dictus, 
qua  de  causa  et  Ccesones  appellati."  (Natural  History,VII.  9.) — Festus  (p.  57) 
thus  expresses  himself:  "Ctesor  a  ccesarie  dictus  est;  qui  scilicet  cum  caesarie 
natus  est ;"  and  page  45  :  "Ccesariati  (comati)." — Finally,  Spartianus  (Life  of 
sElius  Verus,  ii.)  sums  up  in  these  words  the  greater  part  of  the  etymologies: 
"Cuesarem  vel  ab  elephante  (qui  lingua  Maurorum  ccesar  dicitur)  in  prcelio  cse- 
so,  cum  qui  primus  sic  appellatus  est,  doctissimi  et  ertiditissimi  viri  putant  dic- 
tum ;  vel  quia  mortua  matre,  ventre  caeso  sit  natus ;  vel  quod  cum  magnis  crin- 
ibus  sit  utero  parentis  effusus ;  vel  quod  oculis  caesiis  et  ultra  hnmanum  morem 
viguerit."  (See  Isidore,  Oriyines,  IX.  iii.  12. — Servius,  Commentary  on  the  ^Em- 
id,  I.  290,  and  Constantino  Manasses,  p.  71.) 

(l)  Pliny,  Natural  History, ,VII.  53. — "Caasar  was  in  his  sixteenth  year  when 
he  lost  his  father."  (Suetonius,  1.) 


284  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  C^SAR. 

By  ancestry  and  alliances,  Caesar  inherited  that 
double  prestige  which  is  derived  from  ancient  origin 
and  recent  renown. 

On  one  side,  he  claimed  to  be  descended  from  An- 
chises  and  Venus ;  (*)  on  the  other,  he  was  the  nephew 
of  the  famous  Marius  who  had  married  his  aunt  Julia. 
When  the  widow  of  this  great  captain  died  in  686, 
Caesar  pronounced  her  funeral  oration,  and  thus  traced 
out  his  own  genealogy : — "  My  aunt  Julia,  on  the  ma- 
ternal side,  is  of  the  issue  of  kings ;  on  the  paternal 
side,  she  descends  from  the  immortal  gods :  for  her 
mother  was  a  Marcia,  (2)  and  the  family  Marcius  Hex 
are  the  descendants  of  Ancus  Marcius.  The  Julia 
family,  to  which  I  belong,  descends  from  Venus  her- 
self. Thus  our  house  unites  to  the  sacred  character 
of  kings,  who  are  the  most  powerful  among  men,  the 
venerated  holiness  of  the  gods,  who  hold  kings  them- 
selves under  their  subjection."  (3) 

This  proud  glorification  of  his  race  attests  the  value 
which  was  set  at  Rome  upon  antiquity  of  origin ;  but 
Caesar,  sprung  from  that  aristocracy  which  had  pro- 
duced so  many  illustrious  men,  and  impatient  to  fol- 
low in  their  footsteps,  showed,  from  early  youth, 
that  nobility  obliges,  instead  of  imitating  those  whose 

(l)  "  He  sprang  from  the  noble  family  of  the  Jvlii,  and,  according  to  an  opin- 
ion long  believed  in,  he  derived  his  origin  from  Venus  and  Anchises."  (Vel- 
leias  Paterculus,  IL  41.) 

(*)  In  fact,  the  gens  Marcia,  one  of  the  most  illustrious  patrician  families  in 
Rome,  reckoned  -among  its  ancestors  Numa  Marcius,  who  married  Pompilia, 
the  daughter  of  Nnma  Pompilius,  by  whom  he  had  Ancus  Marcius,  who  was 
King  of  Rome  after  the  death  of  Tullus  Hostilius.  (Plutarch,  Coriolanus,  1 ; 
Xuma,  26.) 

(3)  Suetonius,  Ccesar,  vi.  This  passage,  as  generally  translated,  is  unintelli- 
gible, because  the  translators  render  the  words  Martii  Reges  by  the  Kings  Mar- 
tius,  instead  of  the  family  of  Marcius  Rex. 


654—684.  285 

conduct  would  make  one  believe  that  nobility  dis- 
penses. 

Aurelia,  a  woman  of  lofty  character  and  severe  mor- 
als, (')  helped  above  all  in  the  development  of  his 
great  abilities,  by  a  wise  and  enlightened  education, 
and  prepared  him  to  make  himself  worthy  of  the  part 
which  destiny  had  reserved  for  him.  (2)  This  first  ed- 
ucation, given  by  a  tender  and  virtuous  mother,  has 
ever  as  much  influence  over  our  future  as  the  most 
precious .  natural  qualities.  Ca3sar  reaped  the  fruits 
of  it.  He  also  received  lessons  from  M.  Antonius 
Gnipho,  the  Gaul,  a  philosopher  and  master  of  elo- 
quence, of  a  rare  mind,  of  vast  learning,  and  well  versed 
in  Greek  and  Latin  letters,  which  he  had  cultivated  at 
Alexandria.  (3) 

Greece  was  always  the  country  of  the  arts  and  sci- 
ences, and  the  language  of  Demosthenes  was  familiar 
to*  every  lettered  Roman.  (4)  Thus  Greek  and  Latin 
might  be  called  the  two  languages  of  Italy,  as  they 
were,  at  a  later  period,  by  the  Emperor  Claudius.  (5) 
Caesar  spoke  both  with  the  same  facility ;  and,  when 
falling  beneath  the  dagger  of  Brutus,  he  pronounced 
in  Greek  the  last  words  that  issued  from  his  lips.  (6) 

(')  Plntarch,  Osor,  10. 

(2)  ' '  So  Cornelia,  mother  of  the  Gracchi ;  Aurelia,  mother  of  Caesar ;  Atia, 
mother  of  Augustus,  all  presided  over  the  education  of  their  children,  we  arc 
told,  and  made  them  into  great  men."     (Tacitus,  Dialogue  concerning  Orators, 
28.) 

(3)  "  Ingenii  magni,  memorise  singularis,  nee  minus  Graece  quam  Latine  doc- 
tus."     (Suetonius,  On  Illustrious  Grammarians,  7.) 

(*)  "A  sermone  Graeco  puerum  incipere  malo."  (Quintilian,  Institution  of 
Orattry,  I.  i.) 

(5)  Claudius,  addressing  a  foreigner  who  spoke  Greek  and  Latin,  said, 
"Since  thon  possesses!  our  two  languages."  (Suetonius,  Claudius,  42.) 

('3  Kat  ov,  rtKvov !    (Suetonius,  Ccesar,  82.) 


286  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

Though  eager  for  pleasure,  he  neglected  nothing, 
says  Suetonius,  by  which  to  acquire  those  talents 
which  lead  to  the  highest  honours.  Now,  according 
to  Roman  habits,  the  first  offices  were  attainable  only 
by  the  union  of  the  most  diverse  merits.  The  patri- 
cian youth,  still  worthy  of  their  ancestors,  were  not 
idle :  they  sought  religious  appointments,  to  give  them 
power  over  consciences;  administrative  employments, 
to  influence  material  interests;  discussions  and  pub- 
lic discourses,  to  captivate  minds  by  their  eloquence ; 
finally,  military  labours,  to  strike  imaginations  by  the 
brilliancy  of  their  glory.  Emulous  of  distinction  in 
all,  Caesar  did  not  confine  himself  to  the  study  of  let- 
ters ;  he  early  composed  works,  among  which  are  cited 
"  The  Praises  of  Hercules,"  a  tragedy  of  "  CEdipus," 
"A  Collection  of  Choice  Phrases,"  (')  a  book  on  "Div- 
ination." (2)  It  seems  that  these  works  were  written 
in  a  style  so  pure  and  correct,  that  they  gained  for  him 
the  reputation  of  an  eminent  writer,  gravis  auctor  lin- 
guce  Latinos.  (3)  He  was  less  happy  in  the  art  of  po- 
etry, if  we  may  believe  Tacitus.  (4)  However,  there 
remain  to  us  some  verses  addressed  to  the  memory  of 
Terence,  which  are  not  wanting  in  elegance.  (5) 

(l)  Suetonius,  Ccesar,  56. 

(*)  "Still  quite  young,  he  seems  to  have  attached  himself  to  the  kind  of 
eloquence  adopted  by  Strabo  Caesar,  and  he  has  even  given,  in  his  Divination, 
several  passages,  word  for  word,  of  the  discourse  of  this  orator  for  the  Sardini- 
ans." (Suetonius,  C&sar,  55.) 

(')  Aulus  Gellius,  IV.  16. 

(*)  "  For  Cffisar  and  Brutus  have  also  made  verses,  and  have  placed  them  in 
the  public  libraries.  Poets  as  feeble  as  Cicero,  but  happier  than  he,  in  that 
fewer  people  knew  what  they  had  done."  (Tacitus,  Dialogue  concerning  Ora- 
tors,  21.) 

(*)  Tu  quoque,  tu  in  summis,  o  dimidiate  Menander, 

Poneris,  et  merito,  puri  sermonis  amator. 


654—684.  287 

Education,  then,  had  made  Caesar  a  distinguished 
man  before  he  was  a  great  man.  He  united  to  good- 
ness of  heart  a  high  intelligence,  to  an  invincible  cour- 
age (*)  an  enthralling  eloquence,  (2)  a  wonderful  mem- 
ory, (3)  an  unbounded  generosity;  finally,  he  possess- 
ed one  very  rare  quality — calmness  under  anger.  (4) 
"  His  affability,"  says  Plutarch,  "  his  politeness,  his 
gracious  address — qualities  which  he  had  to  a  degree 
beyond  his  age — gained  him  the  affection  of  the  peo- 
ple." (5) 

Two  anecdotes  of  later  date  must  come  in  here. 
Plutarch  relates  that  Caesar,  during  his  campaigns, 
one  day,  surprised  by  a  violent  storm,  took  shelter  in 
a  hut  where  was  only  one  room,  too  small  to  contain 
many  people.  He  hastened  to  offer  it  to  Oppius,  one 
of  his  officers,  who  was  sick ;  and  himself  passed  the 
night  in  the  open  air,  saying  to  those  who  accompa- 
nied him, "  We  must  leave  to  the  great  the  places  of 
honour,  but  yield  to  the  sick  those  that  are  necessary 
to  them."  Another  time,  Valerius  Leo,  with  whom 
he  was  dining  at  Milan,  having  set  before  him  an  ill- 

Lenibus  atque  utinam  scriptis  adjuncta  foret  vis 
Comica,  ut  aequato  virtus  polleret  honore 
Cum  Grsecis  ;  neque  in  hac  despectus  parte  jaceres ! 
Unum  hoc  maceror  et  doleo  tibi  deesse,  Terenti. 

(Suetonius,  Life  of  Terence,  5.) 

(')  "Liberal  to  prodigality,  and  of  a  courage  above  human  nature  and  even 
imagination."  (Velleius  Paterculus,  II.  41.) 

(2)  "He  held,  undeniably,  the  second  rank  among  the  orators  of  Home." 
(Plutarch,  Casar,  3.) 

(3)  "Nam  cui  Hortensio,  Lucullove,  vel  Ccesari,  tam  parata  unqtiam  adfuit 
recordatio,  quam  tibi  sacra  mens  tua  loco  momcntoqne,  quo  jusseris,  reddit 
omne  depositum?"     (Latinus  Pacatus,  Panegyricus  in  Theodosium,  XVIII.  3.) 
— (Pliny,  Natural  History,  VII.  25.) 

(*)  "  Quamvis  moderate  soleret  irasci,  maluit  tamen  non  posse."  (Seneca, 
De  Ira,  II.  23.)  (*)  Plutarch,  Ccesar,  4. 


288  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

seasoned  dish,  the  companions  of  Caesar  remonstrated, 
but  he  reproached  them  sharply  for  their  want  of  con- 
sideration for  his  host,  saying  "  that  they  were  free  not 
to  eat  of  a  dish  they  did  not  like,  but  that  to  complain 
of  it  aloud  was  a  want  of  good  breeding."  (]) 

These  facts,  of  small  importance  in  themselves,  yet 
testify  to  Caesar's  goodness  of  heart,  and  to  the  deli- 
cacy of  the  well-bred  man  who  is  always  observant 
of  propriety. 

To  his  natural  qualities,  developed  by  a  brilliant 
education,  were  added  physical  advantages.  His  tall 
stature,  his  rounded  and  well-proportioned  limbs, 
stamped  his  person  with  a  grace  that  distinguished 
him  from  all  others.  (2)  He  had  black  eyes,  a  pierc- 
ing look,  a  pale  complexion,  a  straight  and  high  nose. 
His  mouth,  small  and  regular,  but  with  rather  thick 
lips,  gave  a  kindly  expression  to  the  lower  part  of  his 
face,  whilst  his  breadth  of  brow  betokened  the  devel- 
opment of  the  intellectual  faculties.  His  face  was  full, 
at  least,  in  his  youth ;  for  in  his  busts,  doubtless  made 
towards  the  end  of  his  life,  his  features  are  thinner, 
and  bear  traces  of  fatigue.  (3)  He  had  a  sonorous  and 
penetrating  voice,  a  noble  gesture,  and  an  air  of  dig- 
nity reigned  over  all  his  person.  (4)  His  constitution, 
at  first  delicate,  became  robust  by  a  frugal  regimen  and 
the  habit  of  exposing  himself  to  the  inclemency  of  the 

(l)  Plntarch.  Ctesar,  19. 

(s)  "To  the  external  advantages  which  distinguished  him  from  all  the  other 
citizens,  Caesar  joined  an  impetuous  and  powerful  soul."  (Velleius  Paterculus, 
II.  41.) 

(3)  Suetonins,  Ccesar,  15. 

(4)  "  By  his  voice,  his  gesture,  the  grand  and  noble  air  of  his  person,  he  had 
a  certain  brilliant  manner  of  speech,  without  the  least  artifice."     (Cicero,  Bru- 
tus, 75 ;  copied  by  Suetonius,  C&sar,  55.) 


654—684.  289 

weather.  (*)  Accustomed  from  his  youth  to  all  bodi- 
ly exercises,  he  was  a  bold  horseman,  (2)  and  bore  pri- 
vations and  fatigues  without  difficulty.  (3)  Habitu- 
ally temperate,  his  health  was  impaired  neither  by  ex- 
cess of  labour  nor  by  excess  of  pleasure.  However, 
on  two  occasions — the  first  at  Corduba,  the  second  at 
Thapsus — he  was  seized  with  nervous  attacks,  wrong- 
ly mistaken  for  epilepsy.  (*) 

He  paid  special  attention  to  his  person,  carefully 
shaved  or  plucked  out  his  beard,  and  artistically 
brought  his  hair  forward  to  the  front  of  his  head, 
which,  in  more  advanced  age,  served  to  conceal  his 
bald  forehead.  He  was  reproached  with  the  affecta- 
tion of  scratching  his  head  with  one  finger  only,  so 
that  he  should  not  disarrange  his  hair.  (5)  His  toi- 
lette was  refined ;  his  toga  was  generally  ornamented 
with  a  laticlavia,  fringed  down  to  the  hands,  and  fast- 
ened by  a  girdle  carelessly  tied  about  his  loins ;  a  cos- 
tume which  distinguished  the  elegant  and  effeminate 
youths  of  the  period.  But  Sylla  was  not  deceived  by 
these  appearances  of  frivolity,  and  repeated  that  they 
must  take  care  of  this  young  man  with  the  loose  gir- 
dle. (6)  He  had  a  taste  for  pictures,  statues,  and  jew- 

0)  Plutarch,  Osar,  18. 

(2)  "From  his  first  youth  he  was  much  used  to  horseback,  and  had  even 
acquired  the  facility  of  riding  with  dropped  reins  and  his  hands  joined  behind 
his  back."  (Plutarch,  Ccesar,  18.) 

(')  "  He  ate  and  slept  without  enjoying  the  pleasure  of  either,  and  only  to 
obey  necessity."  (Velleius  Paterculus,  II.  41.) 

(*)  Suetonius,  Co-sew,  53. — Plutarch,  Ccesar,  18  and  58.) 

(5)  "And  when,"  says  Cicero,  "I  look  at  his  hair,  so  artistically  arranged; 
and  when  I  see  him  scratch  his  head  with  one  finger,  I  cannot  believe  that  such 
a  man  could  conceive  so  black  a  design  as  to  overthrow  the  Roman  Republic." 
(Plutarch,  Ctesar,  4.) 

(')  Suetonius,  Ccesar,  45. — Cicero  said  likewise,  "I  suffered  myself  to  bo 

13  T 


290  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR 

els  ;  and,  in  memoiy  of  his  origin,  always  wore  on  his 
finger  a  ring,  on  which  was  engraved  the  figure  of  an 
armed  Venus.  (]) 

In  fine,  we  discover  in  Caesar,  both  physically  and 
morally,  two  natures  rarely  united  in  the  same  per- 
son. He  joined  an  aristocratic  delicacy  of  body  to 
the  muscular  constitution  of  the  warrior  ;  the  love  of 
luxury  and  the  arts  to  a  passion  for  military  life,  in 
all  its  simplicity  and  rudeness  :  in  a  word,  he  allied 
the  elegance  of  manner  which  seduces  with  the  energy 
of  character  which  commands. 

II.  Sucji  was  Csesar  at  the  age  of  eighteen,  when 
c«*ar  permuted  Sylla  seized  the  dictatorship.  (2)    Already 

bySylla(6T2). 


name,  his  intellect,  his  affable  manners,  which  pleased 
men,  and,  perhaps,  women  still  more. 

The  influence  of  his  uncle  Marius  caused  him  to  be 
nominated  priest  of  Jupiter  {flamen  dialis)  at  the 
age  of  fourteen.  (3)  At  sixteen,  betrothed,  doubtless 
against  his  will,  to  Cossutia,  the  daughter  of  a  rich 
knight,  he  broke  his  engagement,  (4)  after  the  death 

caught  by  the  fashion  of  his  girdle,"  alluding  to  his  hanging  robe,  which  gave 
him  an  effeminate  appearance.  (Macrobius,  Saturnalia,  II.  3.) 

(')  Dio  Cassius,  XLIII.  43.  (3)  Velleius  Paterculus,  II.  41. 

(3)  Suetonius  (Ccesar,  1)  says  that  Caesar  was  designated  (destinalus)  flamen. 
Velleius  Paterculus  (II.  43),  that  he  was  created  flamen.  In  our  opinion  he 
was  created,  but  not  inaugurated,  flamen.  Now,  as  long  as  this  formality  was 
not  accomplished,  he  was  only  the  flamen  designate.  What  proves  that  he 
had  never  been  inaugurated  is,  that  Sylla  could  revoke  it;  and,  on  another 
hand,  Tacitus  says  (Annales,  III.  53)  that,  after  the  death  of  Cornelius  Merula, 
the  flamenship  of  Jupiter  remained  vacant  for  seventy-two  years,  without  any 
interruption  to  the  special  worship  of  this  god.  So  that,  evidently,  they  did  not 
count  the  flamenship  of  Cassar  as  real,  since  he  had  never  entered  on  his  office. 

(*)  "Dimissa  Cossutia  .  .  .  quae  pretextato  desponsata  fuerat."    (Suetonius, 


554—684.  291 

of  his  father,  to  draw  still  closer  his  alliance  with  the 
popular  party  by  many  ing,  a  year  after,  in  671,  Cor- 
nelia, daughter  of  L.  Cornelius  Cinna,  the  ancient  col- 
league of  Marius,  and  the  representative  of  his  cause. 
From  this  marriage  was  born,  the  following  year,  Ju- 
lia, who  became,  in  after  time,  the  wife  of  Pompey.  (*) 

Sylla  saw  with  displeasure  this  young  man,  who 
already  occupied  men's  thoughts,  although,  as  yet,  he 
had  done  nothing,  linking  himself  more  closely  with 
those  who  were  opposed  to  him.  He  wished  to  force 
him  to  divorce  Cornelia,  but  he  found  him  inflexible. 
When  every  one  yielded  to  his  will ;  when,  by  his  or- 
ders, Piso  separated  from  Annia,  the  widow  of  Cin- 
na, (2)  and  Pompey  ignominiously  dismissed  his  wife, 
the  daughter  of  Antistius,  who  died  for  his  cause,  (3) 
to  marry  Emilia,  the  daughter-in-law  of  the  dictator, 
Caesar  maintained  his  independence  at  the  price  of  his 
personal  safety. 

Become  suspected,  he  was  deprived  of  his  priest- 
hood, (4)  and  of  his  wife's  dowry,  and  declared  incapa- 
ble of  inheriting  from  his  family.  Obliged  to  conceal 
himself  in  the  outskirts  of  Home  to  escape  persecution, 
he  changed  his  place  of  retreat  every  night,  though 
ill  with  fever;  but,  arrested  by  a  band  of  assassins 

C<tsar,  1.) — This  passage  from  Suetonius  clearly  indicates  that  he  was  be- 
trothed, and  not  married,  to  Cossutia;  for  Suetonius  uses  the  word  dimittere, 
which  means  "to free,"  and  not  the  word  repudiare  in  its  true  meaning;  be- 
sides, desjionsata  signifies  betrothed. — Plutarch  says  that  Cornelia  was  the  first 
wife  of  Caesar,  though  he  pretends  that  he  married  Pompeia  as  his  third. 
(Plutarch,  Owzr,  5.)  (»)  Plutarch,  Caesar,  5. 

(2)  Velleius  Paterculus,  II.  41. 

(3)  "  What  an  infamy  to  introduce  into  his  house  a  pregnant  woman,  with 
her  husband  still  living ;  and  to  thrust  from  it,  ignominiously  and  cruelly,  An- 
tistia,  whose  father  had  just  perished  for  the  husband  who  repudiated  her!" 
(Plutarch,  Pompey,  8.)  (•)  Suetonius,  Ccesar,  1. 


292  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

in  the  pay  of  Sylla,  he  gained  the  chief,  Cornelius 
Phagita,  by  giving  him  two  talents  (about  12,000 
francs),  (*)  and  his  life  was  preserved.  Let  us  note 
here  that,  arrived  at  sovereign  power,  Caesar  met  this 
same  Phagita,  and  treated  him  with  indulgence,  with- 
out reminding  him  of  the  past.  (2)  Meanwhile,  he 
still  wandered  about  in  the  Sabine  country.  His 
courage,  his  constancy,  his  illustrious  birth,  his  former 
quality  of  flamen,  excited  general  interest.  Soon  im- 
portant personages,  such  as  Aurelius  Cotta,  his  moth- 
er's brother,  and  Mamercus  Lepidus,  a  connection  of 
his  family,  interceded  in  his  favour.  (3)  The  vestals 
also,  whose  sole  intervention  put  an  end  to  all  vio- 
lence, did  not  spare  their  prayers.  (*)  Vanquished 
by  so  many  solicitations,  Sylla  yielded  at  last,  exclaim- 
ing, "  Well !  be  it  so,  you  will  it ;  but  know  that  he, 
whose  pardon  you  demand,  will  one  day  ruin  the 
party  of  the  great  for  which  we  have  fought  together, 
for,  trust  me,  there  are  several  Mariuses  in  this  young 
man."  (*) 

Sylla  had  judged  truly :  many  Mariuses,  in  effect, 
had  met  together  in  Caesar:  Marius,  the  great  cap- 
tain, but  with  a  larger  military  genius ;  Marius,  the 
enemy  of  the  oligarchy,  but  without  hatred  and  with- 

(')  Plutarch,  Ccesar,  1. — Suetonius,  Ctcsar,  74. 

(J)  Suetonius,  Caesar,  74. 

(3)  Suetonius,  C&sar,  1. 

(*)  The  vestals  enjoyed  great  privileges :  if  they  met  by  chance  a  criminal 
on  his  way  to  execution,  he  was  set  at  liberty.  (Plutarch,  Numa,  14. — Valerius 
Maximus  (V.  iv.  6)  reports  the  following  fact:  "The  vestal  Claudia,  seeing 
that  a  tribune  of  the  people  was  about  to  drag  her  father,  Appius  Claudius  Pul- 
cher,  with  violence  from  his  triumphal  car,  interfered  between  the  tribune  and 
him,  by  virtue  of  her  right  to  oppose  violence." — Cicero  (Orationfor  Ccclius,  14) 
likewise  alludes  to  this  celebrated  anecdote. 

(*)  Suetonius,  CVESOI;  1. 


654-684.  293 

out  cruelty ;  Marius,  in  a  word,  no  longer  the  man  of 
a  faction,  but  the  man  of  his  age. 

III.  Caesar  could  not  remain  a  cold  spectator  of 
c^arinAsia  the  sanguinary  reign  of  Sylla,  and  left 
COTS,  6T4).  £or  Asia,,  where  he  received  the  hospital- 
ity of  Niconiedes,  king  of  Bithynia.  A  short  time 
afterwards  he  took  part  in  the  hostilities  which  con- 
tinued against  Mithridates.  The  young  men  of  good 
family  who  wished  to  serve  their  military  apprentice- 
ship followed  a  general  to  the  army.  Admitted  to 
his  intimacy  under  the  name  of  contubernales,  they 
were  attached  to  his  person.  It  was  in  this  capacity 
that  Caesar  accompanied  the  praetor  M.  Minucius  Ther- 
mus,  (*)  who  sent  him  to  Niconiedes  to  claim  his  co- 
operation in  the  siege  of  Mitylene,  occupied  by  the 
troops  of  Mithridates.  Caesar  succeeded  in  his  mis- 
sion, and  on  his  return  aided  in  the  capture  of  the 
city.  Having  saved  the  life  of  a  Roman  soldier,  he 
received  from  Thermus  a  civic  crown.  (2) 

Shortly  afterwards  he  returned  to  Bithynia,  to  de- 
fend the  cause  of  one  of  his  clients.  His  frequent 
presence  at  the  court  of  Nicomedes  served  as  the  pre- 
text for  an  accusation  of  shameful  condescension. 
But  Caesar's  relations  with  the  Bithynians  may  be  ex- 
plained quite  naturally  by  his  feelings  of  gratitude 
for  the  hospitality  he  had  received  from  them ;  it  was 
the  reason  which  made  him  always  defend  their  in- 
terests, and  at  a  later  period  become  their  patron,  as 
may  be  gathered  from  the  fragment  of  a  speech  pre- 

(')  Suetonius,  Ctesar,  2. 

(2)  Suetonius,  Cccsar,  2.— Pliny,  XVI.  4.— Aulus  Gellius,  V.  6. 


29-i  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  (LESAK. 

served  by  Aulus  Gellius.  (')  The  motives  of  Ms  con- 
luct  were,  nevertheless,  so  misconstrued,  that  insult- 
ng  allusions  are  to  be  found  in  certain  debates  of 
;he  Senate,  and  even  in  the  songs  of  the  soldiers  who 
followed  his  triumphal  car.  (2)  But  these  sarcasms, 
vhich  told  rather  of  hatred  than  of  truth,  as  Cicero 
limself  says,  magis  odio  firmata  quam  prcesidio,  (3) 
vere  only  set  afloat  by  his  adversaries  very  much 

(')  C.  Caesar,  grand  pontiff,  in  his  discourse  for  the  Bithynians,  thus  expresses 
limself  in  his  exordium : — "The  hospitality  which  I  have  received  from  King 
tficomedes,  and  the  bond  of  friendship  which  unites  me  to  those  whose  cause 
3  under  debate,  do  not  permit  me,  Marcus  Juncus,  to  decline  this  office  (that 
f  being  the  advocate  of  the  Bithynians) ;  for  death  ought  not  to  efface  from  the 
nemory  of  their  kindred  the  recollection  of  those  who  have  lived,  and  we  could 
lot,  without  the  last  degree  of  disgrace,  abandon  our  clients,  those  to  whom, 
fter  our  kindred,  we  owe  our  support."  (Aulus  Gellius,  V.  xiii.  1.) 

('•)  "Nothing  damaged  his  reputation  for  chastity,"  says  Suetonius,  "except 
iis  sojourn  with  Nicomedes ;  but  the  opprobrium  which  resulted  from  it  was 
;rave  and  lasting ;  it  exposed  him  to  the  sneers  of  all.  I  will  say  nothing  of 
hose  well-known  verses  of  Calvus  Licinius — 

'  Bithynia  quidquid 

Et  pcdicator  Ceesaris  unquam  kabuit' 

will  be  silent  on  the  speeches  of  Dolabella  and  Curio  the  father, 

icither  will  I  linger  over  the  edicts  in  which  Bibulus  publicly  exposed  his  col- 

jague  by  speaking  of  him  as  the  queen  of  Bithynia M.  Brutus 

nforms  us  that  a  certain  Octavius,  whose  craziness  allowed  him  to  say  what  he 
rould,  being  one  day  in  a  numerous  assembly,  called  Pompey  king,  then  saluted 
Caesar  by  the  name  of  queen.  C.  Memmius  also  reproaches  him  for  having 
nixed  himself  up  with  other  debauchees  to  present  Nicomedes  with  cups  and 
dne  at  table,  and  he  quotes  the  names  of  several  Roman  merchants  who  were 

mong  the  guests Cicero  apostrophised  him  once  in  full  Senate. 

Caesar  was  defending  there  the  cause  of  Nysa,  daughter  of  Nicomedes ;  he  re- 
ailed  the  obligations  which  he  owed  to  this  king.  '  Let  us  pass  by  all  that, 

beg  you,'  cried  Cicero :   '  we  know  only  too  well  what  he  has  given  thee,  and 
i'hat  he  has  received  from  thee.'    On  his  triumph  over  the  Gauls,  the  soldiers, 
.mong  other  satirical  verses  which  it  was  their  custom  to  sing  as  they  followed 
he  car  of  the  general,  repeated  these,  which  are  well  known : — 
'Gallias  Caesar  subegit,  Nicomedes  Csesarem. 
Ecce  Caesar  nunc  triumphal,  qui  subegit  Gallias; 
Nicomedea  non  triumphal,  qul  subegit  Cwsarem.'  " 

(Suetonius,  Casar.  49.) 

(3)  Cicero,  Letters  to  Attiais,  II.  19. 


654—684.  295 

later,  that  is  to  say,  at  one  of  those  moments  of  excite- 
ment when  political  parties  shrink  from  no  calum- 
ny (*)  to  mutually  decry  each  other.  Notwithstand- 
ing the  relaxation  of  morals,  nothing  could  have  ruin- 
ed the  reputation  of  Caesar  more  than  this  accusation, 
for  such  a  crime  was  not  only  abhorred  in  the 
army,  (2)  but,  committed  with  a  foreigner,  would  have 
been  the  most  degrading  disregard  of  Roman  dignity. 
Wherefore  Caesar,  whose  love  for  women  ought  to 
have  shielded  him  from  such  a  suspicion,  repelled  it 
with  just  indignation.  (3) 

After  having  made  his  first  campaign  at  the  siege 
of  Mitylene,  Caesar  served  in  the  fleet  of  the  proconsul 
P.  Servilius  (676),  commissioned  to  make  war  on  the 
Cilician  pirates,  who  subsequently  received  the  sur- 
name of  Isauricus,  because  he  had  taken  Isaura,  their 
chief  place  of  refuge,  (4)  and  conquered  part  of  Cilicia. 
However,  he  remained  but  a  short  time  with  Servilius, 
for,  having  been  informed  of  the  death  of  Sylla,he  re- 
turned to  Rome.  (5) 

(!)  These  reports,  like  other  calumnies,  were  propagated  by  Csesar's  enemies, 
such  as  Curio  and  Bibulus,  and  repeated  in  the  ridiculous  annals  of  Tanu- 
sius  Geminus  (Suetonius,  Ccesar,  9),  the  authority  of  which  Seneca  despised. 
"Thou  knowest  that  not  much  account  is  made  of  these  annals  of  Tan u- 
sius,  and  how  they  are  designated."  (Seneca,  Epistle  93.) — Catullus  (xxxvi. 
1)  gives  us  that  term  of  contempt  to  which  Seneca  alludes  (cacata  charta). 

(2)  "Marius  had  in  his  army  a  nephew,  called  Caius  Lucius,  who,  overcome 
by  a  shameful  passion  for  one  of  his  subordinates,  offered  him  an  act  of  vio- 
lence.   The  man  drew  his  sword  and  killed  him.     Cited  before  the  tribunal  of 
Marius,  instead  of  being  punished  he  was  loaded  with  praises  by  the  consul, 
who  gave  him  one  of  the  crowns  which  were  the  usual  reward  of  courage. " 
(Plutarch,  Marius,  15.) 

(3)  "Cffisar  was  not  vexed  at  being  accused  of  loving  Cleopatra;  but  he 
could  not  bear  that  they  should  say  he  had  been  loved  by  Nicomedes.     He 
swore  it  was  a  calumny."     (Xiphilinus,  Julius  Caesar,  p.  30,  Paris  edition,  1678.) 

(4)  Orosius,  V.  23.  (5)  Suetonius,  Osar,  3. 


296  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  C^SAR. 

IV.  The  Republic,  divided  into  two  parties,  was  on 

C«ar  on  hi,,  return    the  eVG   <>f  felling  into   civil  WOT  through 

the  diversity  of  opinion  between  the  two 
consuls,  Lepidus  and  Catulus.  They  were  ready  to 
come  to  blows.  The  former,  elevated  to  the  consul- 
ship by  the  influence  of  Pompey,  against  the  advice 
of  Sylla,  fomented  an  insurrection.  "  He  lighted  up," 
says  Floras,  "  the  fire  of  civil  war  at  the  very  funeral 
pyre  of  the  dictator."  (J)  He  wished  to  abrogate  the 
Cornelian  laws,  restore  to  the  tribunes  their  power,  to 
the  proscribed  their  rights,  to  the  allies  their  lands.  (2) 
These  designs  against  the  system  established  by  the 
dictator  agreed  with  Caesar's  ideas,  and  endeavours 
were  made,  by  seductive  offers,  to  draw  him  into  the 
intrigues  which  were  then  going  on;  but  he  kept 
aloof.  (3) 

The  Senate  succeeded  in  making  the  consuls  swear 
that  they  would  be  reconciled,  and  thought  to  ensure 
peace  by  giving  each  a  military  command.  Catulus 
received  the  government  of  Italy,  and  Lepidus  that 
of  Cisalpine  Gaul.  The  latter,  before  going  to  his 
province,  visited  Etruria,  where  the  partisans  of  Ma- 
rius  flocked  to  him.  The  Senate,  informed  of  these 
doings,  recalled  him  to  Rome,  towards  the  end  of  the 
year,  to  hold  the  comitia.  (4)  Lepidus,  leaving  Brutus 
the  praetor  encamped  near  Mutina  (Modend),  marched 
back  to  Rome  at  the  head  of  his  army.  Beaten  by 
Catulus  and  Pompey  at  the  bridge  of  Milvius,  he  with- 
drew to  the  coast  of  Etruria,  and,  after  a  new  defeat, 
fled  to  Sardinia,  where  he  ended  his  career  naisera* 

(')  Floras,  III.  23.  (J)  Appian,  I.  107. 

(')  Suetonius,  C^sar,  3.  («)  Sallust,  Fragments,  I.,  p.  363. 


654—684.  £97 

bly.  (*)  Perpenna,  his  lieutenant,  went,  with  the 
wreck  of  his  army,  to  rejoin  Sertorius  in  Spain. 

Caesar  acted  wisely  in  keeping  out  of  these  move- 
ments, for  not  only  did  the  character  of  Lepidus  in- 
spire him  with  no  confidence,  (2)  but  he  must  have 
thought  that  the  dictatorship  of  Sylla  was  too  recent, 
that  it  had  inspired  too  many  fears,  and  created  too 
many  new  interests,  to  admit  of  the  reaction,  still  in- 
complete in  men's  minds,  succeeding  by  arms.  For 
the  present,  they  must  limit  themselves  to  acting  on 
public  opinion,  by  branding  with  words  the  instru- 
ments of  the  past  tyranny. 

The  most  general  way  of  entering  on  a  political  ca- 
reer was  by  instituting  a  prosecution  against  some 
high  personage.  (3)  Its  success  mattered  little ;  the 
real  point  was  to  be  brought  prominently  forward  by 
some  remarkable  speech,  and  offer  a  proof  of  patriot- 
ism. 

Cornelius  Dolabella,  one  of  the  friends  of  Sylla,  who 
had  had  the  honours  of  the  consulate  and  triumph, 
and  who,  two  years  before,  was  governor  of  Macedo- 
nia, was  now  accused  by  Caesar  of  excesses  committed 
in  his  government  (677).  He  was  acquitted  by  the 
tribunal  composed  of  the  creatures  of  the  dictator.  (4) 
Public  opinion  did  not  praise  Caesar  the  less  for  hav- 
ing dared  to  attack  a  man  who  was  supported  and 

(1)  Florus,  III.  23. 

(2)  Suetonius,  Ctesar,  3. 

(3)  "  The  Romans  regarded  as  honourable  accusations  which  had  no  private 
enmity  as  their  motive,  and  they  liked  to  see  young  men  attach  themselves  to 
the  pursuit  of  the  guilty,  as  generous  dogs  attack  wild  beasts."    (Plutarch,  Lu-  , 
cullus,  1.) 

(*)  Plutarch,  CVcsar,  4. — Asconius,  Discourse  for  Scaurus,  XVI.  ii.  245,  edit. 
Schiitz. 

13* 


298  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CJESAR. 

defended  by  orators  such  as  Hortensius  and  L.  Aure- 
lius  Cotta.  Besides,  he  displayed  so  much  eloquence, 
that  this  first  speech  gave  him  at  once  a  veritable  ce- 
lebrity. (J)  Encouraged  by  this  success,  Caesar  cited 
C.  Antonius  Hybrida  before  the  praetor  M.  Lucullus 
for  having,  at  the  head  of  a  body  of  cavalry,  pillaged 
certain  parts  of  Greece  when  Sylla  was  returning  from 
Asia.  (2)  The  accused  was  also  acquitted,  but  the 
popularity  of  the  accuser  still  increased.  He  also 
spoke,  probably,  in  other  causes  now  unknown.  Taci- 
tus speaks  of  a  speech  of  Caesar's  in  favour  of  a  cer- 
tain Decius  the  Samnite,  (3)  without  doubt  the  same 
mentioned  by  Cicero,  who,  flying  from  the  proscrip- 
tion of  Sylla,  was  kindly  received  by  Aulus  Cluen- 
tius.  (4)  Thus  Caesar  boldly  offered  himself  as  the 
defender  of  the  oppressed  Greeks  or  Samnites,  who 
had  suffered  so  much  from  the  regime  preceding.  He 
gained  especially  the  good- will  of  the  former,  whose 
opinions,  highly  influential  at  Rome,  helped  to  make 
reputations. 

(l)  Valerius  Maximus,  VIII.  ix.  §  3. — "Caesar  was  twenty-one  years  of  age 
when  he  attacked  Dolabella,  in  a  speech  which  we  still  read  to-day  with  admi- 
ration." (Tacitus,  Dialogue  on  the  Orators,  34.) — According  to  the  chronolog- 
ical order  which  we  have  adopted,  Caesar,  instead  of  twenty-one,  would  have 
been  twenty-three  years  old  ;  but  as  Tacitus,  in  the  same  citation,  also  errs,  by 
two  years,  in  making  Crassus,  who  had  accused  Carbo,  nineteen  instead  of  twen- 
ty-one, we  may  suppose  that  he  has  committed  the  same  mistake  with  Caesar. 
In  fact,  Crassus  tells  his  own  age  in  Cicero  (On  the  Orators,  III.  20,  §  74) : 
"Quippe  qui  omnium  maivrrime  ad  publicas  causas  accesserim,  annosque  natus 
itnum  et  rt^/n<i  nobilissimum  hominem  injudiciumvocarim." — Crassus,  the  ora- 
tor, was  born  in  614 ;  he  accused  Carbo  in  635,  the  date  given  by  Cicero. 

(a)  Plutarch,  Ccesar,  3. — Asconius,  Commentaries  on  the  Oration,  "In  Toga 
Candida,"  pp.  84,  89,  edit.  Orelli. 

(3)  Dialogue  on  the  Orators,  21. 

(*)  Cicero,  Oration  for  Cluentius,  59.  The  manuscripts  of  Cicero  bear  Cn. 
Decitivs. 


•654-684.  299 

These  attacks  were  certainly  a  means  of  attracting 
public  attention,  but  they  also  showed  the  courage  of 
the  man,  since  the  partisans  of  Sylla  were  still  all  in 
power. 

V.  Notwithstanding  his  celebrity  as  an  orator,  Cse- 
c^rgoo,  to  Rhodes  sal>  resolved  to  keep  out  of  the  troubles 
which  agitated  Italy,  and  doubtless  felt 
his  presence  in  Rome  useless  to  his  cause  and  irksome 
to  himself.  It  is  often  advantageous  to  political  men 
'to  disappear  for  a  tune  from  the  scene;  they  thus 
avoid  compromising  themselves  in  daily  struggles 
without  aim,  and  their  reputation,  instead  of  losing, 
increases  by  absence.  During  the  winter  of  678 
Caesar  again  quitted  Italy,  for  the  purpose  of  going 
to  Rhodes  to  complete  his  studies.  This  island,  then 
the  centre  of  intellectual  lights,  the  dwelling-place  of 
the  most  celebrated  philosophers,  was  the  school  of 
all  the  well-born  youth.  Cicero  himself  had  gone 
there  for  lessons  some  years  before. 

In  his  passage,  Caesar  was  taken  by  pirates  near 
Pharmacusa,  a  small  island  in  the  archipelago  of  the 
Sporades,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Gulf  of  Jassius.  (*) 
Notwithstanding  the  campaign  of  P.  Servilius  Isauri- 
cus,  these  pirates  still  infested  the  sea  with  numerous 
fleets.  They  demanded  twenty  talents  (£2,329)  for 
his  ransom.  He  offered  fifty  (,£11,640),  which  must 
naturally  have  given  them  a  high  notion  of  their 
prisoner,  and  insured  him  better  treatment.  He  sent 

(!)  This  island,  now  called  Fermaco,  is  at  the  entrance  of  the  Gulf  of  Assem- 
Kalessi.  Pliny  and  Stephen  of  Byzantium  are  the  only  geographers  who  men- 
tion it,  and  the  last  tells  us  further,  that  it  was  here  that  Attalus,  the  famous 
lieutenant  of  Philip  of  Macedon,  was  slain  hy  Alexander's  order. 


300  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  C^SAR. 

trusty  agents,  and  among  others  Epicrates,  one  of  his 
Milesian  slaves,  to  raise  this  sum  in  the  neighbouring 
towns.  (')  Though  the  allied  provinces  and  towns 
were  in  this  case  obliged  to  furnish  the  ransom,  it 
was  none  the  less  curious,  as  a  proof  of  their  wealth, 
to  see  a  young  man  of  twenty-four,  arrested  in  a  lit- 
tle island  of  Asia  Minor,  instantly  able  to  borrow  so 
large  a  sum. 

Left  alone  with  a  physician  and  two  slaves  (2)  in 
the  midst  of  these  ferocious  brigands,  he  held  them  in 
awe  by  his  force  of  character,  and  passed  nearly  forty 
days  on  board  without  ever  loosing  either  his  sandals 
or  his  girdle,  to  avoid  all  suspicion  of  wishing  to  es- 
cape by  swimming.  (3)  He  seemed  less  a  captive,  says 
Plutarch,  than  a  prince  surrounded  by  his  guards ; 
now  playing  with  them,  now  reciting  poems  to  them, 
he  made  himself  loved  and  feared,  and  laughingly 
told  them  that,  once  free,  he  would  have  them  cruci- 
fied. (4)  Yet  the  remembrance  of  Rome  recurred  to 
his  mind,  and  recalled  the  strifes  and  enmities  he 
had  left  there.  He  was  often  heard  to  say,  "  What 
pleasure  Crassus  will  have  at  knowing  me  in  these 
straits !"  (5) 

As  soon  as  he  received  his  ransom  from  Miletus 
and  the  other  towns,  he  paid  it.  Landed  on  the 
coast,  he  hastened  to  equip  ships,  impatient  to  revenge 
himself.  The  pirates,  surprised  ai  anchor  in  the  har- 
bour of  the  island,  were  almost  all  made  prisoners, 
and  their  booty  fell  into  his  hands.  He  secured  them 

0)  Polyeenus,  Stratagems,  VII.  23. 

(s)  Suetonius,  Caesar,  4.  (3)  Vclleius  Paterculus,  II.  41. 

(«)  Plutarch,  Casar,  2.  (*)  Plutarch,  Crassus,  8. 


654-684.  301 

in  the  prison  at  Pergamus,  to  deliver  them  up  to  Ju- 
nius  Silanus,  the  proconsul  of  Asia,  whose  duty  it  was 
to  punish  them.  But,  wishing  to  sell  them  and  make 
a  profit,  Junius  replied  in  an  evasive  manner.  Caesar 
returned  to  Pergamus,  and  had  them  crucified.  (*) 

He  went  afterwards  to  Rhodes,  to  attend  the  les- 
sons of  Apollonius  Molo,  the  most  illustrious  of  the 
masters  of  eloquence  of  that  time,  who  had  formerly 
been  to  Rome,  in  672,  as  the  Rhodian  ambassador. 
About  the  same  time  one  of  his  uncles,  the  proconsul 
M.  Aurelius  Cotta,  was  appointed  governor  of  Bithyn- 
ia,  bequeathed  by  Nicomedes  to  the  Roman  people, 
and  charged,  with  Lucullus,  to  oppose  the  new  inva- 
sions of  Mithridates.  Cotta,  beaten  by  land  and  sea 
near  Chalcedon,  was  reduced  to  great  straits,  and 
Mithridates  was  advancing  against  Cyzicus,  an  allied 
town,  which  Lucullus  afterwards  relieved.  On  an- 
other side,  Euniachius,  a  lieutenant  of  the  King  of 
Pontus,  ravaged  Phrygia,  where  he  massacred  all  the 
.Romans,  and  seized  several  of  the  southern  provinces 
of  Asia  Minor.  The  rumours  of  war,  the  perils  into 
which  the  allies  were  falling,  took  Caesar  from  his 
studies.  He  went  over  into  Asia,  levied  troops  on 
his  own  authority,  drove  out  from  the  province  the 
king's  governor,  and  kept  in  allegiance  towns  whose 
i'aith  was  doubtful  or  shaken.  (2) 

VI.  Whilst  he  was  making  war  on  the  coasts  of 
.  ^sia,  his  friends  at  Rome  did  not  forget  him :  and, 

O  ' 

C1)  Suetonius  mentions,  as  an  act  of  humanity,  that  their  corpses  alone  were 
r  ailed  to  the  cross,  Caesar  having  had  them  strangled  beforehand  to  shorten 
t  ieir  agony.  (Suetonius,  Caesar,  74.— Vclleius  Paterculus,  II.  42.) 

(')  Suetonius,  Caesar,  4. 


302  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

c*«ar  Pontiff  and  seeing  clearly  the  importance  of  Caesar's 

Military  Tribune  1       -     "',          .    ,  ,        - 

(6SO-C84).  being  clothed  with  a  sacred  character, 

they  nominated  him  pontiff,  in  the  place  of  his  uncle, 
L.  Aurelius  Cotta,  consul  in  680,  who  had  died  sud- 
denly in  Gaul  the  following  year.  (*) 

This  circumstance  obliged  him  to  return  to  Rome. 
The  sea  continued  to  swarm  with  pirates,  who  must 
necessarily  owe  him  a  grudge  for  the  death  of  their 
comrades.  The  better  to  escape  them,  he  crossed  the 
Adriatic  in  a  boat  of  four  oars,  accompanied  only  by 
two  friends  and  ten  slaves.  (2)  In  the  passage,  think- 
ing that  he  saw  sails  in  the  horizon,  he  seized  his 
sword,  resolved  to  sell  his  life  dearly ;  but  his  fears 
were  not  justified,  and  he  landed  safe  and  sound  in 
Italy. 

Immediately  on  his  return  to  Rome,  he  was  elected 
military  tribune,  and  succeeded  by  a  large  majority 
over  his  rival,  C.  Popilius.  (3)  This  already  elevated 
rank,  since  it  gave  him  the  command  of  about  a  thou- 
sand men,  was  the  first  step  which  the  young  nobility 
easily  attained,  either  by  election  or  by  the  choice  of 
the  generals.  (4)  CaBsar  does  not  seem  to  have  profit- 
ed by  his  new  position  to  take  part  in  the  important 
wars  in  which  the  Republic  was  then  engaged.  And 
yet  the  clang  of  arms  echoed  from  all  quarters. 

f1)  Velleius  Paterculus,  11.43. — Asconius,  On  the  Oration  of  Cicero  against 
Pisa;  edit.  Orelli.'  (=)  Vdlcius  Paterculus,  II.  53. 

(3~)  Suetonius,  Civsar,  5. — Plutarch,  Cccsar,  5. 

(*)  The  tribunes  by  the  nomination  of  the  general  were  usually  called  rufuli, 
because  they  were  established  by  the  law  of  Rutilius  Rufus  ;  the  military  trib- 
unes elected  by  the  people  were  called  comitati ;  they  were  held  as  veritable 
magistrates.  (Pseudo-Asconius,  Commentary  on  the  First  Speech  of  Cicero 
against  Verres,  p.  142,  edit.  Orelli;  and  Festus  under  Rufuli,  p.  261,  edit.  Mill- 
Icr.) 


654-684.  303 

In  Spain  Sertorius  successfully  continued  the  war 
begun  in  674  against  the  lieutenants  of  Sylla.  Joined 
in  677  by  Perpenna,  at  the  head  of  thirty  cohorts,  (:) 
lie  had  got  together  a  formidable  army,  bravely  main- 
tained the  standard  of  Marius,  and  given  the  name  of 
Senate  to  an  assemblage  of  300  Romans.  Vanquish- 
er of  Metellus  for  several  years,  Sertorius,  gifted  with 
a  vast  military  genius,  exercising  great  influence  over 
the  Celtiberians  and  Lusitanians,  and  master  of  the 
passes,  (2)  was  dreaming  of  crossing  the  Alps.  The 
Spaniards  had  already  given  him  the  name  of  a  sec- 
ond Hannibal.  But  Pompey,  sent  in  all  haste  to 
Spain,  reinforced  the  army  of  Metellus,  deprived  Ser- 
torius of  all  hope  of  penetrating  into  Italy,  and  even 
drove  him  far  back  from  the  Pyrenees.  The  united 
efforts  of  the  two  generals,  however,  did  not  effect  the 
subjugation  of  Spain,  which,  since  680,  had  been  en- 
tirely re-conquered  by  Sertorius.  But  soon  after  this, 
his  lieutenants  experiencing  reverses,  desertion  began 
among  his  soldiers,  and  he  himself  lost  his  confidence. 
Yet  he  would  have  resisted  for  a  long  time  still,  had 
not  Perpenna  caused  him  to  be  assassinated  by  an  in- 
famous act  of  treachery.  This  murder  did  not  profit 
is  author.  Though  Perpenna  succeeded  Sertorius  in 
:he  command  of  the  troops,  he  found  himself  an  ob- 
ject of  their  hatred  and  contempt.  Soon  defeated 
,  ind  taken  prisoner  by  Pompey,  he  was  put  to  death. 
Thus  ended  the  war  in  Spain-in  682. 

In  Asia,  Lucullus  successfully  pursued  the  cam- 

(1)  Plutarch,  Sertorius,  15, 16. 

(2)  "  The  enemy  was  already  master  of  the  passes  which  lead  to  Italy ;  from 
t  ie  foot  of  the  Alps,  he  (Pompey)  drove  him  back'  to  Spain."     (Sallust,  Letter 

''•om  Poinppy  to  the  Senate.") 


304  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CJESAR. 

paign  against  Mithridates,  who  courageously  main- 
tained the  struggle,  and  had  even  been  able  to  come 
to  an  understanding  with  Sertorius.  Lucullus  beat 
him  in  Cappadocia  (683),  and  forced  him  to  take  ref- 
uge with  Tigranes,  his  son-in-law,  King  of  Armenia, 
who  soon  experienced  a  sanguinary  defeat,  and  lost 
his  capital,  Tigranocerta. 

In  the  East,  the  barbarians  infested  the  frontiers  of 
Macedonia,  the  pirates  of  Cilicia  sailed  from  end  to 
end  of  all  the  seas  with  impunity,  and  the  Cretans 
flew  to  arms  to  defend  their  independence. 

Italy  was  torn  by  the  Servile  War.  This  disinher- 
ited class  had  risen  up  anew,  despite  the  bloody  re- 
pression of  the  Sicilian  insurrection  from  620  to  623. 
It  had  acquired  the  knowledge  of  its  strength  chiefly 
from  the  circumstance  that  each  party  in  the  civil 
troubles  had  by  turns  granted  its  liberty  to  increase 
the  number  of  its  respective  adherents.  In  681,  seven- 
ty gladiators,  kept  at  Capua,  revolted ;  their  chief  was 
Spartacus,  formerly  a  soldier,  made  prisoner,  then  sold 
as  a  slave.  In  less  than  a  year  his  band  had  so  much 
increased  that  consular  armies  were  needed  to  combat 
him,  and,  having  gained  a  victory  in  Picenum,  for  a 
moment  he  had  entertained  the  thought  of  marching 
upon  Koine  at  the  head  of  40,000  men.  (*)  Neverthe- 
less, forced  to  withdraw  to  the  south  of  Italy,  he  con- 
tended against  the  Roman  forces  successfully  for  two 
years,  when  at  last,  in  683,  Licinius  Crassus,  at  the 
head  of  eight  legions,  conquered  him  in  Apulia.  Spar- 
tacus perished  in  the  fight ;  the  remainder  of  the  army 

0)  Velleius  Paterculus,  IL  30.— 100,000  according  to  Appian  (Civil  Wart, 
1.117). 


654-684.  305 

of  slaves  separated  into  four  bodies,  one  of  which,  re- 
tiring towards  Gaul,  was  easily  dispersed  by  Pompey, 
who  was  returning  from  Spain.  The  6,000  prisoners 
taken  in  the  battle  fought  in  Apulia  were  hanged  all 
along  the  road  from  Capua  to  Rome. 

Occasions  for  making  himself  perfect  in  the  art  of 
war  were  not  wanting  to  Caesar;  but  we  can  under- 
stand his  inaction,  for  Sylla's  partisans  alone  were  at 
the  heads  of  the  armies ;  in  Spain,  Metellus  and  Pom- 
pey— the  first  the  brother-in-law  of  the  Dictator,  the 
second  formerly  his  best  lieutenant ;  in  Italy,  Crassus, 
the  enemy  of  Caesar,  equally  devoted  to  the  party  of 
Sylla;  in  Asia,Lucullus,  an  old  friend  of  the  Dictator, 
who  had  dedicated  his  "Memoirs"  (*)  to  him.  Caesar, 
then,  found  everywhere  either  a  cause  he  would  not 
defend,  or  a  general  under  whom  he  would  not  serve. 
In  Spain,  however,  Sertorius  represented  the  party  he 
would  most  willingly  have  embraced ;  but  Caesar  had 
a  horror  of  civil  wars.  Whilst  faithful  to  his  convic- 
tions, he  seems,  in  the  first  years  of  his  career,  to  have 
carefully  avoided  placing  between  him  and  his  adver- 
saries that  eternal  barrier  which  for  ever  separates 
}he  children  of  the  same  country,  after  blood  has  once 
Keen  shed.  He  had  it  at  heart  to  be  able,  in  his  ex- 
alted future,  to  appeal  to  a  past  pure  from  all  vio- 
ence,  so  that,  instead  of  being  the  man  of  a  party,  he 
i  night  rally  round  him  all  good  citizens. 

The  Republic  had  triumphed  everywhere,  but  she 

lad  yet  to  reckon  with  her  conquering  generals :  she 

i  3und  herself  in  the  presence  of  Crassus  and  Pompey, 

>rho,  proud  of  their  successes,  advanced  upon  Rome 

(0  Plutarch,  Lucullus,  8. 

u 


HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

at  the  head  of  their  armies,  to  demand  or  seize  the 
chief  power.  The  Senate  could  be  but  little  at  ease 
as  to  the  intentions  of  the  latter,  who,  not  long  be- 
fore, had  sent  an  insolent  letter  from  Spain,  in  which 
he  menaced  his  country  with  the  sword  unless  they 
sent  hi  in  the  supplies  necessary  to  cany  on  the  war 
against  Sertorius.  (*)  The  same  ambition  animated 
Pompey  and  Crassus:  neither  of  the  two  would  be 
the  first  to  disband  his  army ;  each,  indeed,  brought 
his  own  to  the  gates  of  the  city.  Both  were  elected 
consuls,  allowed  a  triumph,  and  forced  by  the  augurs 
and  public  opinion  to  be  reconciled  together;  and 
they  held  out  their  hands  to  each  other,  disbanded 
their  troops,  and  for  some  time  the  Republic  recover- 
ed an  unexpected  calm.  (2) 

(')  Sallust,  Fragments,  III.  258. 
(")  Appian,  Civil  Wars,  I.  xiv.  121. 


CHAPTEK  II. 

(684-691.) 

I.  WHEN  Pompey  and  Crassus  came  to  the  consul- 
stateoftheRepub-  ship,  Italy  had  been  a  prey  to  intestine 
convulsions  for  sixty -three  years.  But, 
notwith standing  the  repose  which  society  demanded, 
and  which  the  reconciliation  of  the  two  rivals  seemed 
to  promise,  many  opposing  passions  and  interests  still 
seethed  in  her  bosom.  (*) 

Sylla  believed  he  had  re-established  the  Eepublic 
on  its  ancient  basis,  but,  instead,  he  had  thrown  every- 
thing into  disorder.  The  property,  the  life  even  of 
aach  citizen,  was  at  the  mercy  of  the  stronger ;  the 
people  had  lost  the  right  of  appeal,  and  their  legiti- 
mate share  in  the  elections ;  the  poor,  the  distribution 
rf  wheat ;  the  tribuneship,  its  secular  privileges ;  and 
:he  influential  order  of  the  knights,  their  political  and 
inancial  importance. 

At  Kome,  no  more  guarantee  for  justice ;  in  Italy, 
10  more  security  for  the  rights  of  citizenship,  so  dear- 
y  acquired ;  in  the  provinces,  no  more  consideration 
or  subjects  and  allies.  Sylla  had  restored  their  pre- 
•ogatives  to  the  upper  class  without  being  able  to 
•estore  their  former  prestige;  having  made  use  of 
>nly  corrupt  elements,  and  appealed  to  only  sordid 

(')  "  The  Eepublic,  wounded  and  sick,  so  to  say,  had  need  of  repose,  no 
latter  at  what  price."    (Sallust,  Fragments,  I.  68.) 


308  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  OXSAR. 

passions,  he  left  behind  him  a  powerless  oligarchy, 
and  a  thoroughly  distracted  people.  The  country 
was  divided  between  those  whom  his  tyranny  had 
enriched  and  those  whom  it  had  despoiled;  the  one 
fearing  to  lose  what  they  had  just  acquired,  the  other 
hoping  to  regain  what  they  had  lost. 

The  aristocracy,  proud  of  their  wealth  and  ances- 
try, absorbed  in  all  the  pleasures  of  luxury,  kept  the 
new  men  (J)  out  of  the  highest  offices,  and,  by  a  long 
continuance  of  power,  had  come  to  look  on  the  chief 
magistracies  as  their  property.  Cato,  in  a  discourse 
to  the  Senate,  exclaimed : — "  Instead  of  the  virtues  of 
our  ancestors  we  have  luxury  and  avarice;  the  pov- 
erty of  the  State,  and  the  opulence  of  individuals ;  we 
boast  of  our  riches,  we  cherish  idleness ;  no  distinc- 
tion is  made  between  the  good  and  the  wicked;  all 
rewards  due  to  merit  are  the  price  of  intrigue.  Why 
then  are  we  astonished  at  this,  since  each  man,  isolat- 
ing himself  from  the  rest,  consults  only  his  own  in- 
terest ?  At  home,  the  slaves  of  pleasure ;  here,  of 
wealth  or  of  favour.1'  (2) 

The  elections  had  for  a  long  time  been  the  result 
of  a  shameless  traffic,  where  every  mean  of  success 
was  allowable.  Lucullus  himself,  to  obtain  the  gov- 

(')  "We  see  how  far  are  carried  the  jealousy  and  animosity  which  the  vir- 
tue and  activity  of  the  new  men  light  up  in  the  heart  of  certain  nobles.  If 
we  turn  away  our  eyes  never  so  little,  what  snares  do  they  not  lay  for  us ! 
One  would  say  that  they  were  of  another  nature,  another  kind,  so  much  are 
their  feelings  and  wishes  opposed  to  ours."  (Cicero,  Second  Prosecution  of 
Verres,  v.  71.) — "The  nobility  transmitted  from  hand  to  hand  this  supreme 
dignity  (the  consulship),  of  which  they  were  in  exclusive  possession.  Every 
new  man,  whatever  his  renown  and  the  glory  of  his  deeds,  appeared  unworthy 
of  this  honour ;  he  was  as  if  sullied  by  the  stain  of  his  birth."  (Sallust,  Ju- 
ffurlha,  G3.)  (2)  Sallust,  Oatilina,  52. 


684-691.  309 

eminent  of  Asia,  did  not  blush  to  have  recourse  to 
the  good  offices  of  a  courtesan,  the  mistress  of  Cethe- 
gus.  (J)  The  sale  of  consciences  had  so  planted  it- 
self in  public  morals,  that  the  several  instruments  of 
electoral  corruption  had  functions  and  titles  almost 
recognised.  Those  who  bought  votes  were  called  di- 
visores  ;  the  go-betweens  were  interpreted  ;  *  and  those 
with  whom  was  deposited  the  purchase  money  ( 2 ) 
were  sequestres.  Numerous  secret  societies  were 
formed  for  making  a  trade  of  the  right  of  suffrage ; 
they  were  divided  into  decuries,  the  several  heads  of 
Avhich  obeyed  a  supreme  head,  who  treated  with  the  :" 
candidates  and  sold  the  votes  of  the  associates,  either 
for  money,  or  on  the  stipulation  of  certain  advantages 
for  himself  or  his  friends.  These  societies  carried 
most  of  the  elections,  and  Cicero  himself,  who  so  often 
boasted  of  the  unanimity  with  which  he  had  been 
chosen  consul,  owed  to  them  a  great  part  of  the  suf- 
frages he  obtained.  (3) 

C1)  Plutarch,  Lucullus,  9. 

(*)  Cicero,  First  Prosecution  of  Verres,  8,  9,  12;  Second  Prosecution,  i.  29, — 
Pseudo-Asconius,  On  the  First  Prosecution  of  Verres,  page  145,  edit.  Orelli. 
The  orations  of  Cicero  are  full  of  allusions  to  these  agents  for  the  purchase  of 
votes  and  judges. 

(3)  "In  these  later  years,  the  men  who  make  a  trade  of  intriguing  in  elec- 
,ions  have  been  enabled,  by  diligence  and  address,  to  obtain  from  the  citizens 
jf  their  tribes  all  that  they  chose  to  demand.  Endeavour,  by  any  means  you 
vill,  to  make  these  men  serve  you  sincerely  and  with  the  steadfast  will  to  suc- 
:eed.  You  would  obtain  it  if  men  were  as  grateful  as  they  ought  to  be ;  and 
•ou  will  obtain  it,  I  am  afraid,  since,  for  two  years,  four  societies  of  those  most 
nfluential  in  elections — those  of  Marcus  Fundanius,  Quintus  Gallius,  Gaius 
Cornelius,  and  Gaius  Orcivius — have  engaged  themselves  for  you.  I  was  pres- 
ent when  the  causes  of  these  men  were  entrusted  to  you,  and  I  know  what  was 
iromised  to  you,  and  what  guarantees  have  been  given  to  you  by  their  asso- 
iates."  (On  the  Petition  for  the  Consulship  addressed  to  Cicero  by  his  brother 
s,  5.) 


310  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  C^SAR. 

All  the  sentences  of  the  tribunals  composed  of  s< 
ators  were  dictated  by  a  venality  so  flagrant,  that 
Cicero  brands  it  in  these  terms : — "  I  will  demonstrate 
by  positive  proofs  the  guilty  intrigues,  the  infamies 
which  have  sullied  the  judicial  powers  for  the  ten 
years  that  they  have  been  entrusted  to  the  Senate. 
The  Roman  people  shall  learn  from  me  how  the 
knightly  order  has  administered  justice  for  nearly  fif- 
ty consecutive  years,  without  the  faintest  suspicion 
resting  on  any  of  its  members  of  having  received 
money  for  a  judgment  delivered ;  how,  since  senators 
alone  have  composed  our  tribunals,  since  the  people 
have  been  despoiled  of  the  right  which  they  had  over 
each  of  us,  Q.  Calidius  has  been  able  to  say,  after  his 
condemnation,  that  they  could  not  honestly  require 
less  than  300,000  sestertii  to  condemn  a  praetor ;  how, 
when  the  senator  P.  Septimius  was  found  guilty  of 
embezzlement  before  the  praetor  Hortensius,  the  mon- 
ey he  had  received  in  his  quality  of  judge  was  in- 
cluded in  his  fine ;  how  C.  Herennius  and  C.  Popilius, 
both  senators,  having  been  convicted  of  the  crime  of 
peculation,  and  M.  Atilius  of  the  crime  of  high  trea- 
son, it  was  proved  that  they  had  received  money  as 
the  price  of  one  of  their  sentences ;  how  it  was  found 
that  certain  senators,  when  their  names  were  taken 
from  the  urn  held  by  C.  Verres,  then  praetor  urbanus, 
instantly  went  to  vote  against  the  accused,  without 
having  heard  the  suit ;  how,  finally,  we  have  seen  a 
senator,  judge  in  this  same  suit,  receive  money  from 
the  accused  to  distribute  to  the  other  judges,  and 
money  from  the  accuser  to  condemn  the  accused. 
Can  I,  then,  sufficiently  deplore  this  blot,  this  shame, 


684—691. 

this  calamity  which  weighs  on  the  whole  or- 
der ?"(') 

Notwithstanding  the  severity  of  the  laws  against 
the  avidity  of  the  generals  and  farmers  of  the  reve- 
nues, notwithstanding  the  patronage  of  the  great  at 
Eome,  the  conquered  peoples  (2)  were  always  a  prey 
to  the  exactions  of  the  magistrates,  and  Verres  was  a 
type  of  the  most  shameless  immorality,  which  drew 
this  exclamation  from  Cicero :  "  All  the  provinces 
groan ;  all  free  peoples  lament ;  all  the  kingdoms  cry 
out  against  our  cupidity  and  our  violence.  There  is 
not  between  the  Ocean  and  ourselves  a  spot  so  re- 
mote or  so  little  known  that  the  injustice  and  tyran- 
ny of  our  fellow-citizens  of  these  days  have  not  pene- 
trated to  it."  (3)  The  inhabitants  of  foreign  countries 
were  obliged  to  borrow,  either  to  satisfy  the  immod- 
erate demands  of  their  governors  and  their  retinue,  or 
to  pay  the  farmers  of  the  public  revenues.  Now, 
capital  being  nowhere  but  at  Rome,  they  could  only 
procure  it  at  an  excessive  rate  of  interest ;  and  the 
nobles,  giving  themselves  up  to  usury,  held  the  prov- 
inces in  their  power. 

The  army  itself  had  been  demoralised  by  civil  wars, 
and  the  chiefs  no  longer  maintained  discipline.  "  Fla- 

(1)  Cicero,  First  Prosecution  of  Verres,  13. 

(2)  "  Each  city  of  the  conquered  peoples  has  a  patron  at  Rome."    (Appian, 
Civil  Wars,  II.  4.) 

(3)  Cicero,  Second  Prosecution  of  Verres,  III.  89.     Cicero  adds  in  a  letter, 
"We  may  judge,  by  the  sufferings  of  our  own  fellow-citizens,  of  what  the  in- 
habitants of  the  provinces  have  to  endure  from  the  public  farmers  (publicani}. 
When  several  tolls  were  suppressed  in  Italy,  remonstrances  were  made  not  so 
much  against  the  principle  of  taxation  as  against  abuses  in  levying  it,  and  the 
cries  of  the  Romans  on  the  soil  of  the  country  tell  only  too  plainly  what  must 
be  the  fate  of  the  allies  at  the  extremity  of  the  empire."    (Letters  to  Quintus, 
1.1,  §33.) 


312  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

mininus,  Aquilius,  Paulus  JEmilius,"  says  Dio  Cassius, 
"  commanded  men  well  disciplined,  who  had  learnt  to 
execute  the  orders  of  their  generals  in  silence.  The 
law  was  their  rule ;  with  a  royal  soul,  simple  in  life, 
bounding  their  expenses  within  reasonable  limits,  they 
held  it  more  shameful  to  natter  the  soldiery  than  to 
fear  the  enemy.  From  the  time  of  Sylla,  on  the  con- 
trary, the  generals,  raised  to  the  first  rank  by  violence 
and  not  by  merit,  forced  to  turn  their  arms  against  each 
other  rather  than  against  the  enemy,  were  reduced  to 
court  popularity.  Charged  with  the  command,  they 
squandered  gold  to  procure  enjoyments  for  an  army, 
the  fatigues  of  which  they  paid  dearly ;  they  rendered 
their  country  venal,  without  caring  for  it ;  and  made 
themselves  the  slaves  of  the  most  depraved  men,  to 
bring  under  their  authority  those  who  were  worth 
more  than  themselves.  This  is  what  drove  Marius 
out  of  Rome,  and  led  him  back  against  Sylla ;  this  is 
what  made  Cinna  the*  murderer  of  Octavius,  and  Fim- 
bria  the  murderer  of  Flaccus.  Sylla  was  the  princi 
pal  cause  of  these  evils,  he  who,  to  seduce  the  soldiers 
enrolled  under  other  chiefs,  and  bring  them  under 
his  own  flag,  scattered  gold  in  handfuls  among  his 
army."  (') 

Far  were  they  from  the  times  when  the  soldier,  aft- 
er a  short  campaign,  laid  down  his  arms  to  take  up 
the  plough  again ;  since  then,  retained  under  his 
standards  for  long  years,  and  returning  in  the  train 
of  a  victorious  general  to  vote  in  the  Campus  Mar- 
tius,  the  citizen  had  disappeared ;  there  remained  the 
warrior,  with  the  sole  inspiration  of  the  camp.  At 

('_)  Dio  Cassius,  86 ;  Fragments,  CCCI.  edit.  Gros. 


684-691  313 

the  end  of  the  expeditions,  the  array  was  disbanded, 
and  Italy  thus  found  itself  overrun  with  an  immense 
number  of  veterans,  united  in  colonies  or  dispersed 
over  the  territory,  more  inclined  to-  follow  a  leader 
than  to  obey  the  law.  The  veterans  of  the  ancient 
legions  of  Marius  and  Sylla  were  to  be  counted  by 
hundreds  of  thousands. 

A  State,  moreover,  is  often  weakened  by  an  exag- 
geration of  the  principle  on  which  it  rests;  and  as 
war  was  the  chief  occupation  at  Rome,  all  the  institu- 
tions had  originally  a  military  character.  The  con- 
suls, the  first  magistrates  of  the  Republic,  elected  by 
centuries — that  is  to  say,  by  the  people  voting  under 
arms — commanded  the  troops.  The  army,  composed 
of  all  there  was  most  honourable  in  the  nation,  did 
not  take  an  oath  to  the  Republic,  but  to  the  chief 
who  recruited  it  and  led  it  against  the  enemy ;  this 
oath,  religiously  kept,  rendered  the  generals  the  abso- 
lute masters  of  their  soldiers,  who,  in  their  turn,  de- 
creed to  them  the  title  of  Imperator  after  a  victory: 
what  more  natural,  then,  even  after  the  transformation 
of  society,  than  that  these  soldiers  should  believe 
themselves  the  real  people,  and  the  generals  elected 
by  them  the  legitimate  chiefs  of  the  Republic  ?  Ev- 
ery abuse  has  deep  roots  in  the  past,  and  we  may  find 
the  original  cause  of  the  power  of  the  praetorians  un- 
der the  emperors  in  the  primitive  organisation  and 
functions  of  the  centuries  established  by  Servius  Tul- 
lius. 

Although  the  army  had  not  as  yet  acquired  this 
preponderance,  it  nevertheless  weighed  heavily  on  the 
decisions  of  the  Forum.  By  the  side  of  men  habitu- 
14 


314  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  C^ESAK. 

ated  to  the  noble  chances  of  the  fight  existed  a  true 
army  of  turbulence,  kept  at  the  expense  of  the  State 
or  of  private  persons,  in  the  principal  towns  of  Italy — 
above  all,  at  Capua :  these  were  the  gladiators,  ever 
ready  to  undertake  anything  for  those  who  paid  them, 
either  in  the  electoral  contests  (*)  or  as  soldiers  in  the 
times  of  civil  war.  (2) 

Thus  all  was  struck  with  decadence.  Brute  force 
bestowed  power,  and  corruption  the  magistracies. 
The  empire  no  longer  belonged  to  the  Senate,  but  to 
the  commanders  of  the  armies ;  the  armies  no  longer 
belonged  to  the  Kepublic,  but  to  the  chiefs  who  led 
them  to  victory.  Numerous  elements  of  dissolution 
afflicted  society :  the  venality  of  the  judges,  the  traffic 
in  elections,  the  absolutism  of  the  Senate,  the  tyranny 
of  wealth,  which  oppressed  the  poor  by  usury,  and 
braved  the  law  with  impunity. 

Rome  found  herself  divided  into  two  thoroughly 
distinct  parties ;  the  one,  seeing  salvation  only  in  the 
past,  attached  itself  to  abuses,  in  the  fear  that  to  dis- 
place one  stone  would  be  to  shatter  the  whole  edi- 
fice ;  the  other  wished  to  consolidate  it  by  rendering 
the  base  larger  and  the  summit  less  unsteady.  The 
first  party  supported  itself  on  the  institutions  of  Syl- 
la ;  the  second  had  taken  the  name  of  Marius  as  the 
symbol  of  its  hopes. 

Great  causes  need  an  historical  figure  to  personify 
their  interests  and  tendencies.  The  man  once  adopt- 
ed, his  faults,  his  very  crimes  are  forgotten,  and  his 
great  deeds  alone  remembered.  Thus,  the  vengeance 

(')  Cicero,  On  Duties,  II.  17;  Letters  to  Quintus,  II.  6,  §4.—  Plutarch,  Bru- 
tus,  U.  (=)  Floras,  III.  21. 


684-691.  315 

and  massacres  of  Marius  had  faded  away  from  mem- 
ory at  Rome.  Only  his  victories,  which  had  preserved 
Italy  from  the  invasions  of  the  Cimbri  and  the  Teu- 
tones,  were  recalled ;  his  misfortunes  were  pitied,  his 
hatred  to  the  aristocracy  vaunted.  The  preferences 
of  public  opinion  were  clearly  manifested  by  the  lan- 
guage of  the  orators,  even  those  most  favourable  to 
the  Senate.  Thus  Catulus  and  Cicero,  speaking  of 
Sylla  or  of  Marius,  the  tyranny  of  both  of  whom  had 
been  substantially  almost  equally  cruel,  thought  them- 
selves obliged  to  glorify  the  one  and  to  brand  the  oth- 
er ;  (')  yet  the  legislation  of  Sylla  was  still  in  full  vig- 
our, his  party  omnipotent — that  of  Marius  dispersed 
and  powerless.  (2) 

The  struggle,  which  was  perse  veringly  continued 
for  sixty-three  years  against  the  Senate,  had  never 
succeeded,  because  the  defence  of  the  people  had  nev- 
er been  placed  in  hands  either  sufficiently  strong  or 
sufficiently  pure.  To  the  Gracchi  had  been  wanting 
an  army;  to  Marius  a  power  less  disgraced  by  ex- 
cesses; to  the  war  of  the  allies  a  character  less  hos- 
tile to  the  national  unity  of  which  Rome  was  the  rep- 
resentative. As  to  Spartacus,  by  rousing  the  slaves 
he  went  beyond  his  aiin,  and  his  success  threatened 

(')  "  The  name  of  C.  Marius — of  that  great  man  who  we  may  justly  call  the 
father  of  the  country,  the  regenerator  of  our  liberty,  the  saviour  of  the  Repub- 
lic." (Cicero,  Speech  for  Rabirius,  10.) — "I  have,  as  your  guarantee,  your  in- 
dignation against  Sylla."  (Dio  Cassius,  XXXVI.  17,  Oration  of  Catulus  to  the 
Senate.) — "Where  can  we  find  a  personage  (Marius)  more  serious,  more  firm, 
more  distinguished  by  courage,  circumspection,  conscience  ?"  (Cicero,  Speech 
for  Balbus,  25.) — "Not  only  do  we  suffer  his  acts  (Sylla's),  but  to  prevent 
worse  disasters,  greater  ills,  we  give  them  the  sanction  of  public  authority." 
(Cicero,  Second  Prosecution  qfVerres,  III.  35.) 

(2)  Tlutarch,  Caesar,  6. 


316  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

the  whole  of  society;  he  was  annihilated.  To  tri- 
umph over  a  long  accumulation  of  prejudices,  the 
popular  cause  needed  a  chief  of  transcendent  merit, 
arid  a  concurrence  of  circumstances  difficult  to  foresee. 
But  then  the  genius  of  Caesar  was  not  yet  revealed, 
and  the  vanquisher  of  Sertorius  was  the  only  one 
who  dominated  the  situation  by  his  antecedents  and 
high  achievements. 

II.  By  a  line  of  conduct  quite  opposite  to  that  of 
consulship  of  pom-  CflBsaT,  Pompey  had  greatly  risen  during 
the  civil  wars.  From  the  age  of  twenty- 
three  he  had  received  from  Sylla  the  title  oflmpem- 
tor,  and  the  name  of  "  Great ;"  (l)  he  passed  for  the 
first  warrior  of  his  time,  and  had  distinguished  him- 
self in  Italy,  Sicily,  and  Africa  against  the  partisans 
of  Marius,  whom  he  caused  to  be  pitilessly  massa- 
cred. (2)  Fate  had  ever  favoured  him.  In  Spain,  the 
death  of  Sertorius  had  made  victory  easy  to  him ; 
on  his  return,  the  fortuitous  defeat  of  the  fugitive  re- 
mains of  the  army  of  Spartacus  allowed  him  to  as- 
sume the  honour  of  having  put  an  end  to  that  formi- 
dable insurrection ;  soon  he  will  profit  by  the  success 
already  obtained  by  Lucullus  against  Mithridates. 
Thus  a  distinguished  writer  has  justly  said  that  Pom- 
pey always  came  in  time  to  terminate,  to  his  own 
glory,  the  wars  which  were  just  going  to  end  to  the 
glory  of  another.  (3) 

(l)  Plutarch,  Pompey,  12. 

(s)  Pompey  slew  Carbo,  Perpenna,  and  Brutus,  the  father  of  the  assassin  of 
Caesar,  who  had  yielded  themselves  to  him  :  the  first  had  protected  his  youth 
and  saved  his  patrimony.  (Valerius  Maximus,  V.  iii.  v.) 

(3)  Count  Franz  de  Champagny,  Les  Casars,  I.  p.  50. 


684— C91.  317 

The  vulgar,  who  hail  good  fortune  as  the  equal  of 
genius,  surrounded  then  the  conqueror  of  Spain  with 
their  homage,  and  he  himself,  of  a  poor  and  vain  spir- 
it, referred  the  favours  of  fortune  to  his  own  sole  mer- 
it. Seeking  power  for  ornament  rather  than  service, 
he  courted  it  not  in  the  hope  of  making  a  cause  or  a 
principle  triumphant,  but  to  enjoy  it  peaceably  by 
trimming  between  different  parties.  Thus,  whilst  to 
Caesar  power  was  a  means,  to  him  it  was  only  the 
end.  Honest,  but  vacillating,  he  was  unconsciously 
the  instrument  of  those  who  flattered  him.  His  court- 
eous manners,  and  the  show  of  disinterestedness  which 
disguised  his  ambition,  removed  all  suspicions  of  his 
aspiring  to  the  supreme  power.  (')  An  able  general 
in  ordinary  times,  he  was  great  only  while  events 
were  not  greater  than  he.  Nevertheless,  he  then  en- 
joyed the  highest  reputation  at  Rome.  By  his  ante- 
cedents he  was  rather  the  representative  of  the  party 
of  the  aristocracy ;  but  the  desire  of  conciliating  pub- 
lic favour,  and  his  own  intelligence,  made  him  com- 
prehend the  necessity  of  certain  modifications  in  the 
laws :  thus,  before  entering  Rome  to  celebrate  his  tri- 
umph over  the  Celtiberians,  he  manifested  the  inten- 
tion of  re-establishing  the  prerogative  of  the  tribunes, 
of  putting  an  end  to  the  devastation  and  oppression 
of  the  provinces,  of  restoring  impartiality  to  justice, 
and  respect  to  the  judges.  (2)  He  was  then  consul- 

(')  "It  was  in  his  character  to  show  little  regard  for  what  he  was  ambitious 
to  obtain."  (Dio  Cassius,  XXXVI.  7.) — "Pompey,  with  a  heart  as  depraved 
as  his  face  was  pure.''  (Sallust,  Fragments,  II.  176.) 

(2)  "At  last,  when  Pompey,  haranguing  the  people  for  the  first  time  at  the 
gates  of  the  city,  in  his  capacity  of  consul-designate,  came  to  treat  of  the  mat- 
ter which  seemed  to  have  been  most  ardently  expected,  and  let  it  be  under- 


318  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

elect ;  his  promises  excited  the  most  lively  enthusi- 
asm ;  for  it  was  the  evil  administration  of  the  prov- 
inces, and  the  venality  of  the  senators  in  their  judicial 
functions,  which  more  than  all  else  made  the  people 
demand  so  ardently  the  re-establishment  of  the  priv- 
ileges of  the  tribuneship,  notwithstanding  the  abuses 
which  they  had  engendered.  (*)  Excesses  in  power 
always  give  birth  to  an  immoderate  desire  for  lib- 
erty. 

In  publishing  the  programme  of  his  conduct,  of  his 
own  free  will,  before  entering  Rome,  Pompey  did  not 
yield  to  a  fascination  cleverly  exerted  over  him  by 
Caesar,  as  several  historians  pretend;  he  obeyed  a 
stronger  impulse,  that  of  public  opinion.  The  nobles 
reproached  him  w4th  having  abandoned  their  cause,  (2) 
but  the  popular  party  was  satisfied,  and  Caesar,  seeing 
the  new  consul  take  his  ideas  and  sentiments  to  heart, 
resolved  to  support  him  energetically.  (3)  Doubtless, 
he  thought  that  with  so  many  elements  of  corruption, 
so  much  contempt  of  the  laws,  so  many  jealous  rival- 
ries, and  so  much  boundless  ambition,  the  ascendency 

stood  that  he  would  re-establish  the  power  of  the  tribunes,  he  was  received  with 
applause,  and  a  slight  murmur  of  assent ;  but  when  he  added  that  the  prov- 
inces were  devastated  and  oppressed,  the  tribunals  disgraced,  the  judges  without 
shame,  and  that  he  wished  to  be  watchful  of  these  abuses,  and  to  restore  good 
order,  then  it  was  not  by  a  simple  murmur,  but  by  unanimous  acclamations, 
that  the  people  testified  their  desires. ' '  (Cicero,  First  Prosecution  of  I'erres,  15.) 
(')  Catnlus,  when  asked  his  opinion  on  the  re-establishment  of  the  tribuna- 
ry  power,  began  in  these  authoritative  words: — "The  conscript  fathers  admin- 
ister justice  evilly  and  scandalously ;  and  if,  in  the  tribunals,  they  had  but  an- 
swered the  expectations  of  the  Roman  people,  the  power  of  the  tribunes  would 
not  have  been  so  warmly  regretted."  (Cicero,  First  Prosecution  ofVerres,  15.) 

(2)  "His  enemies  had  nothing  else  to  reproach  him  with  than  the  preference 
which  he  gave  to  the  people  over  the  Senate."     (Plutarch,  I'ompcy,  20.) 

(3)  "He  seconded  with  all  his  might  those  who  wished  to  restore  the  power 
of  the  tribunes."     (Suetonius,  C^sar,  5.) 


684— G91. 


319 


of  him  whom  fortune  had  raised  so  high  could  alone, 
for  the  time,  assist  the  destinies  of  the  Republic. 
Was  this  a  loyal  co-operation  ?  We  believe  so,  but 
it  did  not  exclude  a  noble  rivalry,  and  Csesar  could 
not  be  afraid  of  smoothing  for  Pompey  the  platform 
on  which  they  must  one  day  meet.  The  man  who 
understands  his  own  worth  has  no  perfidious  jealousy 
against  those  who  have  preceded  him  in  his  career; 
rather,  he  goes  to  their  aid,  for  then  he  has  more  glo- 
ry in  rejoining  them.  Where  would  be  the  emula- 
tion of  the  contest  if  one  was  alone  in  the  power  of 
attaining  the  end  ? 

Pompey's  colleague  was  M.  Licinius  Crassus.  This 
remarkable  man,  as  we  have  seen,  had  distinguished 
himself  as  a  general,  but  his  influence  was  owing  rath- 
er to  his  wealth  and  his  amiable  and  courteous  dispo- 
sition. Enriched  under  Sylla  by  purchasing  the  prop- 
erty of  the  proscribed,  he  possessed  whole  quarters  of 
the  city  of  Rome,  rebuilt  after  several  fires ;  his  for- 
tune was  more  than  forty  millions  of  francs  [a  million 
and  a  half  sterling],  (')  and  he  pretended  that  to  be 
rich,  one  must  be  able  to  maintain  an  army  at  his 
own  expense.  (2)  Though  his  chief  passion  was  the 
love  of  gold,  avarice  did  not  with  him  exclude  liberal- 
ity. He  lent  to  all  his  friends  without  interest,  and 
sometimes  scattered  his  largesses  with  profusion. 
Versed  in  letters,  gifted  with  a  rare  eloquence,  he  ac- 
cepted eagerly  all  the  causes  which  Pompey,  Caesar, 
and  Cicero  disdained  to  defend ;  by  his  eagerness  to 
oblige  all  those  who  claimed  his  services,  either  to 

(')  7,100  talents.     (Plutarch,  Crassus,  1.) 

(3)  Plutarch,  Crassus,  2. — Cicero,  On  Duties,  I.  8. 


320  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  C^SAR. 

borrow,  or  to  obtain  some  situation,  he  acquired  a 
power  which  balanced  that  of  Pompey.  This  last 
had  accomplished  greater  deeds,  but  his  airs  of  grand- 
eur and  dignity,  his  habit  of  avoiding  crowds  and 
sights,  alienated  the  multitude  from  him ;  while  Cras- 
sus,  of  easy  access,  always  in  the  midst  of  the  public 
and  of  business,  had  the  advantage  over  him  by  his 
affable  manners.  (J)  We  do  not  find  very  defined 
principles  in  him,  either  in  political  or  private  life ;  he 
was  neither  a  constant  friend  nor  an  irreconcilable  en- 
emy. (2)  Fitter  to  serve  as  an  instrument  for  the  ele- 
vation of  another,  than  to  elevate  himself  to  the  front 
rank,  he  was  very  useful  to  Caesar,  who  did  his  best 
to  gain  his  confidence.  "There  existed  then  at  Rome," 
says  Plutarch, "  three  factions,  the  chiefs  of  which  were 
Pompey,  Caesar,  and  Crassus ;  Cato,  whose  power  did 
not  equal  his  glory,  was  more  admired  than  followed. 
The  wise  and  moderate  part  of  the  citizens  were  for 
Pompey ;  energetic,  speculative,  and  bold  men  attach- 
ed themselves  to  the  hopes  of  Caesar ;  Crassus,  who 
held  the  mean  between  these  two  factions,  used 
both."  (3) 

During  his  first  consulship,  Crassus  seems  to  have 
been  only  occupied  with  extravagant  expenditure, 
and  to  have  preserved  a  prudent  neutrality.  He  made 
a  grand  sacrifice  to  Hercules,  and  consecrated  to  him 
the  tenth  part  of  his  revenues ;  he  gave  the  people 
an  enormous  feast,  spread  out  on  ten  thousand  tables, 
and  bestowed  com  for  three  months  to  every  citi- 
zen. (4) 

(')  Plutarch,  Crassus,  7.          (*)  Plutarch,  Crnssus,  8. 
(*)  Plutarch,  Crassus,  8.  (*)  Plutarch,  CV«**«.«,  1,  16. 


684-691.  321 

Pompey  occupied  himself  in  more  serious  "matters, 
and,  supported  by  Caesar,  favoured  the  adoption  of 
several  laws,  all  of  which  announced  a  reaction  against 
the  system  of  Sylla. 

The  effect  of  the  first  was  to  give  the  tribunes  the 
right  anew  of  presenting  laws  and  appealing  to  the 
people ;  already,  in  679,  the  power  of  obtaining  other 
magistracies  had  been  restored  to  them. 

The  second  was  connected  with  justice.  Instead 
of  leaving  to  the  Senate  alone  the  whole  judicial 
power,  the  praetor  Aurelius  Cotta,  Caesar's  uncle,  pro- 
posed a  law  which  would  conciliate  all  interests,  by 
making  it  legal  to  take  the  judges  by  thirds  from  the 
three  classes:  that  is  to  say,  from  the  Senate,  the 
equestrian  order,  and  the  tribunes  of  the  treasury, 
who  were  for  the  most  part  plebeians.  (*) 

But  the  measure  which  most  helped  to  heal  the 
wounds  of  the  Republic  was  the  amnesty  proposed 
by  the  tribune  Plotius  in  favour  of  all  those  who  had 
taken  part  in  the  civil  war.  In  this  number  was 
comprised  the  wreck  of  the  army  of  Lepidus,  which 
had  remained  in  Spain  after  the  defeat  of  Sertorius, 
and  amongst  which  was  to  be  found  C.  Cornelius 
Cinna,  brother-in-law  of  Caesar.  This  last,  in  speeches 
which  have  not  come  down*  to  us,  but  which  are 
quoted  by  different  authors,  spared  nothing  to  as- 
sure among  the  people  the  success  of  the  proposi- 
tion. (2)  "  He  insisted  on  the  propriety  of  deciding 

(J)  "  Cotta  judicandi  munus,  quod  C.  Gracchus  ereptum  Senatui,  nd  cquitcs, 
Sylla  ab  illis  ad  Senatum  transtulerat,  aequaliter  inter  utrumque  ordinem  par- 
titns  est."  (Vclleitis  Paterculus,  II.  32.) 

(2)  "Equidem  mihi  vidcor  pro  nostra  necessitate,  non  labore,  non  opera, 
non  industria  dcfuisse."  (Certainly,  I  believe  I  have  displayed  all  the  zeal,  all 

14*  X 


322  HISTOHY  OF  JULIUS  OXSAR. 

promptly  on  this  measure  of  reconciliation,  and  ob- 
served that  there  could  not  be  a  more  opportune  moment 
for  its  adoption.'1'1  (x)  It  was  adopted  without  diffi- 
culty. All  seemed  to  favour  a  return  to  the  old  in- 
stitutions. The  censorship,  interrupted  for  seventeen 
years,  was  re-established,  and  L.  Gellius  and  C.  Len- 
tulus,  the  censors  chosen,  exercised  their  office  with 
so  much  severity,  that  they  expelled  from  the  Senate 
sixty-four  of  its  members,  probably  creatures  of  Sylla. 
In  the  number  of  those  expelled  figured  Caius  Anto- 
nius,  previously  accused  by  Caesar,  and  Publius  Len- 
tulus  Sura,  consul  in  the  year  683. 

All  these  changes  had  been  proposed  or  accepted 
by  Poinpey  rather  to  please  the  multitude  than  to 
obey  distinct  convictions.  And  by  them  he  lost  his 
true  supporters  in  the  upper  classes,  without  gaining, 
in  the  opposite  party,  the  foremost  place,  already  oc- 
cupied by  Caesar.  But  Pompey,  blind  to  real  worth, 
imagined  then  that  no  one  could  surpass  him  in  in- 
fluence ;  always  favoured  by  circumstances,  he  had 
been  accustomed  to  see  both  the  arrogance  of  Sylla 
and  the  majesty  of  the  laws  yield  before  him.  Not- 
withstanding a  first  refusal  by  the  Dictator,  at  twen- 
ty-six years  of  age  he  had  obtained  the  honours  of  the 
triumph,  without  havirrg  fulfilled  any  of  the  legal  con- 
ditions. Contrary  to  the  laws,  a  second  triumph  had 
been  accorded  him,  as  also  the  consulship,  though  out 
of  Rome,  and  without  having  followed  the  necessary 
order  of  hierarchy  of  the  magistracies.  Full  of  pre- 

the  endeavour,  all  the  ability  which  our  kinship  demands.)    Cossar,  quoted  by 
Aulus  Gellius,  XIII.  3. — Nonius  Marccllus,  "  On  the  different  significations  of 
words,"  under  the  word  Necessitas. 
(')  Sallust,  Fragments,  I.  C8. 


681—691. 


323 


sumption  through  the  examples  of  the  past,  full  of 
confidence  in  the  future  through  the  adulation  of  the 
present,  he  thought  he  might  wound  the  interests  of 
the  nobles  without  alienating  them,  and  flatter  the 
tastes  and  passions  of  the  people  without  losing  his 
dignity.  Towards  the  end  of  his  consulship,  he,  the 
chief  magistrate  of  the  Republic,  he,  who  thought 
himself  above  all  others,  presented  himself  as  a  mere 
soldier  at  the  annual  review  of  the  knights.  The  mo- 
mentary effect  was  immense  when  the  censors,  seated 
on  their  tribunal,  saw  Pompey  traversing  the  crowd, 
preceded  by  all  the  pomp  of  the  consular  power,  and 
leading  before  them  his  horse,  which  he  held  by  the 
bridle.  The  crowd,  silent  till  then,  burst  out  into 
transports  of  joy,  overcome  with  admiration  at  the 
sight  of  so  great  a  man  glorifying  himself  for  being  a 
simple  knight,  and  modestly  submitting  himself  to  the 
legal  forms.  But  on  the  demand  of  the  censors  if  he 
had  made  all  the  campaigns  required  by  law,  he  an- 
swered, "Yes,  I  have  made  them  all,  never  having  had 
any  other  general  than  myself."  (])  The  ostentation 
of  this  reply  shows  that  this  step  of  Pompey's  was  a 
false  modesty,  the  most  insupportable  form  of  pride, 
according  to  the  expression  of  Marcus  Aurelius. 

III.  Neither  did  Caesar  disdain  ceremonial ;  but  he 
sought  to  give  it  a  significance  which 

Caesar  Questor  (CSC).      .      °    ,  ,°  .      •  .  , 

should  make  an  impression  upon  the 
mind. "  The  opportunity  soon  presented  itself.  Soon 
after  he  was  nominated  questor  and  admitted  to  the 
Senate,  he  lost  his  aunt  Julia  and  his  wife  Cornelia, 

(')  Plutarch,  Pompey,  21. 


324  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CJESAR. 

and  hastened  to  malfts  a  veritable  political  manifesta- 
tion of  their  funeral  oration.  (')  It  was  the  custom 
at  Home  to  pronounce  a  eulogy  on  women  only 
when  they  died  at  an  .advanced  age.  Caesar  obtained 
public  approbation  by  departing  from  this  usage  in 
favour  of  his  young  wife ;  they  saw  in  it,  according  to 
Plutarch,  (2)  a  proof  of  sensibility  and  softness  of  man- 
ners; but  they  applauded  not  the  family  sentiment 
only,  they  glorified  much  more  the  inspiration  of  the 
politician  who  dared  to  make  a  panegyric  on  the  hus- 
band of  Julia,  the  celebrated  Marius,  whose  image,  in 

/  /  O     ' 

wax,  carried  by  Caesar's  orders  in  the  funeral  proces- 
sion, re-appeared  for  the  first  time  since  the  proscrip- 
tion of  Sylla.  (3) 

After  having  rendered  these  last  honors  to  his 
wife,  he  accompanied,  in  the  capacity  of  questor,  the 
praetor  Antistius  Vetus,  sent  into  Ulterior  Spain.  (4) 
The  peninsula  was  then  divided  into  two  great  prov- 
inces :  Citerior  Spain,  since  called  Tarraconensis,  and 
Ulterior  Spain,  comprising  Baetica  and  Lusitauia.  (5) 
The  positive  limits,  we  may  wrell  believe,  were  not 
very  exactly  determined,  but  at  this  epoch  the  Salt  us 
Castulonensis,  which  corresponds  with  the  Sierras  Ne- 
vada and  Cazorla,  (6)  was  considered  as  such  between 
these  two  provinces.  To  the  north,  the  limitation 
could  not  be  made  any  more  distinct,  the  Asturias 
not  being  thoroughly  conquered.  The  capital  of  Ul- 

(l)  Plutarch,  Caesar,  5. — Suetonius,  Ccesar,  6.  (a)  Plutarch,  Casar,  5. 

(3)  The  images  of  _32neas,  of  Romulus,  and  of  the  Kings  of  Alba  Longa  also 
figured  in  the  funeral  canopy  of  the  Julia  family.     (Tacitus,  Annales,  IV.  9.) 
(*)  Plutarch,  C&sar,  5. — Vellcius  Paterculus,  II.  43. 
(s)  Cicero,  Oration  on  the  Manilian  Law,  12  ;  For  Fonteius,  2. 
(«)  Caesar,  Civil  War,  I.  87. 


684-691.  325 

terior  Spain  was  Corduba  (Cordova),  where  the  prge- 
tor  resided.  (*) 

The  chief  towns,  doubtless  connected  by  military 
roads,  formed  so  many  centres  of  general  meeting, 
where  assizes  for  the  regulation  of  business  were  held. 
These  meetings  were  called  conventus  civium  Roma- 
norum,  (2)  because  the  members  who  composed  them 
were  Roman  citizens,  dwelling  in  the  country.  The 
praetor,  or  his  delegate,  presided  over  them  once  a 
year.  (3)  Each  province  in  Spain  had  several  of 
them.  In  the  first  century  of  our  era,  there  were 
three  for  Lusitania  and  four  for  Baetica.  (4) 

Caesar,  the  delegate  of  the  praetor,  visited  these 
towns,  presiding  over  the  assemblies  and  administer- 
ing justice.  He  was  noted  for  his  spirit  of  concilia- 
tion and  equity,  (5)  and  showed  a  lively  solicitude  for 
the  interests  of  the  Spaniards.  (6)  As  the  character 
of  illustrious  men  is  revealed  in  their  smallest  actions, 
it  is  not  a  matter  of  indifference  to  mention  the  grati- 
tude which  Caesar  always  had  for  the  good  offices  of 
Vetus.  Plutarch  informs  us  that  a  strict  union  reign- 
ed between  them  ever  after,  and  Caesar  took  care  to 

(1)  "Sextus  Pompeius  Cordubam  tencbat,  quod  ejus  provinciae  caput  csse 
existimabatur."     (Caesar,  The  War  in  Spain,  III. — Plutarch,  C<esar,  17.) 

(2)  Cicero,  Second  Prosecution  of  Verres,  II.  13. — Paulus  Diaconus,  under 
the  word  Conventus. — Miiller,  p.  41. 

(3)  Cicero,  Second  Prosecution  of  Verres,  II.  20,  24,  30 ;   IV.  29. — Familiar 
Letters,  XV.  iv. 

(«)  Pliny,  Natural  History,  III.  i.,  and  IV.  xxxv.  The  three  conventus  of 
Lusitania  were  held  at  Emerita,  Pax  Julia  (B«ja),  and  at  Scalabis:  the  four 
of  Baetica  were,  Gades,  Corduba,  Asiijo,  Hispalis  (Cadiz,  Cordova,  Eclja,  and 
Seville).  (*)  Dio  Cassins,  XL1V.  39,  41. 

(6)  "  From  the  beginning  of  my  questorship,  I  have  shown  a  special  affection 
for  the  province."  (Speech  of  Caesar  to  the  Spaniards,  at  Hispalis,  Comment- 
aries, The  War  in  Spain,  43.) 


326  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

name  the  son  of  Vetus  questor  when  he  himself  was 
raised  to  the  praetorship,  (')  as  sensible  of  friendship 
as  he  was  later  forgetful  of  injuries. 

Yet  the  love  of  glory  and  the  consciousness  of  his 
high  faculties  made  him  aspire  to  a  more  important 
part.  He  manifested  his  impatient  desire  for  this  one 
day  when  he  went  to  visit  the  famous  temple  of  Her- 
cules at  Gades,  as  Hannibal  and  Scipio  had  done  be- 
fore. (2)  At  the  sight  of  the  statue  of  Alexander,  he 
deplored  with  a  sigh  that  he  had  done  nothing  at 
the  age  when  this  great  man  had  conquered  the 
whole  world.  (3)  In  fact,  Caesar  was  then  thirty-two 
years  old,  nearly  the  age  at  which  Alexander  died. 
Having  obtained  his  recall  to  Rome,  he  stopped  on 
his  return  in  Gallia  Transpadana  (087).  (4)  The  col- 
onies founded  in  this  country  possessed  the  Latin 
law  (jus  Z/ati'i),  which  Ponrpeius  Strabo  had  granted 
them,  but  they  vainly  demanded  the  rights  of  Roman 
city  The  presence  of  Caesar,  already  known  for  his 
friendly  feelings  towards  the  provinces,  excited  a  live- 
ly emotion  among  the  inhabitants,  who  saw  in  him 
the  representative  of  their  interests  and  their  cause. 
The  enthusiasm  was  such,  that  the  Senate,  terrified, 
thought  itself  obliged  to  retain  for  some  time  longer 
in  Italy  the  legions  destined  for  the  army  in  Asia.  (6) 

The  ascendency  of  Pompey  still  continued,  though, 
since  his  consulship,  he  had  remained  without  com- 
mand, having  undertaken,  in  684,  not  to  accept  the 

(')  Plutarch,  Ccesar,  5. 

(2)  Titus  Livius,  XXI.  21.— Floras,  II.  17. 

(3)  Plutarch,  Parallel  between  Alexander  and  Ccesar,  6. — Suetonius,  Ccesar,  7. 

(4)  Suetonius,  Ccesar,  8. 

(5)  Suetonius,  Ccesar,  8. 


C81— G91.  327 

government  of  any  province  at  the  expiration  of  his 
magistracy;^)  but  his  popularity  began  to  disquiet 
the  Senate,  so  much  is  it  in  the  very  essence  of  the 
aristocracy  to  distrust  those  who  raise  themselves, 
and  extend  their  powers  beyond  itself.  This  was  an 
additional  motive  for  Caesar  to  connect  himself  more 
closely  with  Pompey;  whereupon  he  backed  him  with 
all  his  influence ;  and  either  to  cement  this  alliance,  or 
because  of  his  inclination  for  a  beautiful  and  graceful 
woman,  shortly  after  his  return  he  married  Pompeia, 
the  kinswoman  of  Pompey,  and  granddaughter  of 
Sylla.  (2)  He  was  thus,  at  one  and  the  same  time, 
the  arbiter  of  elegance,  the  hope  of  the  democratic 
party,  and  the  only  public  man  whose  opinions  and 
conduct  had  never  varied. 

IV.  The  decadence  of  a  political  body  is  evident 
TheX3abimanLa,v  when  the  measures  most  useful  to  the 
glory  of  a  country,  instead  of  arising 
from  its  provident  initiative,  are  inaugurated  by  ob- 
scure and  often  disreputable  men,  the  faithful  but  dis- 
honoured organs  of  public  opinion.  Thus  the  propo- 
sitions made  at  this  epoch,  far  from  being  inspired  by 
the  Senate,  were  put  forward  by  uninnuential  individ- 
uals, and  carried  by  the  violent  attitude  of  the  people. 
The  first  referred  to  the  pirates,  who,  upheld  and  en- 
couraged by  Mithridates,  had  long  infested  the  seas, 
and  ravaged  all  the  coasts;  an  energetic  repression 
was  indispensable.  These  bold  adventurers,  whose 

(')  Velleius  Patcrculus,  II.  31. 

(=)  Daughter  of  Q.  Pompeius  Rufus,  and  Faiista,  daughter  of  Sylla.     (Plu- 
.  tavch,  Crrsar,  5. — Suetonius,  CVr.w,  6.) 


328  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

number  the  civil  wars  had  greatly  increased,  had  he- 
come  a  veritable  power.     Setting  out  from  Cilicia, 
their  common  centre,  they  armed  whole  fleets,  and 
found  a  refuge  in  important  towns.  (*)     They  had 
pillaged  the  much-frequented  port  of  Caieta  (Gaiita), 
dared  to  land  at  Ostia,  and  carry  off  the  inhabitants 
to  slavery ;  sunk  in  mid  seas  a  Koman  fleet  under  the 
orders  of  a  consul,  and  made  two  praetors  prisoners.  (2) 
Not  only  strangers  deputed  to  Rome,  but  the  ambas- 
sadors of  the  Republic,  had  fallen  into  their  hands, 
and  had  undergone  the  shame  of  being  ransomed.  (3) 
Finally,  the  pirates  intercepted  the  imports  of  wheat 
indispensable  for  the  feeding  of  the  city.     To  remedy 
so  humiliating  a  state  of  things,  the  tribune  of  the 
people,  Aulus  Gabinius,  proposed  to  confide  the  war 
against  the  pirates  to  one  sole  general ;  to  give  him, 
for  three  years,  extended  powers,  large  forces,  and  to 
place  three  lieutenants  under  his  orders.  (4)     The  as- 
sembly of  the  people  instantly  accepted  this  proposi- 
tion, notwithstanding  the  small  esteem  in  which  the 
character  of  its  author  was  held ;  and  the  name  of 
Pompey  was  in  every  mouth;   but  "the  senators," 
says  Dio  Cassius,  "  would  have  preferred  to  suffer  the 
greatest  evils  from  the  pirates,  than  to  have  invested 
Pompey  with  such  a  power ;"  (5)  they  were  ready  to 
put  to  death,  in  the  curia  itself,  the  tribune  who  was 
the  author  of  the  motion.    Scarcely  had  the  multitude 

(')  The  ships  of  the  corsairs  amounted  to  more  than  a  thousand,  and  the 
towns  which  they  took  to  four  hundred.  (Plutarch,  Pompey,  23.) 

(s)  Plutarch,  Pompey,  24.  (3)  Cicero,  Speech  on  the  MmiRan  Law,  12. 

(*)  "Aulus  Gabinins  was  a  very  bad  citizen,  in  no  wise  inspired  by  love  of 
the  public  good."  (Dio  Cassius,  XXXVI.  6.) 

(5)  Dio  Cassins,  XXXVI.  7. 


684—691.  329 

heard  of  the  opposition  of  the  senators,  when  they 
flocked  in  crowds,  invaded  the  place  of  meeting,  and 
would  have  massacred  them,  had  they  not  been  pro- 
tected from  their  fury.  (x) 

The  projected  law,  submitted  to  the  suffrages  of  the 
people,  attacked  by  Catulus  and  Q.  Hortensius,  ener- 
getically supported  by  Caesar,  is  then  adopted ;  and 
they  confer  on  Pompey,  for  three  years,  the  proconsu- 
lar authority  over  all  the  seas,  over  all  the  coasts,  and 
for  fifty  miles  into  the  interior ;  they  grant  him  6,000 
talents  (35  millions  [£1,400,000]),  (2)  twenty-five 
lieutenants,  and  the  power  of  taking  such  vessels  and 
troops  as  he  should  judge  necessary.  The  allies,  for- 
eigners, and  the  provinces,  were  called  on  to  concur  in 
this  expedition.  They  equipped  five  hundred  ships, 
they  levied  a  hundred  and  twenty  thousand  infantry 
and  five  thousand  horse.  The  Senate,  in  spite  of  it- 
self, sanctioned  the  clauses  of  this  law,  the  utility  of 
which  was  so  manifest  that  its  publication  alone  was 
sufficient  to  lower  the  price  of  wheat  all  through  It- 
aly.  (0 

Pompey  adopted  an  able  plan  for  putting  an  end 
to  piracy.  He  divided  the  Mediterranean  coasts  from 
the  Columns  of  Hercules  to  the  Hellespont  and  the 
southern  shores  of  the  Black  Sea  into  ten  separate 
commands ;  (4)  at  the  head  of  each  he  placed  one  of 

(')  Plutarch,  Pompey,  2G. 

(2)  Dio  Cassius,  XXXVI.  20.— Appian,  War  of  Mithridates,  94. 

(3)  Plutarch,  Pompey,  27. — "  The  very  day  on  which  you  placed  your  naval 
armies  under  His  orders,  the  price  of  corn,  until  then  excessive,  fell  at  once  so 
low  that  the  richest  harvest,  in  the  midst  of  a  long  peace,  would  have  scarcely 
produced  so  happy  an  abundance."    (Cicero,  Oration  for  the  ManiUan  Law,  15.) 

(4)  Florns  and  Appian  do  not  quite  agree  on  the  division  of  these  commands. 
(Appian,  War  of  Mithridates,  95.— Florus,  III.  6.) 


330  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

his  lieutenants.  He  himself,  retaining  the  general 
surveillance,  went  to  Cilicia  with  the  rest  of  his  forces. 
This  vast  plan  protected  all  the  shores,  left  the  pirates 
no  refuge,  and  enabled  him  to  destroy  their  fleet  and 
attack  them  in  their  dens  at  once.  In  three  mouths 
Pompey  re-established  the  safety  of  the  seas,  took  a  j 
thousand  castles  or  strongholds,  destroyed  three  hund- 
red towns,  took  eight  hundred  ships,  and  made  twen- 
ty thousand  prisoners,  whom  he  transferred  into  the 
interior  of  Asia,  where  he  employed  them  in  building 
a  city,  which  received  the  name  of  Pompeiopolis.  (]) 

V.  At  these  tidings,  the  enthusiasm  for  Pompey, 

TheManaianLa*-   ^en    ^    the    island    of   Crete,    redoubled, 

and  they  talked  of  placing  in  his  hands 
the  fate  of  another  war.     Although  Lucullus  had  ob- 

O 

tained  brilliant  successes  over  Mithridates  and  Ti- 
granes,  his  military  position  in  Asia  began  to  be  com- 
promised. He  had  experienced  reverses;  insubordi- 
nation reigned  among  his  soldiers;  his  severity  ex- 
cited their  complaints ;  and  the  news  of  the  arrival 
of  the  two  proconsuls  from  Cilicia,  Acilius  Glabrio 
and  Marcius  Rex,  sent  to  command  a  part  of  the  prov- 
inces until  then  under  his  orders,  had  weakened  re- 
spect for  his  authority.  (2)  These  circumstances  de- 
termined Manlius,  tribune  of  the  people,  to  propose 
that  the  government  of  the  provinces  trusted  to  Lu- 
cullus should  be  given  to  Pompey,  joining  to  them 
Bithynia,  and  preserving  to  him  the  power  which  he 
already  exercised  over  all  the  seas.  "It  was,"  says 

(l)  Velleius  Patcrculus,  II.  32. — Plutarch,  Pompey,  29. 
(a)  Dio  Cassias,  XXXV.  14  and  15. 


684— C91.  331 

Plutarch, "  to  submit  the  whole  Roman  empire  to  one 
sole  man,  and  to  deprive  Lucullus  of  the  fruits  of  his 
victories."  (*)  Never,  indeed,  had  such  power  been 
confided  to  any  citizen,  neither  to  the  first  Scipio  to 
ruin  Carthage,  nor  to  the  second  to  destroy  Nuinantia. 
The  people  grew  more  and  more  accustomed  to  regard 
this  concentration  of  power  in  one  hand  as  the  only 
means  of  salvation.  The  Senate,  taxing  these  propo- 
sals with  ingratitude,  combated  them  with  all  its 
strength ;  Hortensius  asserted  that  if  all  the  author- 
ity was  to  be  trusted  to  one  man,  no  person  was  more 
worthy  of  it  than  Pompey,  but  that  so  much  author- 
ity ought  not  to  be  centred  in  one  person.  (2)  Catu- 
lus.  cried  that  they  had  done  with  liberty,  and  that, 
henceforth  to  enjoy  this,  they  would  be  forced  to  re- 
tire to  the  woods  and  mountains.  (3)  Cicero,  on  the 
contrary,  inaugurated  his  entrance  into  the  Senate  by 
a  magnificent  oration,  which  has  been  preserved  to 
us ;  he  showed  that  it  was  for  the  best  interest  of  the 
Republic  to  give  the  conduct  of  this  war  to  a  captain 
whose  noble  deeds  in  the  past,  and  whose  moderation 
and  integrity,  vouched  for  the  future.  a  So  many  oth- 
er generals,"  he  said  at  the  close, "  proceed  on  an  ex- 
pedition only  with  the  hope  of  enriching  themselves. 
Can  those  who  think  we  ought  not  to  grant  all  these 
powers  to  one  man  alone  ignore  this,  and  do  we  not 
see  that  what  renders  Pompey  so  great  is  not  only  his 
own  virtues,  but  the  vices  of  others  ?"  (*)  As  to  Cas- 
sar,  he  seconded,  with  all  his  power,  the  efforts  of  Cic- 

(')  Plutarch,  Pompey,  31. 

(2)  Cicero,  Oration  for  the  Manlllan  JMIC,  1C. 

(3)  Plutarch,  Pompey,  31. 

(*)  Cicero,  Oration  for  the  Manilian  Lacr,  23. 


332  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

ero  (*)  for  the  adoption  of  the  law,  which,  supported 
by  public  feeling,  and  submitted  to  the  suffrage  of  the 
tribes,  was  adopted  unanimously. 

Certainly,  Lucullus  had  deserved  well  of  his  coun- 
try, and  it  was  cruel  to  deprive  him  of  the  glory  of 
terminating  a  war  which  he  had  prosperously  be- 
gun ;  (2)  but  the  definitive  success  of  the  campaign 
demanded  his  substitution,  and  the  instinct  of  the 
people  did  not  deceive  them.  Often,  in  difficult  cases, 
they  see  more  clearly  than  an  assembly  preoccupied 
with  the  interests  of  castes  or  of  persons,  and  events 
soon  show  that  they  are  right. 

Lucullus  had  announced  at  Home  the  end  of  the 
war;  yet  Mithridates  was  far  from  being  conquered. 
This  fierce  enemy  of  the  Romans,  who  had  continued 
the  struggle  twenty -four  years,  and  whom  evil  fortune 
had  never  been  able  to  discourage,  would  not  treat, 
despite  his  sixty  four  years  and  recent  reverses,  save 
on  conditions  inadmissible  by  the  Romans.  The  fame 
of  Pompey  then  was  not  useless  against  such  an  ad- 
versary. His  ascendency  alone  could  bring  back  dis- 
cipline into  the  army  and  intimidate  the  enemy.  In 
fact,  his  presence  was  sufficient  to  re-establish  order, 
and  retain  under  their  standards  the  old  soldiers  who 
had  obtained  their  discharge,  and  wished  to  return  to 
their  homes ;  (3)  they  formed  the  flower  of  the  army, 
and  were  known  under  the  name  of  Valerians.  (4) 

(')  Dio  Cassius,  XXXVI.  26.— Plutarch,  Lucullus,  50,  52. 

Ca)  "The  tribune  Manilius,  a  venal  soul,  and  the  debased  instrument  of  the 
ambition  of  others."  (Velleius  Paterculus,  II.  33.) 

(3)  "As  to  the  Valerians,  informed  that  the  magistrates  at  Rome  had  given 
them  their  discharge,  they  immediately  abandoned  their  flags."  (Dio  Cassitis, 
XXXV.  15.) 

(*)  "They  called  Valerians  the  soldiers  of  Valerius  FJaccus,  who,  having 


684-691.  333 

On  the  other  hand,  Tigranes,  having  learned  the  ar- 
rival of  Pompey,  abandoned  the  party  of  his  father- 
in-law,  declaring  that  this  general  was  the  only  one 
to  whom  he  would  submit,  (*)  so  much  does  the  pres- 
tige of  one  man,  says  Dio  Cassius,  lord  it  over  that  of 
another.  (2) 

Manilius  then  demanded  the  re-establishment  of 
the  law  of  Caius  Gracchus,  by  virtue  of  which  the 
centuria  prcerogativa,  instead  of  being  drawn  by  lot 
from  the  first  classes  of  the  tribes,  was  taken  indis* 
criniinately  from  all  the  classes,  which  destroyed  the 
distinctions  of  rank  and  fortune  in  the  elections,  and 
deprived  the  richer  of  their  electoral  privileges.  (3) 

We  see  that  it  was  generally  the  tribunes  of  the 
people  who,  obeying  the  inspiration  of  greater  men, 
took  the  initiative  in  the  more  popular  measures. 
But  the  major  part,  without  disinterestedness  or 
moderation,  often  compromised  those  who  had  re- 
course to  their  services  by  their  unruly  ardour  and 

passed  into  the  command  of  Fimbria,  had  left  their  general  in  Asia  to  join 
themselves  to  Sylla."  "These  same  soldiers,  under  the  orders  of  Pompey  (for 
he  enrolled  the  Valerians  anew),  did  not  dream  even  of  revolt,  so  much  does 
one  man  carry  it  over  another."  (Dio  Cassius,  XXXV.  1G.) 

(1)  "  There  was  no  shame,"  he  said,  "in  submitting  to  him  whom  fortune 
raised  above  all  the  others."     (Vellcius  Paterculus,  II.  37.) 

(2)  Dio  Cassius,  XXXV.  16. 

(3)  This  is  taken  from  a  passage  of  Cicero  compared  with  another  of  Sal- 
lust.     In  fact,  Cicero,  in  his  Oration  for  Murena  (23),  thus  expresses  himself: 
"  Confvsionem  suffragiorum  flagitasti,  prorogationcm   legis  Manillas,  sequatio- 
nem  gratiae,  dignitatis,  suffragiorum."     It  is  clear  that  Cicero  could  not  allude 
to  the  Manilian  law  on  the  freedmen,  but  to  that  of  Caius  Gracchus,  since  Sal- 
lust  employs  nearly  the  same  words  concerning  this  law,  saying :   "  Sed  de  ma- 
gistratibus  creandis  haud  mihi  quidem  absurde  placet  lex,  quam  C.  Gracchus 
in  tribunatu  promulgaverat :  ut  ex  confusis  quinque  classibus  sorts  centurise  vo- 
carentur.    Ita  cocequali  dtgnitatc  pecunia,  virtute  anteire  alius  alium  propera- 
bit."     (Sallust,  Letters  to  Ctrsar,  vii.) 


Csesar  Curule  ^Edil 
(6S3). 


334  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CJESAH. 

subversive  opinions.  Manilius,  in  688,  suddenly  re- 
opened a  question  which  always  created  great  agita- 
tion at  Rome ;  this  was  the  political  emancipation  of 
the  freedinen.  He  obtained,  by  a  surprise,  the  re- 
adoption  of  the  law  Sulpicia,  which  gave  a  vote  to 
the  freedmen  by  distributing  them  among  the  thirty- 
five  tribes,  and  asserted  that  he  had  the  consent  of 
Crassus  and  Pompey.  But  the  Senate  revoked  the 
law  some  time  after  its  adoption,  agreeing  in  this 
with  the  chiefs  of  the  popular  party,  who  did  not 
think  it  wras  demanded  by  public  opinion.  (J) 

VI.  Whilst  all  the  favours  of  fortune  seemed  to 

• 

have  accumulated  on  the  idol  of  the  mo- 
ment, Caesar,  remaining  at  Home,  was 
chosen  inspector  ( curator )  of  the  Appian  Way 
(687).  (2)  The  maintenance  of  the  highways  brought 
much  popularity  to  those  who  undertook  the  charge 
with  disinterestedness ;  Caesar  gained  all  the  more  by 
his,  as  he  contributed  largely  to  the  cost,  and  even 
compromised  his  own  fortune  thereby. 

Two  years  afterwards  (689),  nominated  curule 
sedile  with  Bibulus,  he  displayed  a  magnificence 
which  excited  the  acclamations  of  the  crowd,  always 
greedy  of  sights.  The  place  named  Comitium,  the 
Forum,  the  Basilicse,  the  Capitol  itself,  were  magnifi- 
cently decorated.  Temporary  porticoes  were  erected, 
under  which  were  exposed  a  crowd  of  precious  ob- 
jects. (3)  These  expenses  were  not  unusual :  since 
the  triumph  of  the  dictator  Papirius  Cursor,  all  the 

C1)  Dio  Cassius,  III.  36,  40.  (»)  Plutarch,  Ccesar,  5. 

(8)  Suetonius,  Casar,  10. — Plutarch,  Cccsar,  10. 


684—691  335 

sediles  were  accustomed  to  contribute  to  the  embel- 
lishment of  the  Forum.  (x)  Caesar  celebrated  with 
great  pomp  the  Roman  games,  and  the  feast  of  Cy- 
bele,  and  gave  the  finest  shows  of  wild  beasts  and 
gladiators  ever  yet  beheld.  (2)  The  number  of  the 
combatants  amounted  to  three  hundred  and  twenty 
couples,  accoi'ding  to  Plutarch,  a  contemptuous  ex- 
pression, which  proves  the  small  account  made  of  the 
lives  of  these  men.  Cicero,  writing  to  Atticus,  speaks 
of  them  as  we  in  our  day  should  speak  of  race- 
horses ;  (3)  and  the  grave  Atticus  himself  had  gladia- 
tors, as  had  most  of  the  great  people  of  his  time. 
These  bloody  games,  which  seem  so  inhuman  to  us, 
still  preserved  the  religious  character  which  at  first 
they  so  exclusively  possessed;  they  were  celebrated 
in  honour  of  the  dead ;  (4)  Caesar  gave  them  as  a  sac- 
rifice to  his  father's  memory,  and  displayed  in  them 
an.  unwonted  pomp.  (5)  The  number  of  gladiators 
which  he  got  together  terrified  the  Senate,  and  for  the 
future  it  was  forbidden  to  exceed  a  given  number. 
Bibulus,  his  colleague,  it  is  true,  bore  half  the  expense; 
nevertheless,  the  public  gave  Caesar  all  the  credit  of 

(')  Titus  Livius,  IX.  40.  (a)  Dio  Cassius,  XXXVII.  8. 

(3)  "  The  gladiators  whom  you  have  bought  arc  a  very  fine  acquisition.  It 
is  said  that  they  are  well  trained,  and  if  you  had  wished  to  let  them  out  on  the 
last  occasion,  you  would  have  regained  what  they  have  cost  you."  (Cicero, 
Letters  to  Atticus,  IV.  4.) 

(*)  Servius,  Commentary  on  Book  TIT.  verse  67  of  the  sEneid. — Tertullian,  On 
the  Sho ws,  V.—  Titus  Livius,  XXIII.  30;  XXIX.  46.— Valerius  Maximus,  II. 
iv.  §  7. 

(5)  "When  Caesar,  afterwards  dictator,  but  then  sedile,  gave  funeral  games 
in  honour  of  his  father,  all  that  was  used  in  the  arena  was  of  silver ;  silver 
lances  glittered  in  the  hands  of  the  criminals  and  pierced  the  wild  beasts,  an 
example  which  even  simple  municipal  towns  imitate."  (Pliny,  Natural  His- 
tory, XXXIII.  3.) 


336  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  (LESAR. 

this  sumptuous  discharge  of  the  duties  of  their  office. 
Thus  Bibulus  said  that  he  was  like  the  temple  of 
Castor  and  Pollux,  which,  dedicated  to  the  two  broth- 
ers, was  never  called  anything  but  the  temple  of  Cas- 
tor. (J) 

The  nobles  saw  in  the  sumptuousness  of  these 
games  only  a  vain  ostentation,  a  frivolous  desire  to 
shine;  they  congratulated  themselves  on  the  prod- 
igality of  the  sedile,  and  predicted  in  his  near  ruin 
a  term  to  his  influence;  but  Caesar,  while  spending 
millions  to  amuse  the  multitude,  did  not  make  this 
fleeting  enthusiasm  the  sole  basis  of  his  popularity ; 
he  established  this  on  more  solid  grounds,  by  re-awa- 
kening in  the  people  the  memories  of  glory  and  lib- 
erty. 

Not  content  with  having  helped  in  several  healing 
measures,  with  having  gained  over  Pompey  to  his 
opinions,  and  sought  for  the  first  time  to  revive  the 
memory  of  Marius,  he  wished  to  sound  public  opin- 
ion by  an  astounding  manifestation.  At  the  moment 
when  the  splendour  of  his  sedileship  had  produced 
the  most  favourable  impression  on  the  crowd,  he  se- 
cretly restored  the  trophies  of  Marius,  formerly  over- 
turned by  Sylla,  and  ordered  them  to  be  placed  in  the 
Capitol  (2)  during  the  night.  The  next  day,  when 
they  saw  these  images  shining  with  gold,  chiselled 
with  infinite  art,  and  adorned  with  inscriptions  which 
recalled  the  victories  gained  over  Jugurtha,  the  Cim- 
bri,  and  the  Teutones,  the  nobles  began  to  murmur, 
blaming  Caesar  for  having  dared  to  revive  seditious 
emblems  and  proscribed  remembrances ;  but  the  par- 

(l)  Suetonius,  Ccesar,  10.  (*)  Suetonius,  Cursor,  11. 


.       684—691.  337 

tisans  of  Marius  flocked  in  large  numbers  to  the  Cap- 
itol, making  its  sacred  roof  resound  with  their  accla- 
mations. Many  shed  tears  on  seeing  the  venerated 
features  of  their  old  general,  and  proclaimed  Caesar 
the  worthy  successor  of  that  great  captain.  (') 

Uneasy  at  these  demonstrations,  the  Senate  assem- 
bled, and  Lutatius  Catulus,  whose  father  had  been 
one  of  the  victims  of  Marius,  accused  Caesar  of  wish- 
ing to  overthrow  the  Republic, "  no  longer  secretly, 
by  undermining  it,  but  openly,  in  attacking  it  by 
breach."  (2)  Caesar  repelled  this  attack,  and  his  par- 
tisans, delighted  at  his  success,  vied  with  each  other 
in  saying  "  that  he  would  carry  it  over  all  his  rivals, 
and  Avith  the  help  of  the  people  would  take  the  first 
rank  in  the  Republic."  (3)  Henceforth  the  popular 
party  had  a  head. 

The  term  of  his  aedileship  having  expired,  Caesar 
solicited  the  mission  of  transforming  Egypt  into  a 
Roman  province.  (4)  The  matter  in  hand  was  the 
execution  of  the  will  of  King  Ptolemy  Alexas,  or 
Alexander,  (5)  who,  following  the  example  of  other 
kings,  had  left  his  state  to  the  Roman  peoples.  But 
the  will  was  revoked  as  doubtful,  (6)  and  it  seems 
that  the  Senate  shrank  from  taking  possession  of  so 
rich  a  country,  fearing,  as  did  Augustus  later,  to  make 
the  proconsul  who  should  govern  it  too  powerful.  (7) 

(J)  Plutarch,  Caesar,  6. 
(")  Plutarch,  Ccesar,  6. 
(3)  Plutarch,  Ccesar,  6. 

(*)  Suetonius,  Ccesar,  11. — Cicero,  First  Oration  on  the  Agrarian  Law,  \.  16. 
(s)  Justin,  xxix.  5,  Scholiast  of  Bobbio,  On  the  Oration  of  Cicero,  5'  JJe  Rege 
Alexandrino,"  p.  350,  edit.  Orelli. 

(6)  Cicero,  Second  Oration  on  the  Agrarian  Law,  xvi. 

(7)  "Augustus  made  it  one,  among  other  state  maxims,  to  sequester  Egypt, 

15  Y 


338  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  "CAESAR. 

The  mission  of  reducing  Egypt  to  a  Roman  province 
was  brilliant  and  fruitful.  It  would  have  given  to 
those  who  might  be  charged  with  it  extensive  mili- 
tary power,  and  the  disposal  of  large  resources.  Cras- 
sus  also  placed  himself  on  the  list,  but  after  long  de- 
bates the  Senate  put  an  end  to  all  rival  preten- 
sions. (a) 

About  the  same  time  when  Crassus  was  endeavour- 
ing to  get  the  inhabitants  of  Gallia  Transpadana  ad- 
mitted to  the  rights  of  Roman  citizens,  the  tribune  of 
the  people,  Caius  Papius,  caused  to  be  adopted  a  law 
for  the  expulsion  of  all  foreigners  from  Rome.  (2)  For, 
in  their  pride,  the  Romans  thus  called  those  who  were 
not  Latins  by  origin.  (3)  This  measure  would  spe- 
cially affect  the  Transpadanes,  who  were  devoted  to 
Caesar,  because  he  had  formerly  promised  to  procure 
for  them  the  title  of  citizen,  which  had  been  refused. 
It  was  feared  that  they  would  get  into  the  comitia, 
for,  since  the  emancipation  of  the  Italiotes,  it  was  dif- 
ficult to  distinguish  among  those  who  had  the  right 
of  voting,  since  often  even  slaves  fraudulently  partici- 
pated in  the  elections.  (*) 

forbidding  the  Roman  knights  and  senators  of  the  first  rank  ever  to  go  there 
without  his  permission.  He  feared  that  Italy  might  be  famished  by  the  first 
ambitious  person  who  should  seize  the  province,  where,  holding  the  keys  of 
both  land  and  sea,  he  might  defend  himself  with  very  few  soldiers  against  great 
armies."  (Tacitus,  Annals,  II.  59.) 
(l)  Suetonius,  CVrsar,  11. 

(3)  Dio  Cassius,  XXXVII.  9. 

(')  "You  name  me  a  foreigner  because  I  have  come  from  a  municipal  town. 
If  you  regard  us  as  foreigners,  although  our  name  and  rank  were  formerly  well 
established  at  Rome,  and  in  public  opinion,  how  much  then  must  these  compet- 
itors be  foreigners  in  your  eyes,  this  elite  of  Italy,  who  come  from  all  parts  to 
dispute  with  you  magistrateships  and  honours  ?"  (Cicero,  Oration  for  Sylln,  8.) 

(4)  See  Drumnnn,  Julii,  147. 


684-691.  339 

VIII.  Caesar  soon  re-commenced  the  political  strug- 
<*»*,  jut**  *,<*-  gle  against  the  still  living  instruments 
of  past  oppression,  in  which  he  had  en- 
gaged at  the  beginning  of  his  career.  He  neglected 
no  opportunity  of  calling  down  upon  them  the  rig- 
ours of  justice  or  the  opprobrium  of  public  opinion. 

The  long  duration  of  the  civil  troubles  had  given 
birth  to  a  class  of  malefactors  called  sicarii,  (*)  who 
committed  all  sorts  of  murders  and  robberies.  In 
674  Sylla  had  promulgated  a  severe  edict  against 
them,  which,  however,  excepted  the  executors  of  his 
vengeance  in  the  pay  of  the  treasury.  (2)  These  last 
were  exposed  to  public  animadversion;  and  though 
Cato  had  obtained  the  restitution  of  the  sums  allot- 
ted as  the  price  of  the  heads  of  the  proscribed,  (3)  no 
one  had  yet  dared  to  bring  them  to  justice.  (*)  Cae- 
sar, notwithstanding  the  law  of  Sylla,  undertook  their 
prosecution. 

Under  his  presidency,  in  his  capacity  asjudex  quces- 
tionis,  L.  Luscius,  who,  by  the  dictator's  order,  had 
slain  three  of  the  proscribed,  and  L.  Bellienus,  uncle 
of  Catiline  and  murderer  of  Lucretius  Ofella,  were 
prosecuted  and  condemned.  (5)  Catiline,  accused,  at 
the  instigation  of  L.  Lucceius,  orator  and  historian, 

(')  J.  Paul,  Sentences,  V.  iv.,  p.  417,  edit.  Huschke. — Justinian,  Institutes,  IV. 
xviii.  §  5. — Appian,  On  the  Office  of  the  Proconsul,  vii. 

(2)  "Then,  in  the  instructions  directed  against  the  sicarii,  and  the  excep- 
tions proposed  by  the  Cornelian  law,  he  ranked  among  these  malefactors  those 
who,  during  the  proscription,  had  received  money  from  the  public  treasury  for 
having  brought  to  Sylla  the  heads  of  Roman  citizens."  (Suetonius,  Casar,  11.) 
;  (3)  Plutarch,  Cato,  21.— Dio  Cassius,  XL  VII.  6. 

(*)  Cicero,  Third  Speech  on  the  Agrarian  Law,  4. 

(5)  Dio  Cassius,  XXXVII.  10.  —  Asconius,  Commentary  on  the  Orations  of 
Cicero,  " In  Toga  Candida,"  pp.  91,  92,  edit.  Orelli. 


340  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

the  friend  of  Caesar,  of  having  slain  the  celebrated 
M.  Marius  Gratidianus,  was  acquitted.  (*) 

VIII.  Whilst  Caesar  endeavoured  to  react  legally 

against  the  system  of  Sylla,  another  par- 
conspiracies  against      o  «/  .  .  . 

the  senate  (630).  ^  composed  of  the  ambitious  and  dis- 
contented, ruined  by  debt,  had  long  sought  to  arrive 
at  power  by  plotting.  Of  this  number  had  been, 
since  688,  Cn.  Piso,  P.  Sylla,  P.  Autronius,  and  Cati- 
line. These  men,  with  diverse  antecedents  and  dif- 
ferent qualities,  were  equally  decried,  yet  they  did 
not  want  for  adherents  among  the  lower  class,  whose 
passions  they  nattered,  or  among  the  upper  class,  to 
whose  policy  or  enmity  they  were  serviceable.  P.  Syl- 
la and  Autronius,  after  having  been  made  consuls-elect 
in  688,  had  been  effaced  from  the  senatorial  list  for 
solicitation.  Public  report  mixed  up  the  names  of 
Crassus  and  Caesar  with  these  secret  manoeuvres ;  but 
was  it  possible  that  these  two  men,  in  such  opposite 
positions,  and  even  divided  between  themselves, 
should  enter  into  an  understanding  together  for  the 
sake  of  a  vulgar  plot ;  and  was  it  not  a  new  incon- 
sistency of  calumny  to  associate  in  the  same  conspira- 
cy Caesar  because  of  his  immense  debts,  and  Crassus 
because  of  his  immense  riches  ? 

Let  us  remark,  besides,  that  each  of  the  factions 
then  in  agitation  necessarily  sought  to  compromise, 
for  the  purpose  of  appropriating  to  itself,  such  a  per- 
sonage as  Caesar,  notorious  for  his  name,  his  generosi- 
ty, and  his  courage. 

A  matter  which  has  remained  obscure,  but  which 

(')  Asconius,  In  Toga  Candida,  p.  91. 


684—691.  341 

then  made  a  great  noise,  shows  the  progress  of  the 
ideas  of  disorder.  One  of  the  conspirators,  Cn.  Piso, 
had  taken  part  in  the  attempt  to  assassinate  the  Con- 
suls Cotta  and  Torquatus ;  yet  he  obtained,  through 
the  influence  of  Crassus,  the  post  of  questov  p?>o  prce- 
tore  into  Citerior  Spain ;  the  Senate,  either  to  get  rid 
of  him,  or  in  the  doubtful  hope  of  finding  in  him  some 
support  against  Pompey,  whose  power  began  to  ap- 
pear formidable,  consented  to  grant  him  this  prov- 
ince. But  in  691,  on  his  arrival  in  Spain,  he  was 
slain  by  his  escort — some  say  by  the  secret  emissaries 
of  Pompey.  (*)  As  to  Catiline,  he  was  not  the  man 
to  bend  under  the  weight  of  the  misfortunes  of  his 
friends,  or  under  his  own  losses;  he  employed  new 
ardour  in  braving  the  perils  of  a  conspiracy,  and  in 
pursuing  the  honours  of  the  consulship.  He  was  the 
most  dangerous  adversary  the  Senate  had.  Caesar 
supported  this  candidature.  In  a  spirit  of  opposition, 
he  supported  all  that  could  hurt  his  enemies  and  fa- 
vour a  change  of  system.  Besides,  all  parties  were 
constrained  to  deal  with  those  who  enjoyed  the  pop- 
ular favour.  The  nobles  accepted  as  candidate  C.  An- 
tonius  Hybrida,  a  worthless  man,  capable  only  of  sell- 
ing himself  and  of  treachery,  (2)  Cicero,  in  690,  had 
promised  Catiline  to  defend  him ;  (3)  and  a  year  be- 
fore, the  Consul  Torquatus,  one  of  the  most  esteemed 
chiefs  of  the  Senate,  pleaded  for  the  same  individual 
accused  of  embezzlement.  (4) 

(')  Sallust,  Catilin^  19.  (*)  Plutarch; Cicero,  15. 

(3)  "I  am  preparing  at  this  moment  to  defend  Catiline,  my  competitor.     I 
hope,  if  I  obtain  his  acquittal,  to  find  him  disposed  to  come  to  an  understand- 
ing with  me  on  our  next  steps.     If  he  is  against  this,  I  will  [I  shall  know  what 
to  do  (?)]  take  my  way."     (Cicero,  Letters  toAtticus,  I.  ii.) 

(4)  Cicero,  Oration  for  £>yfla,  29. 


342  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

IX.  We  thus  -see  that  the  misfortunes  of  the  times 
The  difficulty  of  obliged  the  most  notable  men  to  have 

constituting   a  New      -,        -,.  •  j  1       ,1  -i 

^rty.  dealings  with  those  whose  antecedents 

seemed  to  devote  them  to  contempt. 

In  times  of  transition,  when  a  choice  must  be  made 
between  a  glorious  past  and  an  unknown  future,  the 
rock  is,  that  bold  and  unscrupulous  men  alone  thrust 
themselves  forward ;  others,  more  timid,  and  the  slaves 
of  prejudices,  remain  in  the  shade,  or  offer  some  ob- 
stacle to  the  movement  which  hurries  away  society 
into  new  ways.  It  is  always  a  great  evil  for  a  coun- 
try, a  prey  to  agitations,  when  the  party  of  the  hon- 
est, or  that  of  the  good,  as  Cicero  calls  them,  do  not 
embrace  the  new  ideas,  to  direct  by  moderating  them. 
Hence  profound  divisions.  On  the  one  side,  unknown 
men  often  take  possession  of  the  good  or  bad  passions 
of  the  crowd ;  on  the  other,  honourable  men,  immov- 
able or  morose,  oppose  all  progress,  and  by  their  ob- 
stinate resistance  -  excite  legitimate  impatience  and 
lamentable  violence.  The  opposition  of  these  last 
has  the  double  inconvenience  of  leaving  the  way  clear 
to  those  who  are  less  worthy  than  themselves,  and  of 
throwing  doubts  into  the  minds  of  that  floating  mass, 
which  judges  parties  much  more  by  the  honourable- 
ness  of  men  than  by  the  value  of  ideas. 

What  was  then  passing  in  Rome  offers  a  striking 
example  of  this.  Was  it  not  reasonable,  in  fact,  that 
men  should  hesitate  to  prefer  a  faction  which  had  at 
its  head  such  illustrious  names  as  Hartensius,  Catu- 
lus,  Marcellus,  Lucullus,  and  Cato,  to  that  which  had 
for  its  main-stays  individuals  like  Gabinius,  Manilius, 
Catiline,  Vatinius,  and  Clodius?  What  more  legiti- 


684-691.  343 

mate  in  the  eyes  of  the  descendants  of  the  ancient 
families  than  this  resistance  to  all  change,  and  this 
disposition  to  consider  all  reform  as  Utopian  and  al- 
most as  sacrilege  ?  What  more  logical  for  them  than 
to  admire  Cato's  firmness  of  soul,  who,  still  young,  al- 
lowed himself  to  be  menaced  with  death  rather  than 
admit  the  possibility  of  becoming  one  day  the  de- 
fender of  the  cause  of  the  allies  claiming  the  rights 
of  Roman  citizens  ?  (x)  How  not  comprehend  the 
sentiments  of  Catulus  and  Hortensius  obstinately  de- 
fending the  privileges  of  the  aristocracy,  and  mani- 
festing their  fears  at  this  general  inclination  to  con- 
centrate all  power  in  the  hands  of  one  individual  ? 

And  yet  the  cause  maintained  by  these  men  was 
condemned  to  perish,  as  everything  which  has  had 
its  time.  Notwithstanding  their  virtues,  they  were 
only  an  additional  obstacle  to  the  steady  march  of 
civilisation,  because  they  wanted  the  qualities  most 
essential  for  a  time  of  revolution — an  appreciation  of 
the  wants  of  the  moment,  and  of  the  problems  of  the 
future.  Instead  of  trying  what  they  could  save  from 
the  shipwreck  of  the  ancient  regime,  just  breaking  to 
pieces  against  a  fearful  rock,  the  corruption  of  politic- 
al morals,  they  refuse  to  admit  that  the  institutions 
to  which  the  Republic  owed  its  grandeur  could  bring 
about  its  decay.  Terrified  at  all  innovation,  they 
confounded  in  the  same  anathema  the  seditious  en- 
terprises of  certain  tribunes,  and  the  just  reclamations 
of  the  citizens.  But  their  influence  was  so  considera- 
ble, and  ideas  coftsecrated  by  time  have  so  much  em- 
pire over  minds,  that  they  would  have  yet  hindered 

(l)  Plutarch,  Cato,  3. 


344  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CJESAR. 

the  triumph  of  the  popular  cause,  if  Caesar,  in  putting 
himself  at  its  head,  had  not  given  it  a  new  glory  and 
an  irresistible  force.  A  party,  like  an  army,  can  only 
conquer  with  a  chief  worthy  to  command  it ;  and  all 
those  who,  since  the  Gracchi,  had  unfurled  the  stand- 
ard of  reform,  had  sullied  it  with  blood,  and  compro- 
mised it  by  revolts.  Caesar  raised  and  purified  it. 
To  constitute  his  party,  it  is  true,  he  had  recourse  to 
agents  but  little  estimated;  the  best  architect  can 
build  only  with  the  materials  under  his  hand;  but 
his  constant  endeavour  was  to  associate  to  himself 
the  most  trustworthy  men,  and  he  spared  no  effort 
to  gain  by  turns  Pompey,  Crassus,  Cicero,  Servilius 
Csepio,  Q.  Fufius  Calenus,  Serv.  Sulpicius,  and  many 
others. 

In  moments  of  transition,  when  the  old  system  is 
at  an  end,  and  the  new  not  yet  established,  the  great- 
est difficulty  consists,  not  in  overcoming  the  obstacles 
which  are  in  the  way  of  the  advent  of  a  regime  de- 
manded by  the  country,  but  to  establish  the  latter 
solidly,  by  establishing  it  upon  the  concurrence  of 
honourable  men  penetrated  with  the  new  ideas,  and 
steady  in  their  principles. 


CHAPTER  m. 

(691-695.) 

I.  IN  the  year  690,  the  candidates  for  the  consul- 
ciceroaudAntoni.  ^P  were  Cicero,  C.  Antonius  Hybrida, 
us,  consuls  (691,  R  Cagsius  LoDginus,  Q.  Cornificius,  C.  Lu- 

cinius  Sacerdos,  P.  Sulpicius  Galba,  and  Catiline.  (*) 
Informed  of  the  plots  so  long  in  progress,  the  Senate 
determined  to  combat  the  conspiracies  of  the  last  by 
throwing  all  the  votes  they  could  dispose  of  upon 
Cicero,  who  was  thus  unanimously  elected,  and  took 
possession  of  his  office  at  the  beginning  of  691.  This 
choice  made  up  for  the  mediocrity  of  his  colleague 
Antonius. 

The  illustrious  orator,  whose  eloquence  had  such 
authority,  was  born  at  Arpinum,  of  obscure  parents ; 
he  had  served  some  time  in  the  war  of  the  allies ;  (2) 
afterwards,  his  orations  acquired  for  him  a  great  repu- 
tation, amongst  others  the  defence  of  the  young  Rosci- 
us,  whom  the  dictator  would  have  despoiled  of  his 
paternal  heritage.  After  the  death  of  Sylla,  he  was 
appointed  questor  and  sent  to  Sicily.  In  684,  he 
lashed  with  his  implacable  speech  the  atrocities  of 
Verres ;  at  last,  in  688,  he  obtained  the  praetorship, 
and  displayed  in  this  capacity  those  sentiments  of 
high  probity  and  of  justice  which  distinguished  him 

(')  Asconius,  Cicero's  Oration,  "In  Toga  Candida,"  p.  82,  edit.  OrellL 
(z)  Plutarch,  Cicero,  3. 

15* 


346  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CJESAR. 

throughout  his  whole  career.  But  the  esteem  of  his 
fellow-citizens  would  not  have  sufficed,  in  ordinary 
times,  to  have  raised  him  to  the  first  magistracy.  "The 
dread  of  the  conspiracy,"  says  Sallust, "  was  the  cause 
of  his  elevation.  Under  other  circumstances,  the  pride 
of  the  nobility  would  have  revolted  against  such  a 
choice.  The  consulship  would  have  been  considered 
profaned*  if,  even  with  superior  merit,  a  new  man  (]) 
had  obtained  it ;  but,  on  the  approach  of  danger,  envy 
and  pride  became  silent."  (2)  The  Koman  aristocracy 
must  have  greatly  lost  its  influence,  when,  at  a  critical 
moment,  it  allowed  a  new  man  to  possess  more  au- 
thority over  the  people  than  one  from  its  own  ranks. 
By  birth,  as  well  as  by  his  instincts,  Cicero  belonged 
to  the  popular  party ;  nevertheless,  the  irresolution  of 
his  mind,  sensible  to  flattery,  and  his  fear  of  innova- 
tions, led  him  to  serve  by  turn  the  rancours  of  the 
great  or  those  of  the  people.  (3)  Of  upright  heart, 
but  pusillanimous,  he  only  saw  rightly  when  his  self- 
esteem  was  not  at  stake  or  his  interest  in  danger. 
Elected  consul,  he  ranged  himself  on  the  side  of  the 
Senate,  and  resisted  all  proposals  advantageous  to  the 
multitude.  Caesar  honoured  his  talent,  but  had  little 
confidence  in  his  character;  hence  he  was  averse  to 

(')  They  called  new  men  those  who  amongst  their  ancestors  counted  none 
that  had  held  a  high  magistracy.  (Appian,  Civil  Wars,  II.  2.) — Cicero  also 
confirms  this  fact :  "I  am  the  first  new  man  that,  for  a  great  number  of  years, 
is  remembered  to  have  been  appointed  consul ;  and  this  eminent  post,  in  which 
the  nobility  were  in  a  manner  entrenched,  and  to  which  they  had  closed  all  the 
avenues,  you  have,  to  place  me  at  your  head,  forced  the  barriers ;  yon  have  de- 
sired that  merit  henceforth  find  them  open."  (Cicero,  Second  Oration  on  the 
Agrarian  Law,  1.) 

(3)  Sallust,  Catiline,  23. 

(*)  "  Cicero  favoured  sometimes  the  one,  sometimes  the  other,  to  be  sought 
after  by  both  parties."  (Dio  Cassins,  XXXVI.  26.) 


691—695.  347 

his  candidature,  and  hostile  during  the  whole  of  his 
consulship. 

II.  Scarcely  had  Cicero  entered  on  his  functions, 
Agrarian  Law  of  when  the  tribune  P.  Servilius  Rullus  re- 
vived one  of  those  projects  which,  for 
ages,  have  had  the  effect  of  exciting  to  the  highest  de- 
gree both  the  avidity  of  the  proletaries  and  the  anger 
of  the  Senate :  it  was  an  agrarian  law. 

It  contained  the  following  provisions :  To  sell,  with 
certain  exceptions,  (a)  the  territories  recently  conquer- 
ed, and  some  other  domains  but  little  productive  to 
the  State;  devoting  the  proceeds  to  the  purchase, by 
private  contract,  of  lands  in  Italy  which  were  to  be 
divided  among  the  indigent  citizens ;  to  cause  to  be 
nominated,  according  to  the  customary  mode  for  the 
election  of  grand  pontiff — that  is,  by  seventeen  tribes, 
drawn  by  lot  from  the  thirty-five — ten  commissioners 
or  decemvirs,  to  whom  should  be  left,  for  five  years, 
the  power,  absolute  and  without  control,  of  distribu- 
ting or  alienating  the  domains  of  the  Republic  and  pri- 
vate properties  wherever  they  liked.  No  one  could 
be  appointed  who  was  not  present  in  Rome,  which 
excluded  Pompey,  and  the  authority  of  the  decemvirs 
was  to  be  sanctioned  by  a  curiate  law.  To  them  alone 
was  intrusted  the  right  to  decide  what  belonged  to 
the  State  and  what  to  individuals.  The  lands  of  the 
public  domain  which  should  not  be  alienated  were  to 
be  charged  with  a  considerable  impost.  (2)  The  de- 

(*)  Second  Oration  on  the  Agrarian  Law,  25. 

(s)  The  territories  conceded  by  a  treaty  being  excepted,  which  freed  from 
this  obligation  the  African  territory,  which  had  become,  since  Scipio,  the 
property  of  the  Republic,  arid  given  by  Pompey  to  Hiempsal.  In  Campania 


348  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

cemvirs  had  also  the  power  of  compelling  all  the  gen- 
erals, Pompey  excepted,  to  account  for  the  booty  and 
money  received  during  war,  but  not  yet  deposited 
in  the  treasury,  or  employed  upon  some  monument. 
They  were  allowed  to  found  colonies  anywhere  they 
thought  proper,  particularly  in  the  territory  of  Stella, 
and  in  the  ager  of  Campania,  where  five  thousand  Ro- 
man citizens  were  to  be  established.  In  a  word,  the 
administration  of  the  revenues  and  the  resources  of  the 
State  came  almost  wholly  into  their  hands ;  they  had, 
moreover,  their  lictors ;  they  could  take  the  omens, 
and  choose  amongst  the  knights  two  hundred  persons 
to  execute  their  decrees  in  the  provinces,  and  these 
were  without  appeal. 

This  project  offered  inconveniences,  but  also  great 
advantages.  Rullus,  certainly,  was  to  blame  for  not 
designating  all  the  places  where  he  wished  to  estab- 
lish colonies ;  for  making  two  exemptions,  one  favour- 
able, the  other  unfavourable  to  Pompey ;  for  assign- 
ing to  the  decemvirs  powers  too  extensive,  tending  to 
arbitrary  acts  and  speculations :  nevertheless,  his  proj- 
ect had  an  important  political  aim.  The  public  do- 
main, encroached  upon  by  usurpations  or  by  the  col- 
onies of  Sylla,  had  almost  disappeared.  The  law  was 
to  re-constitute  it  by  the  sale  of  conquered  territories. 
On  the  other  side,  the  lands  confiscated  in  great  num- 
ber by  Sylla,  and  given  or  sold  at  a  paltry  price  to 
his  partisans,  had  suffered  a  general  depreciation,  for 
the  ownership  was  liable  to  be  contested,  and  they  no 
longer  found  purchasers.  The  Republic,  while  desir- 

every  colonist  was  obliged  to  have  ten  jugera,  and,  on  the  territory  of  Stella, 
twelve. 


691—695.  349 

ous  of  relieving  the  poorer  class,  had  thus  an  interest 
in  raising  the  price  of  these  lands  and  in  securing  the 
holders.  The  project  of  Rullus  was,  in  fact,  a  veri- 
table law  of  indemnity.  There  are  injustices  which, 
sanctioned  by  time,  ought  also  to  be  sanctioned  by 
law,  in  order  to  extinguish  the  causes  of  dissension, 
by  restoring  their  security  to  existing  things,  and  its 
value  to  property. 

If  the  great  orator  had  known  how  to  raise  him- 
self above  the  questions  of  person  and  of  party,  he 
would,  like  Caesar,  have  supported  the  proposal  of  the 
tribune,  amending  only  what  was  too  absolute  or  too 
vague  in  it ;  but,  overreached  by  the  faction  of  the 
great,  and  desiring  to  please  the  knights,  whose  inter- 
ests the  law  injured,  he  attacked  it  with  his  usual  elo- 
quence, exaggerating  its  defects.  It  would  only  bene- 
fit, he  said,  a  small  number  of  persons.  Whilst  ap- 
pearing to  favour  Pompey,  it  deprived  him,  on  ac- 
count of  his  absence,  of  the  chance  of  being  chosen 
decemvir.  It  allowed  some  individuals  to  dispose  of 
kingdoms  like  Egypt,  and  of  the  immense  territories 
of  Asia.  Capua  would  become  the  capital  of  Italy, 
and  Rome,  surrounded  by  a  girdle  of  military  colo- 
nies devoted  to  ten  new  tyrants,  would  lose  its  inde- 
pendence. To  purchase  the  lands,  instead  of  appor- 
tioning the  ager  puUicus,  was  monstrous,  and  he  could 
not  admit  that  they  would  engage  the  people  to  aban- 
don the  capital  to  go  and  languish  in  the  fields.  Then, 
exposing  the  double  personal  interest  of  the  author  of 
the  law,  he  reminded  them  that  the  father-in-law  of 
Rullus  was  enriched  with  the  spoils  of  prescripts,  and 
that  Rullus  himself  had  reserved  the  right  of  being 
nominated  decemvir. 


350  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  C^SAR. 

Cicero,  nevertheless,  pointed  out  clearly  the  political 
bearing  of  the  project,  although  censuring  it,  when  he 
said :  "  The  new  law  enriches  those  who  occupied  the 
domain  lands,  and  withdraws  them  from  public  indig- 
nation. How  many  men  are  embarrassed  by  their 
vast  possessions,  and  cannot  support  the  odium  at- 
tached to  the  largesses  of  Sylla !  How  many  would 
sell  them,  and  find  no  buyers !  How  many  seek 
means,  of  whatever  kind,  to  dispossess  themselves  of 
them !  .  .  .  .  And  you,  Romans,  you  are  going  to  sell 
those  revenues  which  your  ancestors  have  acquired  at 
the  cost  of  so  much  sweat  and  blood,  to  augment  the 
fortune  and  assure  the  tranquillity  of  the  possessors 
of  the  goods  confiscated  by  Sylla !"  (J) 

We  see  thus  that  Cicero  seems  to  deny  the  neces- 
sity of  allaying  the  inquietudes  of  the  new  and  nu- 
merous acquirers  of  this  kind  of  national  property ; 
and  yet,  when  a  short  time  afterwards  another  tribune 
proposed  to  relieve  from  civic  degradation  the  sons 
of  proscripts,  he  opposed  him,  not  because  this  repara- 
tion appeared  to  him  unjust,  but  for  fear  the  rehabili- 
tation in  political  rights  should  carry  with  it  the  re- 
integration  into  the  properties,  a  measure,  according 
to  his  views,  subversive  of  all  interests.  (2)  Thus, 
with  a  strange  inconsistency,  Cicero  combated  these 
two  laws  of  conciliation;  the  one  because  it  reassured, 
the  other  because  it  disquieted  the  holders  of  the  ef- 

(')  Cicero,  Second  Oration  on  the  Agrarian  Law,  26. 

(J)  Cicero,  Letters  to  Attictts,  II.  1. — Plutarch,  Cicero,  17. — "When  young 
Romans,  full  of  merit  and  honour,  have  found  themselves  in  such  a  position 
that  their  admissibility  to  magistracies  has  effected  the  overthrow  of  the  State, 
I  have  dared  to  brave  their  enmity,  to  interdict  their  access  to  the  comitia  and 
to  honours."  (Cicero,  Oration  against  L.  Piso. ) 


691—695.  351 

fects  of  the  proscribed.  Why  must  it  be  that,  amongst 
men  of  superiority,  but  without  convictions,  talent 
only  too  often  serves  to  sustain  with  the  like  facility 
the  most  opposite  causes  ?  The  opinion  of  Cicero  tri- 
umphed, nevertheless,  thanks  to  his  eloquence ;  and 
the  project,  despite  the  lively  adhesion  of  the  people, 
encountered  in  the  Senate  such  a  resistance,  that  it 
was  abandoned  without  being  referred  to  the  comitia. 

Caesar  advocated  the  agrarian  law,  because  it  raised 
the  value  of  the  soil,  put  an  end  to  the  disfavour  at- 
tached to  the  national  property,  augmented  the  re- 
sources of  the  treasury,  prevented  the  extravagance 
of  the  generals,  delivered  Rome  from  a  turbulent  and 
dangerous  populace  by  wresting  it  from  degradation 
and  misery.  He  supported  the  rehabilitation  of  the 
children  of  proscripts,  because  that  measure,  profound- 
ly reparative,  put  an  end  to  one  of  the  great  iniquities 
of  the  past  regime. 

There  are  victories  which  enfeeble  the  conquerors 
more  than  the  vanquished.  Such  was  the  success  of 
Cicero.  The  rejection  of  the  agrarian  law,  and  of  the 
claims  of  the  sons  of  proscripts,  augmented  consider- 
ably the  number  of  malcontents.  A  crowd  of  citi- 
zens, driven  by  privations  and  the  denial  of  justice, 
went  over  to  swell  the  ranks  of  the  conspirators, 
who,  in  the  shade,  were  preparing  a  revolution ;  and 
Caesar,  pained  at  seeing  the  Senate  reject  that  sage 
and  ancient  policy  which  had  saved  Rome  from  so 
many  agitations,  resolved  to  undermine  by  eveiy 
means  its  authority.  For  this  purpose  he  engaged 
the  tribune,  T.  Labienus,  the  same  who  was  after- 
wards one  of  his  best  lieutenants,  to  get  up  a  criminal 


352  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  C^ESAK. 

accusation  which  was  a  direct  attack  upon  the  abuse 
of  one  of  the  prerogatives  of  the  government.  (*) 

III.  For  a  long  time,  when  internal  or  external 
Trial  of  RaMrius  troubles  were  apprehended,  Eome  was 
put,  so  to  speak,  in  a  state  of  siege,  by 
the  sacramental  formula,  according  to  which  the  con- 
suls were  enjoined  to  see  that  the  Republic  received  no 
injury  /  then  the  power  of  the  consuls  was  unlimit- 
ed ;  (2)  and  often,  in  seditions,  the  Senate  had  profited 
by  this  omnipotence  to  rid  itself  of  certain  factious 
individuals  without  observing  the  forms  of  justice. 
The  more  frequent  the  agitations  had  become,-  the 
more  they  had  used  this  extreme  remedy.  The  tri- 
bunes always  protested  ineffectually  against  a  measure 
which  suspended  all  the  established  laws,  legalised 
assassination,  and  made  Rome  a  battle-field.  Labie- 
nus  tried  anew  to  blunt  in  the  hands  of  the  Senate 
so  formidable  a  weapon. 

Thirty-seven  years  before,  as  will  be  remembered, 
Saturninus,  the  violent  promoter  of  an  agrarian  law, 
had,  by  the  aid  of  a  riot,  obtained  possession  of  the 
Capitol;  the  country  had  been  declared  in  danger. 
The  tribune  perished  in  the  struggle,  and  the  senator 
C.  Rabirius  Coasted  of  having  killed  him.  Despite 
this  long  interval  of  time,  Labienus  accused  Rabirius 

(')  "  They  wish  to  deprive  the  Republic  of  all  refuge,  of  every  guarantee  of 
safety  in  difficult  conjunctures."  (Cicero,  Oration  for  Rabirius,  2.) 

(*)  "  This  supreme  power  which,  according  to  the  institutions  of  Rome,  the 
Senate  confers  upon  the  magistrates,  consists  in  raising  troops,  in  making  war, 
in  keeping  to  their  duties,  by  every  means,  the  allies  and  citizens ;  in  exercis- 
ing supremely,  equally  at  Rome  or  abroad,  both  civil  and  military  authority. 
In  all  other  cases,  without  the  express  order,  of  the  people,  none  of  these  prerog- 
atives arc  conferred  upon  the  consuls."  (Sallust,  Catiline,  29.) 


691-695.  353 

under  an  old  law  ofperdueUio,  which  did  not  leave  to 
the  guilty,  like  the  law  of  treason,  the  power  of  vol- 
untary exile,  but,  by  declaring  him  a  public  enemy, 
authorised  against  him  cruel  and  ignominious  punish- 
ments. (*)  This  procedure  provoked  considerable  ag- 
itation ;  the  Senate,  which  felt  the  blow  struck  at  its 
privileges,  was  unwilling  to  put  any  one  to  trial  for 
the  execution  of  an  act  authorised  by  itself.  The 
people  and  the  tribunes,  on  the  contrary,  insisted  that 
the  accused  should  be  brought  before  a  tribunal.  Ev- 
ery passion  was  at  work.  Labienus  claimed  to  avenge 
one  of  his  uncles,  massacred  with  Saturninus ;  and  he 
had  the  audacity  to  expose  in  the  Campus  Martius 
the  portrait  of  the  factious  tribune,  forgetting  the  case 
of  Sextus  Titius,  condemned,  on  a  former  occasion,  for 
the  mere  fact  of  having  preserved  in  his  house  the 
likeness  of  Saturninus.  (2)  The  affair  was  brought, 
according  to  ancient  usage,  before  the  decemvirs.  Cae- 

O  O     ' 

sar,  and  his  cousin  Lucius  Caesar,  were  designated  by 
the  praetor  to  perform  the  functions  of  judges.  The 
very  violence  of  the  accusation,  compared  with  the  elo- 
quence of  his  defenders,  Hortensius  and  Cicero,  over- 
threw the  charge  of perduellio.  Nevertheless,  Rabiri- 
us,  condemned,  appealed  to  the  people ;  but  the  ani- 
mosity against  him  was  so  great  that  the  fatal  sen- 
tence was  about  to  be  irrevocably  pronounced,  when 
the  praetor,  Metellus  Celer,  devised  a  stratagem  to  ar- 
rest the  course  of  justice;  he  carried  away  the  stand- 
ard planted  at  the  Janiculum.  (3)  This  battered  flag 
formerly  announced  an  invasion  of  the  country  round 

(*)  Cicero,  Oration  for  Ratm-ius,  9.  (2)  Suetonius,  Ca-sar,  12. 

(')  Dio  Cassius,  XXXVII.  26,  27. 

z 


35-i  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  C^ESAK. 

\ 

Rome.  Immediately  all  deliberation  ceased,  and  the 
people  rushed  to  arms.  The  Romans  were  great  for- 
malists ;  and,  moreover,  as  this  custom  left  to  the  mag- 
istrates the  power  of  dissolving  at  their  will  the  co- 
mitia,  they  had  the  most  cogent  motives  for  preserv- 
ing it;  the  assembly  soon  separated,  and  the  affair 
was  not  taken  up  again.  Caesar,  nevertheless,  had 
hoped  to  attain  his  object.  He  did  not  demand  the 
head  of  Rabirius,  whom,  when  he  was  subsequently 
dictator,  he  treated  with  favour;  he  only  wished  to 
show  to  the  Senate  the  strength  of  the  popular  party, 
and  to  warn  it  that  henceforth  it  would  no  more  be 
permitted,  as  in  the  time  of  the  Gracchi,  to  sacrifice  its 
adversaries  in  the  name  of  the  public  safety. 

If,  on  the  one  hand,  Caesar  let  no  opportunity  es- 
cape of  branding  the  former  regime,  on  the  other  he 
was  the  earnest  advocate  of  the  provinces,  which  vain- 
ly looked  for  justice  and  protection  from  Rome.  He 
had,  for  example,  the  same  year  accused  of  peculation 
C.  Calpurnius  Piso,  consul  in  687,  and  afterwards  gov- 
ernor of  Transpadane  Gaul,  and  brought  him  to  trial 
for  having  arbitrarily  caused  an  inhabitant  of  that 
country  to  be  executed.  The  accused  was  acquitted 
through  the  influence  of  Cicero ;  but  Caesar  had  shown 
to  the  Transpadanes  that  he  was  ever  the  representa- 
tive of  their  interests  and  their  vigilant  patron. 

IV.  He  soon  received  a  brilliant  proof  of  the  popu- 
c««  Grand  Pon-  lai%  ll6  enjoyed.     The  dignity  of  sover- 
eign pontiff,  one  of  the  most  .important  in 
the  Republic,  was  for  life,  and  gave  great  influence  to 
the  individual  clothed  with  it,  for  religion  mingled 


691-695.  355 

itself  in  all  the  public  and  private  acts  of  the  Eo- 
inans. 

Metellus  Pius,  sovereign  pontiff,  dying  in  691,  the 
most  illustrious  citizens,  such  as  P.  Servilius  Isauricus, 
and  Q.  Lutatius  Catulus,  prince  of  the  Senate,  put 
themselves  at  the  head  of  the  ranks  of  candidates  to 
replace  him.  Caesar  also  solicited  the  office,  and,  de- 
sirous of  proving  himself  worthy  of  it,  he  published, 
at  this  time  doubtless,  a  very  extensive  treatise  on 
the  augural  law,  and  another  on  astronomy,  designed 
to  make  known  in  Italy  the  discoveries  of  the  Alex- 
andrian school.  (*) 

Servilius  Isauricus  and  Catulus,  relying  on  their  an- 
tecedents, and  on  the  esteem  in  which  they  were  held, 
believed  themselves  the  more  sure  of  election,  because, 
since  Sylla,  the  people  had  not  interfered  in  the  nom- 
ination of  grand  pontiff,  the  college  solely  making  the 
election.  Labienus,  to  facilitate  Caesar's  access  to  this 
high  dignity,  obtained  a  plebiscitum  restoring  the 
nomination  to  the  suffrages  of  the  people.  This  ma- 
noeuvre disconcerted  the  other  competitors  without 
discouraging  them,  and,  as  usual,  they  attempted  to 
seduce  the  electors  with  rnone}^.  All  who  held  with 
the  party  of  the  nobles  united  against  Caesar,  who 
combated  solicitation  by  solicitation,  and  sustained 
the  struggle  by  the  aid  of  considerable  loans ;  he 
knew  how  to  interest  in  his  success,  according  to  Ap- 

(')  Macrobius,  Saturnalia,  I.  16. — Priscian,  vi.,  p.  71C,  edit.  Putsch. — Ma- 
crobius  (/.  c.)  quotes  the  16th  book  of  the  treatise  of  Caesar  on  the  Auspices. — 
Dio  Cassius  (xxxvii.)  expresses  himself  thus  :  "Above  all,  because  he  had  sup- 
ported Labienus  against  Rabirius,  and  had  not  voted  for  the  death  of  Lentu- 
us."  But  the  Greek  author  errs:  the  nomination  of  Caesar  to  the  high  pon- 
ificate  took  place  before  the  conspiracy  of  Catiline.  (See  Velleius  Paterculus, 

:i.  43.) 


356  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

plan,  both  the  poor  that  he  had  paid,  and  the  rich 
from  whom  he  borrowed.  (l)  Catulus,  knowing  Cae- 
sar to  be  greatly  in  debt,  and  mistaking  his  character, 
offered  him  a  large  sum  to  desist.  He  answered  him 
that  he  would  borrow  a  much  greater  sum  of  him  if 
he  would  support  his  candidature.  (2) 

At  length  the  great  day  arrived  which  was  to  de- 
cide the  future  of  Caesar ;  when  he  started  to  present 
himself  at  the  comitia,  the  most  gloomy  thoughts  agi- 
tated his  ardent  mind,  and  calculating  that  if  he 
should  not  succeed,  his  debts  would  constrain  him 
perhaps  to  go  into  exile,  he  embraced  his  mother  and 
said,  "  To-day  thou  wilt  see  me  grand  pontiff  or  a  fu- 
gitive." (3)  The  most  brilliant  success  crowned  his 
efforts,  and  what  added  to  his  joy  was  his  obtaining 
more  votes  in  the  tribes  of  his  adversaries  than  they 
had  in  all  the  tribes  put  together.  (4) 

Such  a  victory  made  the  Senate  fear  whether  Cae- 
sar, strong  in  his  ascendency  over  the  people,  might 
not  proceed  to  the  greatest  excesses ;  but  his  conduct 
remained  the  same. 

Hitherto  he  had  inhabited  a  very  moderate  house, 
in  the  quarter  called  Suburra ;  nominated  sovereign 
pontiff,  he  was  lodged  in  a  public  building  in  the  Via 
Sacra.  (fl)  This  new  position  necessarily  obliged  him, 
indeed,  to  a  sumptuous  life,  if  we  may  judge  by  the 
luxuriousness  displayed  at  the  reception  of  a  simple 
pontiff,  at  which  he  assisted  as  king  of  the  sacrifices, 
and  of  which  Macrobius  has  preserved  to  us  the  cu- 

0)  Appian,  Cit»7  Wars,  II.  1,  8,  14. 

(a)  Plutarch,  Ccesar,  1.  (')  Plutarch,  Caesar,  1. 

(*)  Suetonius,  C<fsar,  13.  (5)  Suetonius,  C(fsart  46. 


691—695.  357 

rious  details.  (*)     Moreover,  he  built  himself  a  superb 
villa  on  the  Lake  of  Nemi,  near  Aricia. 

V.  Catiline,  who  has  already  been  spoken  of,  had 

Catiline's  Conspir-    twic6  failed  m  nis    designs   UpOU  the   COU- 


sulship  ;  he  solicited  it  again  for  the  year 
692,  without  abandoning  his  plans  of  conspiracy.  The 
moment  seemed  favourable.  Pompey  being  in  Asia, 
Italy  was  bared  of  troops;  Antonius,  associated  in 
the  plot,  shared  the  consulship  with  Cicero.  Calm 
existed  on  the  surface,  whilst  passions,  half  extin- 
guished, and  bruised  interests,  offered  to  the  first  man 
bold  enough,  numerous  means  of  raising  commo- 
tions. (2)  The  men  whom  Sylla  had  despoiled,  as 
well  as  those  he  had  enriched,  but  who  had  dissipa- 
ted the  fruits  of  their  immense  plunder,  were  equally 
discontented;  so  that  the  same  idea  of  subversion 

(1)  "  On  the  23rd  of  August,  the  day  of  inauguration  of  Lentulus,  flamen  of 
Mars,  the  house  was  decorated,  and  couches  of  ivory  were  set  up  in  the  tri- 
clinia.    In  the  two  first  halls  were  the  pontiffs  Q.  Catulus,  M.  ^Emilius  Lepi- 
dus,  D.  Silanus,  C.  Csesar,  king  of  the  sacrifices,  and     .     .     .     L.  Julius  Cae- 
sar, augur.     The  third  received  the  vestals.     The  repast  was  thus  composed  :  — 
For  the  first  course:  sea-urchins,  raw  oysters  in  any  quantity,  pelorides  (a  kind 
of  oyster  of  extraordinary  size),  spondyli  (shell-fish  of  the  oyster  kind),  thrush- 
es, asparagus  ;  and,  lower  down,  a  fat  hen,  a  vol-au-vent  of  large  oysters,  and 
sea-acorns  black  and  white  (sea  and  river  shell-fish  according  to  Pliny).    Then 
more  spondyli,  glycomarides  (another  shell-fish  mentioned  by  Pliny),  sea-net- 
tles, beccaficos,  filets  of  venison  and  wild  boar,  fatted  fowls  powdered  with  flour, 
beccaficos,  murices  and  purple  fish  (shell-fish  bristling  with  points,  which  yield- 
ed the  purple  of  the  ancients).    Second  course  :  sows'  udders,  wild  boar's  head, 
fish-pie,  sows'  udder-pie,  ducks,  boiled  teal,  hares,  roast  fowls,  starch  (flour  that 
is  obtained  in  the  same  manner  as  starch,  without  grinding  —  many  sorts  of 
creams,  amylaria,  were  made  of  it),  loaves  from  Picenum."    (Macrobius,  Satur- 
nalia, III.  9.) 

(2)  "  It  was  at  the  very  point  when  it  required  no  more  to  upset  the  weakly 
government  than  a  slight  impulse  from  the  first  bold  man'  who  presented  him- 
self."    (Plutarch,  Cicero,  15.) 


358  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

formed  a  bond  of  union  between  the  victims  and  the 
accomplices  of  the  past  oppression. 

Addicted  to  excesses  of  every  kind,  Catiline  dream- 
ed, in  the  midst  of  his  orgies,  of  the  overthrow  of  the 
oligarchy;  but  we  may  doubt  his  desire  to  put  all  to 
fire  and  sword,  as  Cicero  says,  and  as  most  historians 
have  repeated  after  him.  Of  illustrious  birth,  questor 
in  677,  he  distinguished  himself  in  Macedonia,  in  the 
army  of  Curio;  he  had  been  praetor  in  686,  and  gov- 
ernor of  Africa  the  year  following.  He -was  accused 
of  having  in  his  youth  imbrued  his  hands  in  Sylla's 
murders,  of  having  associated  with  the  most  in/amous 
men,  and  of  having  been  guilty  of  incest  and  other 
crimes;  there  would  be  no  reason  for  exculpating 
him  if  we  did  not  know  how  prodigal  political  par- 
ties in  their  triumph  are  of  calumnies  against  the  van- 
quished. Besides,  we  must  acknowledge  that  the 
vices  with  which  he  was  charged  he  shared  in  com- 
mon with  many  personages  of  that  epoch,  among  oth- 
ers with  Antonius,  the  colleague  of  Cicero,  who  sub- 
sequently undertook  his  defence.  Gifted  with  a  high 
intelligence  and  a  rare  energy,  Catiline  could  not  have 
meditated  a  thing  so  insensate  as  massacre  and  burn- 
ing. It  would  have  been  to  seek  to  reign  over  ruins 
and  tombs.  The  truth  will  present  itself  better  in 
the  following  portrait,  traced  by  Cicero  seven  years 
after  the  death  of  Catiline,  when,  returning  to  a  calm- 
er appreciation,  the  great  orator  painted  in  less  som- 
bre colours  him  whom  he  had  so  disfigured : — "  This 
Catiline,  you  cannot  have  forgotten,  I  think  had,  if 
not  the  reality,  at  least  the  appearance  of  the  great- 
est virtues.  He  associated  with  a  crowd  of  perverse 


691-695.  359 

men,  but  he  affected  to  be  devoted  to  men  of  greatest 
estimation.  If  for  him  debauchery  had  powerful  at- 
tractions, he  applied  himself  with  no  less  ardour  to 
labour  and  affairs.  The  fire  of  passions  devoured  his 
heart,  but  he  had  also  a  taste  for  the  labours  of  war. 
No,  I  do  not  believe  there  ever  existed  on  this  earth 
a  man  who  offered  so  monstrous  an  assemblage  of 
passions  and  qualities  so  varied,  so  contrary,  and  in 
continual  antagonism  with  each  other."  (T) 

The  conspiracy, .conducted  by  the  adventurous  spir- 
it of  its  chief,  had  acquired  considerable  development. 
Senators,  knights,  young  patricians,  a  great  number 
of  the  notable  citizens  of  the  allied  towns,  partook  in 
it.  Cicero,  informed  of  these  designs,  assembles  the 
Senate  in  the  Temple  of  Concord,  and  communicates 
to  it  the  information  he  had  received:  he  informs  it 
that,  on  the  5th  of  the  calends  of  November,  a  rising 
was  to  take  place  in  Etruria ;  that  on  the  morrow  a 
riot  would  break  out  in  Rome ;  that  the  lives  of  the 
consuls  were  threatened  ;  that,  lastly,  everywhere 
stores  of  warlike  arms  and  attempts  to  enlist  the  glad- 
iators indicated  the  most  alarming  preparations.  Cat- 
iline, questioned  by  the  consul,  exclaims,  that  the  tyr- 
anny of  some  men,  their  avarice,  their  inhumanity,  are 
the  true  causes  of  the  uneasiness  which  torments  the 
Republic ;  then,  repelling  with  scorn  the  projects  of 
revolt  which  they  imputed  to  him,  he  concludes  with 
this  threatening  figure  of  speech :  "  The  Roman  peo- 
ple is  a  robust  body,  but  without  head :  I  shall  be 
that  head."  (2)  He  departed  with  these  words,  leav- 

(J)  Cicero,  Oration  for  M.  (?«?/»«.*,  5.     This  oration  was  delivered  in  the 
'ear  698.  (2)  Plutarch,  Cicero,  19. 


360  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  C.ESAR. 

ing  the  Senate  undecided  and  trembling.  The  as- 
sembly, meanwhile,  passed  the  usual  decree,  enjoining 
the  consuls  to  watch  that  the  Republic  received  no  in- 
jury. 

The  election  of  consuls  for  the  following  year,  till 
then  deferred,  took  place  on  the  21st  of  October,  691, 
and  Silanus  having  been  nominated  with  Murena, 
Catiline  was  a  third  time  rejected.  He  then  dis- 
patched to  different  parts  of  Italy  his  agents,  and 
among  others,  C.  Mallius  into  Etruria,  Septimius  to 
the  Picenum,  and  C.  Julius  into  Apulia,  to  organise 
the  revolt.  Q)  At  the  mouth  of  the  Tiber,  a  division 
of  the  fleet,  previously  employed  against  the  pirates, 
was  ready  to  second  his  projects.  (2)  At  Rome  even 
the  assassination  of  Cicero  was  boldly  attempted. 

The  Senate  was  convened  again  on  the  8th  of  No- 
vember. Catiline  dared  to  attend,  and  take  his  seat 
in  the  midst  of  his  colleagues.  Cicero,  in  a  speech 
which  has  become  celebrated,  apostrophised  him  in 
terms  of  the  strongest  indignation,  and  by  a  crushing 
denunciation  forced  him  to  retire.  (3)  Catiline,  ac- 
companied by  three  hundred  of  his  adherents,  left  the 
capital  next  morning  to  join  Mallius.  (*)  During  the 
following  days,  alarming  news  arriving  from  all  parts 
threw  Rome  into  the  utmost  anxiety.  Stupor  reigned 
there.  To  the  animation  of  fetes  and  pleasures  had, 

(')  Sallust,  Catiline,  27,  28. 

(J)  This  is  deduced  from  what  Florus  (III.  6)  says  of  the  command  of  the 
fleet  which  L.  Gellius  had,  and  from  a  passage  in  Cicero.  (First  Oration  after 
his  Return,  7.) — L.  Gellius  expresses  himself  clearly  upon  the  danger  the  Re- 
puhlic  had  run,  and  proposed  the  awarding  of  a  civic  crown  to  Cicero.  (Cic- 
ero, Letters  to  Atticus,  XII.  21  ;  Oration  against  Piso,  3. — Aulus  Gellius,  V.  6.) 

(3)  Cicero,  First  Catiline  Oration,  1 ;  Second  Catiline  Oration,  1. 

(4)  Sallust,  Catiline,  32. 


691—695.  361 

« 

all  of  a  sudden,  succeeded  a  gloomy  silence.  Troops 
were  raised ;  armed  outposts  were  placed  at  various 
points ;  Q.  Marcius  Rex  is  dispatched  to  Faesulse  (Fi- 
esole)  ;  Q.  Metellus  Creticus  into  Apulia ;  Pomponius 
Rufus  to  Capua ;  Q.  Metellus  Celer  into  the  Picenum ; 
and,  lastly,  the  consul,  C.  Antonius,  led  an  army  into 
Etruria.  Cicero  had  detached  the  latter  from  the 
conspiracy  by  giving  him  the  lucrative  government 
of  Macedonia.  (*)  He  accepted  in  exchange  that  of 
Gaul,  which  he  also  subsequently  renounced,  not  wish- 
ing, after  his  consulship,  to  quit  the  city  and  depart 
as  proconsul.  The  principal  conspirators,  at  the  head 
of  whom  were  the  praetor  Lentulus  and  Cethegus,  re- 
mained at  Rome.  They  continued  energetically  the 
preparations  for  the  insurrection,  and  entered  into 
communication  with  the  envoys  of  the  Allobroges. 
Cicero,  secretly  informed  by  his  spies,  among  others 
by  Curius,  watched  their  doings,  and,  when  he  had 
indisputable  proofs,  caused  them  to  be  arrested,  con- 
voked the  Senate,  and  exposed  the  plan  of  the  con- 
spiracy. 

Lentulus  was  obliged  to  resign  the  prsetorship. 
Out  of  nine  conspirators  convicted  of  the  attempt 
against  the  Republic,  five  only  failed  to  escape ;  they 
were  confided  to  the  custody  of  the  magistrates  ap- 
pointed by  the  consul.  Lentulus  was  delivered  to 
his  kinsman  Lentulus  Spinther ;  L.  Statilius  to  Caesar ; 
G-abinius  to  Crassus;  Cethegus  to  Cornificius;  and 
Cseparius,  who  was  taken  in  his  flight,  to  the  senator 
Cn.  Terentius.  (2)  The  Senate  was  on  the  point  of 

(:)  Sallust,  Catiline,  30,  31. — Plutarch,  Cicero,  17. 
(»)  Sallust,  CatiUne,  47. 

16 


362  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  C^SAR. 

I 

proceeding  against  them  in  a  manner  in  which  all  the 
forms  of  justice  would  have  been  violated.  The  crim- 
inal judgments  were  not  within  its  competence,  and 
neither  the  consul  nor  the  assembly  had  the  right  to 
condemn  a  Roman  citizen  without  the  concurrence  of 
the  people.  Be  that  as  it  may,  the  senators  assem- 
bled for  a  last  time  on  the  5th  of  December,  to  delib- 
erate on  the  punishment  of  the  conspirators;  they 
were  less  numerous  than  on  the  preceding  days. 
Many  of  them  were  unwilling  to  pass  sentence  of 
death  against  citizens  belonging  to  the  great  patrician 
families.  Some,  however,  were  in  favour  of  capital 
punishment,  in  spite  of  the  law  Portia.  After  others 
had  spoken,  Caesar  made  the  following  speech,  the 
bearing  of  which  merits  particular  attention : — 

"  Conscript  fathers,  all  who  deliberate  upon  doubt- 
ful matters  ought  to  be  uninfluenced  by  hatred,  affec- 
tion, anger,  or  pity.  When  wre  are  animated  by  these 
sentiments,  it  is  hard  to  unravel  the  truth ;  and  no 
one  has  ever  been  able  to  serve  at  once  his  passions 
and  his  interests.  Free  your  reason  of  that  which 
beclouds  it,  and  you  will  be  strong;  if  passion  invade 
your  mind  and  rules  it,  you  will  be  without  strength. 
It  would  be  here  the  occasion,  conscript  fathers,  to 
recall  to  mind  how  many  kings  and  peoples,  carried 
away  by  rage  or  pity,  have  taken  fatal  resolutions ; 
but  I  prefer  reminding  you  how  our  ancestors,  un- 
swayed by  prejudice,  performed  good  and  just  deeds. 
In  our  Macedonian  war  against  King  Perseus,  the  Re- 
public of  Rhodes,  in  its  power  and  pride,  although  it 
owed  its  greatness  to  the  support  of  the  Roman  peo- 
ple, proved  disloyal  and  hostile  to  us ;  but  when,  on 


691-695.  363 

the  termination  of  this  war,  the  fate  of  the  Rhodians 
was  brought  under  deliberation,  our  ancestors  left 
them  unpunished  in  order  that  no  one  should  ascribe 
the  cause  of  the  war  to  their  riches  rather  than  to 
their  wrongs.  So,  also,  in  all  the  Punic  wars,  although 
the  Carthaginians  had  often,  both  during  peace  and 
during  the  truces,  committed  perfidious  atrocities,  our 
fathers,  in  spite  of  the  opportunity,  never  imitated 
them,  because  they  thought  more  of  their  honour  than 
of  vengeance,  however  just. 

"And  you,  conscript  fathers,  take  care  that  the 
crime  of  P.  Lentulus  and  his  accomplices  overcome 
not  the  sentiment  of  your  dignity,  and  consult  not 
your  auger  more  than  your  reputation.  Indeed,  if 
there  be  a  punishment  adequate  to  their  offences,  I 
will  approve  the  new  measure ;  but  if,  on  the  con- 
trary, the  vastness  of  the  crime  exceeds  all  that  can 
b'e  imagined,  we  should  adhere,  I  think,  to  that  which 
has  been  provided  by  the  laws. 

"  Most  of  those  who  have  expressed  their  opinion 
before  me  have  deplored  in  studied  and  magniloquent 
terms  the  misfortune  of  the  Republic ;  they  have  re- 
counted the  horrors  of  war  and  the  sufferings  of  the 
vanquished,  the  rapes  of  young  girls  and  boys,  infants 
torn  from  the  arms  of  their  parents,  mothers  delivered 
to  the  lusts  of  the  vanquisher,  the  pillage  of  temples 
and  houses,  the  carnage  and  burning  everywhere ;  in 
short,  arms,  corpses,  blood,  and  mourning.  But,  by 
the  immortal  gods,  to  what  tend  these  speeches  ?  To 
make  you  detest  the  conspiracy?  What!  will  he 
whom  a  plot  so  great  and  so  atrocious  has  not  moved, 
be  inflamed  by  a  speech?  No,  not  so;  men  never 


364  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

consider  their  personal  injuries  slight ;  many  men  re- 
sent them  too  keenly.  But,  conscript  fathers,  that 
which  is  permitted  to  some  is  not  permitted  to  others. 
Those  who  live  humbly  in  obscurity  may  err  by  pas- 
sion, and  few  people  know  it ;  all  is  equal  with  them, 
fame  and  fortune ;  but  those  who,  invested  with  high 
dignities,  pass  their  life  in  an  exalted  sphere,  do  noth- 
ing of  which  every  mortal  is  not  informed.  Thus, 
the  higher  the  fortune  the  less  the  liberty ;  the  less 
we  ought  to  be  partial,  rancorous,  and  especially  an- 
gry. What,  in  others,  is  named  hastiness,  in  men  of 
power  is  called  pride  and  cruelty. 

"  I  think  then,  conscript  fathers,  that  all  the  tor- 
tures known  can  never  equal  the  crimes  of  the  con- 
spirators ;  but,  among  most  mortals,  the  last  impres- 
sions are  permanent,  and  the  crimes  of  the  greatest 
culprits  are  forgotten,  to  remember  only  the  punish- 
ment, if  it  has  been  too  severe. 

"  What  D.  Silanus,  a  man  of  constancy  and  cour- 
age, has  said,  has  been  inspired  in  him,  I  know,  by  his 
zeal  for  the  Republic,  and  in  so  grave  a  matter  he 
has  been  swayed  neither  by  partiality  nor  hatred.  I 
know  too  well  the  wisdom  and  moderation  of  that 
illustrious  citizen.  Nevertheless,  his  advice  seems  to 
me,  I  will  not  say  cruel  (for  can  one  be  cruel  towards 
such  men  ?),  but  contrary  to  the  spirit  of  our  govern- 
ment. Truly,  Silanus,  either  fear  or  indignation  would 
have  forced  you,  consul-elect,  to  adopt  a  new  kind  of 
punishment.  As  to  fear,  it  is  superfluous  to  speak 
of  it,  when,  thanks  to  the  active  foresight  of  our  illus- 
trious consul,  so  many  guards  are  under  arms.  As 
to  the  punishment,  we  may  be  permitted  to  say  the 


691-695.  365 

thing  as  it  is :  in  affliction  and  misfortune  death  is 
the  termination  of  our  sufferings,  and  not  a  punish- 
ment ;  it  takes  away  all  the  ills  of  humanity ;  beyond 
are  neither  cares  nor  joy.  But,  in  the  name  of  the 
immortal  gods,  why  not  add  to  your  opinion,  Silanus, 
that  they  shall  be  forthwith  beaten  with  rods  ?  Is  it 
because  the  law  Portia  forbids  it  ?  But  other  laws 
also  forbid  the  taking  away  the  lives  of  condemned 
citizens,  and  prescribe  exile.  Is  it  because  it  is  more 
cruel  to  be  beaten  with  rods  than  to  be  put  to  death  ? 
But  is  there  anything  too  rigorous,  too  cruel,  against 
men  convicted  of  so  black  a  design  ?  If,  then,  this 
penalty  is  too  light,  is  it  fitting  to  respect  the  law 
upon  a  less  essential  point,  and  break  it  in  its  most 
serious  part  ?  But,  it  may  be  said,  who  will  blame 
your  decree  against  the  parricides  of  the  Republic  ? 
Time,  circumstances,  and  fortune,  whose  caprice  gov- 
erns the  world.  Whatever  happens  to  them,  they 
will  have  merited.  But  you,  senators,  consider  the 
influence  your  decision  may  have  upon  other  offenders. 
Abuses  often  grow  from  precedents  good  in  principle ; 
but  when  the  power  falls  into  the  hands  of  men  less 
enlightened  or  less  honest,  a  just  and  reasonable  prec- 
edent receives  an  application  contrary  to  justice  and 
reason. 

"The  Lacedaemonians  imposed  upon  Athens  van- 
quished a  government  of  thirty  rulers.  These  be- 
gan by  putting  to  death  without  judgment  all  those 
whose  crimes  marked  them  out  to  public  hatred ;  the 
people  rejoiced,  and  said  it  was  well  done.  After- 
wards, when  the  abuses  of  this  power  multiplied, 
good  and  bad  alike  were  sacrificed  at  the  instigation 


366  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

of  caprice;  the  rest  were  in  terror.  Thus  Athens, 
crushed  under  servitude,  expiated  cruelly  her  insen- 
sate joy.  In  our  days,  when  Sylla,  conqueror,  caused 
to  be  butchered  Damasippus  and  other  men  of  that 
description,  who  had  attained  to  dignities  to  the  curse 
of  the  Republic,  who  did  not  praise  such  a  deed  ? 
Those  villains,  those  factious  men,  whose  seditions 
had  harassed  the  Republic,  had,  it  was  said,  merited 
their  death.  But  this  was  the  signal  for  a  great  car- 
nage. For  if  any  one  coveted  the  house  or  land  of 
another,  or  only  a  vase  or  vestment,  it  was  somehow 
contrived  that  he  should  be  put  in  the  number  of  the 
proscribed.  Thus,  those  to  whom  the  death  of  Da- 
masippus had  been  a  subject  for  joy,  were  soon  them- 
selves dragged  to  execution,  and  the  massacres  ceased 
not  until  Sylla  had  gorged  all  his  followers  with 
riches. 

"  It  is  true,  I  dread  nothing  of  the  sort,  either  from 
M.  Tullius  or  from  present  circumstances ;  but,  in  a 
great  state,  there  are  so  many  different  natures ! 
Who  knows  if  at  another  epoch,  under  another  con- 
sul, master  of  an  army,  some  imaginary  plot  may  not 
be  believed  real  ?  And  if  a  consul,  armed  with  this 
example  and  with  a  decree  of  the  Senate,  once  draw 
the  sword,  who  will  stay  his  hand  or  limit  venge- 
ance? 

"  Our  ancestors,  conscript  fathers,  were  never  want- 
ing in  prudence  or  decision,  and  pride  did  not  hinder 
them  from  adopting  foreign  customs  provided  they 
appeared  good.  From  the  Samnites  they  borrowed 
their  arms,  offensive  and  defensive ;  from  the  Etrus- 
cans, the  greater  part  of  the  insignia  of  our  magis- 


691— C95.  367 

trates ;  in  short,  all  that,  amongst  their  allies  or  their 
enemies,  appeared  useful  to  themselves,  they  appro- 
priated with  the  utmost  eagerness,  preferring  to  imi- 
tate good  examples  than  to  be  envious  of  them.  At 
the  same  epoch,  adopting  a  Grecian  custom,  they  in- 
flicted rods  upon  the  citizens,  and  death  upon  crim- 
inals. Afterwards  the  Republic  increased ;  and  with 
the  increase  of  citizens  factions  prevailed  more,  and 
the  innocent  were  oppressed;  they  committed  many 
excesses  of  this  kind.  Then  the  law  Portia  and  many 
others  were  promulgated,  which  only  sanctioned  the 
punishment  of  exile  against  the  condemned.  This 
consideration,  conscript  fathers,  is,  in  my  opinion,  the 
strongest  for  rejecting  the  proposed  innovation.  Cer- 
tainly those  men  were  superior  to  us  in  virtue  and 
wisdom,  who,  with  such  feeble  means,  have  raised  so 
great  an  empire,  whilst  we  preserve  with  difficulty  an 
inheritance  so  gloriously  acquired.  Are  \ve  then  to 
set  free  the  guilty,  and  increase  with  them  the  army 
of  Catiline  ?  In  no  wise ;  but  I  vote  that  their  goods 
be  confiscated,  themselves  imprisoned  in  the  municip- 
ia  best  furnished  with  armed  force,  to  the  end  that 
no  one  may  hereafter  propose  their  restoration  to  the 
Senate  or  even  to  the  people ;  that  whoever  shall  act 
contrary  to  this  measure  be  declared  by  the  Senate 
an  enemy  of  the  State  and  of  the  public  tranquil- 
lity."C) 

With  this  noble  language,  which  reveals  the  states- 
man, compare  the  declamatory  speeches  of  the  orators 
who  pleaded  for  the  penalty  of  death :  "  I  wish,"  cries 
Cicero,  "  to  snatch  from  massacre  your  wives,  your 

(')  Sallust,  Catiline,  51.—  Appian,  <?«V»Y  Wars,  II.  6. 


368  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

children,  and  the  sainted  priestesses  of  Vesta ;  from 
the  most  frightful  outrages,  your  temples  and  sanctu- 
aries ;  our  fair  country  from  the  most  horrible  confla- 
gration ;  Italy  from  devastation.  (')  .  .  .  .  The 
conspirators  seek  to  slaughter  all,  in  order  that  no 
one  may  remain  to  weep  for  the  Republic,  and  lament 
over  the  ruin  of  so  great  an  empire."  (2)  And  when 
he  speaks  of  Catiline :  "  Is  there  in  all  Italy  a  poison- 
er, is  there  a  gladiator,  a  brigand,  an  assassin,  a  par- 
ricide, a  forger  of  wills,  a  suborner,  a  debauchee,  a 
squanderer,  an  adulterer;  is  there  a  disreputable 
woman,  a  corrupter  of  youth,  a  man  tarnished  in  char- 
acter, a  scoundrel,  in  short,  who  does  not  confess  to 
having  lived  with  Catiline  in  the  greatest  familiar- 
ity ?"  (3)  Certainly,  this  is  not  the  cool  and  impartial 
language  which  becomes  a  judge. 

Cicero  holds  cheap  the  law  and  its  principles ;  he 
must  have,  above  all,  arguments  for  his  cause,  and  he 
goes  to  history  to  seek  for  facts  which  might  author- 
ise the  putting  to  death  of  Roman  citizens.  He  holds 
forth,  as  an  example  to  follow,  the  murder  of  Tiberius 
Gracchus  by  Scipio  Nasica,  and  that  of  Caius  Grac- 
chus by  the  consul  Lucius  Opimius ;  (4)  forgetting 
that  but  lately,  in  a  famous  oration,  he  had  called  the 
two  celebrated  tribunes  the  most  brilliant  geniuses, 
the  true  friends  of  the  people ;  (5)  and  that  the  mur- 
derers of  the  Gracchi,  for  having  massacred  inviolable 
personages,  became  a  butt  to  the  hatred  and  scorn  of 

(l)  Cicero,  Fourth  Catifine  Oration,  1. 

(z)  Cicero,  Fourth  Catiline  Oration,  2. 

(3)  Second  Catiline  Oration,  4. 

(*)  First  Oration  against  Catiline,  2. 

(5)  Second  Oration  on  the  Agrarian  Laiv,  5. 


691— 695.  369 

their  fellow-citizens.  Cicero  himself  will  shortly  pay 
with  exile  for  his  rigour  towards  the  accomplices  of 
Catiline. 

Caesar's  speech  had  such  an  effect  upon  the  assem- 
bly that  many  of  the  senators,  amongst  others  the 
brother  of  Cicero,  adopted  his  opinion.  (J)  Decimus 
Silanus,  consul-elect,  modified  his  own,  and  Cicero  at 
last  seemed  ready  to  withdraw  from  his  responsibil- 
ity, when  he  said :  "  If  you  adopt  the  opinion  of  Cae- 
sar, as  he  has  always  attached  himself  to  the  party 
which  passes  in  the. Republic  as  being  that  of  the 
people,  it  is  probable  that  a  sentence  of  which  he 
shall  be  the  author  and  guarantee  will  expose  me 
less  to  popular  storms."  (2)  However,  he  persevered 
in  his  demand  for  the  immediate  execution  of  the  ac- 
cused. But  Cato  mainly  decided  the  vacillating  ma- 
jority of  the  Senate  by  words  the  most  calculated  to 
influence  his  auditors.  Far  from  seeking  to  touch  the 
strings  of  the  higher  sentiments  and  of  patriotism,  he 
appeals  to  selfish  interests  and  fear.  "In  the  name 
of  the  immortal  gods,"  cried  he,  "I -adjure  you,  you, 
who  have  ever  held  your  houses,  your  lands,  your 
statues,  your  pictures,  in  greater  regard  than  the  Re- 
public, if  these  goods,  of  whatever  kind  they  be,  you 
desire  to  preserve ;  if  for  your  enjoyments  you  would 
economise  a  necessary  leisure ;  rise  at  last  from  your 
lethargy,  and  take  in  hand  the  Republic ;"  (3)  which 
means,  in  other  terms :  "  If  you  wish  to  enjoy  peace- 
ably your  riches,  condemn  the  accused  without  hear- 
them."  This  is  what  the  Senate  did. 


(')  Suetonius,  Caesar,  14.  (*)  Cicero,  Fourth  Oration  against  Catiline,  5. 

(3)  Pnllnst,  Catiline,  52. 

'  1C*  A  A 


370  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CJESAR. 

A  singular  incident  happened,  in  the  midst  of  these 
debates,  to  show  to  what  point  Caesar  had  awakened 
people's  suspicions.  At  the  most  animated  moment 
of  the  discussion,  a  letter  was  brought  to  him.  He 
read  it  with  eagerness.  Cato  and  other  senators,  sup- 
posing it  to  be  a  message  from  one  of  the  conspirators, 
insisted  upon  its  being  read  to  the  Senate.  Caesar 
handed  the  letter  to  Cato,  who  was  seated  near  him. 
The  latter  saw  it  was  a  love-letter  from  his  sister  Ser- 
vilia,  and  threw  it  back  indignantly,  crying  out, 
"  There !  keep  it,  drunkard !"  (])  a  gratuitous  insult, 
since  he  himself  did  justice  to  the  temperance  of  Cae- 
sar the  day  when  he  said  that,  of  all  the  men  who 
had  overthrown  the  State,  he  was  the  only  one  who 
had  done  it  fasting.  (2)  Cato  expressed  with  still 
greater  force  the  fears  of  his  party  when  he  said :  "  If, 
in  the  midst  of  such  great  and  general  alarms,  Caesar 
alone  is  without  fear,  it  is  for  you  as  well  as  me  an 
additional  motive  for  fear."  (3)  Cato  went  further. 
After  the  condemnation  of  the  accused  to  death,  he 
tried  to  drive  Caesar  to  extremities  by  turning  against 
them  an  opinion  which  the  latter  had  expressed  in 
their  interest :  he  proposed  to  confiscate  their  goods. 
The  debate  became  then  warmer  than  ever.  Caesar 
declared  that  it  was  an  indignity,  after  having  reject- 
ed the  humane  part  of  his  opinion,  to  adopt  from  it 
the  rigorous  spirit  it  contained,  for  the  purpose  of  ag- 
gravating the  lot  of  the  condemned  and  adding  to 
their  punishment.  (4)  As  his  protestation  met  with 

0)  Plutarch,  Cato,  28. — See  the  Comparison  of  Alexander  and  Ccesar,  7. 

(J)  Suetonius,  Osar,  53.  (3)  Sallust,  Catiline,  52. 

(')  Plutarch,  Cicero,  28. 


691—695.  371 

no  echo  in  the  Senate,  he  adjured  the  tribunes  to  use 
their  light  of  intercession,  but  they  remained  deaf  to 
his  appeal.  The  agitation  was  at  its  height,  and  to 
put  an  end  to  it,  the  consul,  in  haste  to  terminate  a 
struggle  the  issue  of  which  might  become  doubtful, 
agreed  that  the  confiscation  should  not  form  a  part 
of  the  Senatus-consultum. 

Whilst  the  populace  outside,  excited  by  the  friends 
of  the  conspirators,  raised  seditious  clamours,  the 
knights  who  formed  the  guard  around  the  Temple  of 
Concord,  exasperated  by  the  language  of  Caesar  and 
the  length  of  the  debates,  broke  in  upon  the  assem- 
bly; they  surrounded  Caesar,  and  with  threatening 
words,  despite  his  rank  of  pontiff  and  of  praetor-elect, 
they  drew  their  swords  upon  him,  which  M.  Curio  and 
Cicero  generously  turned  aside.  (J)  Their  protection 
enabled  him  to  regain  his  home :  he  declared,  howev- 
er, that  he  would  not  appear  again  in  the  Senate  un- 
til the  new  consuls  could  ensure  order  and  liberty  for 
the  deliberations. 

Cicero,  without  loss  of  time,  went  with  the  praetors 
to  seek  the  condemned,  and  conducted  them  to  the 
prison  of  the  Capitol,  where  they  were  immediately 
executed.  Then  a  restless  crowd,  ignorant  of  what 
was  taking  place,  demanding  what  had  became  of 
the  prisoners,  Cicero  replied  with  these  simple  words, 

"They  have  lived."  (2) 

We  are  easily  convinced  that  Caesar  was  not  a  con- 
spirator ;  but  this  accusation  is  explained  by  the  pu- 
sillanimity of  some  and  the  rancour  of  others.  *  Who 
does  not  know  that  in  times  of  crisis,  feeble  govern- 

(l)  Sallust,  Catiline,  49.  (2)  Suetonius,  Ccesar,  8. 


372  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS 

ments  always  tax  sympathy  for  the  accused  with  com- 
plicity, and  are  not  sparing  of  calumny  towards  their 
adversaries  ?  Q.  Catulus  and  C.  Piso  were  animated 
against  him  with  so  deep  a  hatred  that  they  had  im- 
portuned the  consul  to  include  him  in  the  prosecu- 
tions directed  against  the  accomplices  of  Catiline. 
Cicero  resisted.  The  report  of  his  participation  in 
the  plot  was  not  the  less  spread,  and  had  been  accred- 
ited eagerly  by  the  crowd  of  the  envious.  (')  Caesar 
was  not  one  of  the  conspirators ;  if  he  had  been,  his 
influence  would  have  been  sufficient  to  have  acquitted 
them  triumphantly.  (2)  He  had  too  high  an  idea  of 
himself;  he  enjoyed  too  great  a  consideration  to  think 
of  arriving  at  power  by  an  underground  way  and  rep- 
rehensible means.  However  ambitious  a  man  may 
be,  he  does  not  conspire  when  he  can  attain  his  end 
by  lawful  means.  Caesar  was  quite  sure  of  being 
raised  to  the  consulship,  and  his  impatience  never  be- 
trayed his  ambition.  Moreover,  he  had  constantly 
shown  a  marked  aversion  to  civil  war ;  and  why 
should  he  throw  himself  into  a  vulgar  conspiracy 
with  infamous  individuals,  he  who  refused  his  partici- 
pation in  the  attempts  of  Lepidus  when  at  the  head 
of  an  army  ?  If  Cicero  had  believed  Caesar  guilty, 
would  he  have  hesitated  to  accuse  him,  seeing  he  scru- 
pled not  to  compromise,  by  the  aid  of  a  false  witness, 
so  high  a  personage  as  Licinius  Crassus  ?  (3)  How, 

(')  Sallust,  Catiline,  49. 

(2)  "They  feared  his  power  and  the  great  number  of  friends  by  whom  he 
was  supported,  for  everybody  was  persuaded  that  the  criminals  would  be  in- 
rolved  in  the  absolution  of  Caesar,  much  more  than  Caesar  in  their  punish- 
ment. "     (Plutarch,  Cicero,  27.) 

(3)  "And  I  have  myself  since  heard  Crassus  say  openly  that  this  cruel  af- 
front had  been  caused  him  by  Cicero."     (Sallust,  Catiline,  46.) 


G91— 695.  373 

on  the  eve  of  the  condemnation,  could  he  have  trust- 
ed to  Caesar  the  custody  of  one  of  the  conspirators  ? 
Would  he  have  exculpated  him  in  the  sequel  when 
the  accusation  was  renewed  ?  Lastly,  if  Caesar,  as  will 
be  seen  afterwards,  according  to  Plutarch,  preferred 
being  the  first  in  a  village  in  the  Alps  to  being  second 
in  Rome,  how  could  he  have  consented  to  be  the  sec- 
ond to  Catiline  ? 

The  attitude  of  Caesar  in  this  matter  presents  noth- 
ing, then,  which  does  not  admit  an  easy  explanation. 
Whilst  blaming  the  conspiracy,  he  was  unwilling 
that,  to  repress  it,  the  eternal  rules  of  justice  should 
be  set  aside.  He  reminded  men,  blinded  by  passion 
and  fear,  that  unnecessary  rigour  is  always  followed 
by  fatal  reactions.  The  examples  drawn  from  histo- 
ry served  him  to  prove  that  moderation  is  always  the 
best  adviser.  It  is  clear  also  that,  whilst  despising 
most  of  the  authors  of  the  conspiracy,  he  was  not  with- 
out sympathy  for  a  cause  which  approached  his  own 
by  common  instincts  and  enemies.  In 'countries  de- 
livered up  to  party  divisions,  how  many  men  are 
there  not  who  desire  the  overthrow  of  the  existing 
government,  yet  without  the  will  to  take  part  in  a 
conspiracy  ?  Such  was  the  position  of  Caesar. 

On  the  contrary,  the  conduct  of  Cicero  and  of  the 
Senate  can  hardly  be  justified.  To  violate  the  law 
was  perhaps  a  necessity ;  but  to  misrepresent  the  se- 
dition in  order  to  make  it  odious,  to  have  recourse  to 
calumny  to  vilify  the  criminals,  and  to  condemn  them 
to  death  without  allowing  them  a  defence,  was  an  ev- 
ident proof  of  weakness.  In  fact,  if  the  intentions  of 
Catiline  had  not  been  disguised,  the  whole  of  Italy 


374  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

would  have  responded  to  Ms  appeal,  so  weary  were 
people  of  the  humiliating  yoke  which  weighed  upon 
Rome ;  but  they  proclaimed  him  as  one  meditating 
conflagration,  murder,  and  pillage.  "  Already,"  it  was 
said,  "  the  torches  are  lit,  the  assassins  are  at  their 
posts,  the  conspirators  drink  human  blood,  and  dis- 
pute over  the  shreds  of  a  man  they  have  butcher- 
ed." (])  It  was  by  these  rumours  dexterously  spread, 
by  these  exaggerations  which  Cicero  himself  after- 
wards ridiculed,  (2)  that  the  disposition  of  the  peo- 
ple, at  first  favourable  to  the  insurrection,  soon  turned 
against  it.  (3) 

That  Catiline  might  have  associated,  like  all  pro- 
moters of  revolutions,  with  nien  who  had  nothing  to 
lose  and  everything  to  gain,  cannot  be  disputed ;  but 
how  can  we  believe  that  the  majority  of  his  accom- 
plices was  composed  of  criminals  loaded  with  vices  ? 
By  the  confession  of  Cicero,  many  honourable  Individ- 


(*)  We  may  read  in  the  historians  of  the  time  the  recital  of  fables  invented 
at  will  to  ruin  the  conspirators.  Thus  Catiline,  seeking  to  bind  by  an  oath 
accomplices  in  his  crime,  is  represented  as  causing  cups  filled  with  human  blood 
and  wine  to  be  passed  round.  (Sallust,  Catiline,  22.) — According  to  Plutarch, 
they  slaughtered  a  man,  and  all  ate  of  his  flesh.  (Plutarch,  Cicero  14. — Flonis, 
IV.  1.) 

(")  Cicero  himself  acknowledged  that  these  accusations  were  commonplaces 
for  the  necessity  of  the  cause.  In  a  letter  to  Atticus,  he  describes  a  scene 
which  passed  in  the  Senate  a  short  time  after  the  return  of  Pompey  to  Rome, 
lie  tells  us  that  this  general  satisfied  himself  with  approving  all  the  acts  of  the 
Senate,  without  imputing  anything  personal  to  him  (Cicero);  "but  Crassus," 
he  continues,  "  rose  and  spoke  with  much  eloquence.  .  .  .  Brief,  he  at- 
tacked all  the  commonplace  of  sword  and  flame,  which  I  have  been  accustomed 
to  treat,  you  know  in  how  many  ways,  in  my  orations,  of  which  you  are  the 
sovereign  critic."  (Cicero,  Letters  to  Atticus,  I.  14.) 

(3)  "The  populace,  who  at  first,  through  the  love  of  novelty,  had  been  only 
too  much  inclined  for  this  war,  changes  its  sentiments,  curses  the  enterprise  of 
Catiline,  and  exalts  Cicero  to  the  skies."  (Sallust,  Catiline,  48.) 


C91— G95.  375 

uals  figured  amongst  the  conspirators.  (*)  Inhabit- 
ants of  colonies  and  municipia  belonging  "to  the  first 
families  in  their  country,  allied  themselves  with  Cati- 
line. Many  sons  of  senators,  and  amongst  others  Au- 
lus  Fulvius,  (2)  were  arrested  on  their  way  to  join  the 
insurgents,  and  put  to  death  by  the  order  of  their  fa- 
thers. Nearly  all  the  Roman  youth,  says  Sallust,  fa- 
voured at  that  time  the  designs  of  the  bold  conspira- 
tor, and,  on  the  other  hand,  throughout  the  whole  em- 
pire, the  populace,  eager  for  novelty,  approved  of  his 
enterprise.  (3) 

That  Catiline  may  have  been  a  perverse  and  cruel 
man  of  the  kind  of  Marius  and  Sylla,  is  probable; 
that  he  wished  to  arrive  at  power  by  violence,  is  cer- 
tain; but  that  he  had  gained  to  his  cause  so  many 
important  individuals,  that  he  had  inspired  their  en- 
thusiasm, that  he  had  so  profoundly  agitated  the  peo- 
ples of  Italy,  without  having  proclaimed  one  great  or 
generous  idea,  is  not  probable.  Indeed,  although  at- 
tached to  the  party  of  Sylla  by  his  antecedents,  he 
knew  that  the  only  standard  capable  of  rallying  nu- 
merous partisans  was  that  of  Marius.  Thus  for  a  long 
time  he  preserved  in  his  house,  with  a  religious  care, 
the  silver  eagle  which  had  guided  the  legions  of  that 
illustrious  captain.  (4)  His  speeches  confirm  still  fur- 

(1)  Sallust,  Catiline,  39.— Dio  Cassius,  XXVII.  36. 

(2)  "Many  young  estimable  noblemen  were  attached  to  this  wicked  and  cor- 
rupt man."    (Cicero,  Oration  for  M.  Calitis,  4.) — "He  had  drawn  around  him 
men  perverse  and  audacious,  at  the  same  time  that  he  had  attached  to  himself 
numbers  of  virtuous  and  steady  citizens,  by  the  false  semblances  of  an  affected 
virtue."     (Cicero,  ibid.  6.) 

(3)  Sallust,  Catiline,  17. 

(*)  "  And  this  silver  eagle,  to  which  he  had  consecrated  in  his  house  an  al- 
tar." (Cicero,  Second  Oration  af)ni»st  Catiline,  6.) 


376  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

ther  tliis  view :  in  addressing  himself  to  his  accom- 
plices, he  laments  seeing  the  destinies  of  the  Repub- 
lic in  the  hands  of  a  faction  who  excluded  the  sri-eat- 

o 

est  number  from  all  participation  in  honours  and  rich- 
es. (l)  He  wrote  to  Catulus,  a  person  of  the  highest 
respect,  with  whom  he  was  intimate,  the  following 
letter,  deficient  neither  in  simplicity  nor  in  a  certain 
grandeur,  the  calmness  of  which  offers  a  striking  con- 
trast to  the  vehemence  of  Cicero : — 

"  L.  Catiline  to  Q.  Catulus,  salutation, — Thy  tried 
friendship,  which  has  always  been  precious  to  me, 
gives  me  the  assurance  that  in  my  misfortune  thou 
wilt  hear  my  prayer.  I  do  not  wish  to  justify  the 
part  I  have  taken.  My  conscience  reproaches  me 
with  nothing,  and  I  wish  only  to  expose  my  motives, 
which  truly  thou  wilt  find  lawful.  Driven  to  ex- 
tremity by  the  insults  and  injustices  of  my  enemies, 
robbed  of  the  recompense  due  to  my  services,  finally 
hopeless  of  ever  obtaining  the  dignity  to  which  I  am 
entitled,  I  have  taken  in  hand,  according  to  my  cus- 
tom, the  common  cause  of  all  the  unfortunate.  I  am 
represented  as  constrained  by  debts  to  this  bold  reso- 
lution :  it  is  a  calumny.  My  personal  means  are  suf- 
ficient to  acquit  my  engagements ;  and  it  is  known 
that,  thanks  to  the  generosity  of  my  wife  and  of  her 
daughter,  I  have  done  honour  to  other  engagements 
which  were  foreign  to  me.  But  I  cannot  see  with 
composure  unworthy  men  at  the  pinnacle  of  honours, 
whilst  they  drive  me  away  from  them  with  ground- 
less accusations.  In  the  extremity  to  which  they 
have  thus  reduced  me,  I  embrace  the  only  part  that 

(')  Sallust,  Catiline,  20. 


691-695.  377 

remains  to  a  man  of  heart  to  defend  his  political  po- 
sition. I  should  like  to  write  more  fully,  but  I  hear 
they  #re  setting  on  foot  against  me  the  last  degree  of 
violence.  I  commend  to  thee  Orestilla,  and  confide 
her  to  thy  faith.  Protect  her,  I  beseech  thee,  by  the 
head  of  thy  children.  Adieu." 

The  same  sentiments  inspired  the  band  of  conspir- 
ators commanded  by  Mallius.  They  reveal  them- 
selves in  these  words :  u  We  call  gods  and  men  to  wit- 
ness that  it  is  not  against  our  country  that  we  have 
taken  up  arms,  nor  against  the  safety  of  our  fellow- 
citizens.  We,  wretched  paupers  as  we  are,  who, 
through  the  violence  and  cruelty  of  usurers,  are  with- 
out country,  all  condemned  to  scorn  and  indigence, 
are  actuated  by  one  only  wish,  to  guarantee  our  per- 
sonal security  against  wrong.  We  demand  neither 
power  nor  wealth,  those  great  and  eternal  causes  of 
war  and  strife  among  mankind.  We  only  desire  free- 
dom, a  treasure  that  no  man  will  surrender  except 
with  life  itself.  We  implore  you,  senators,  have  pity 
on  your  wretched  fellow-citizens."  (') 

These  quotations  indicate  with  sufficient  clearness 
the  real  character  of  the  insurrection ;  and  that  the 
partisans  of  Catiline  did  not  altogether  deserve  con- 
tempt is  proved  by  their  energy  and  resolution.  The 
Senate  having  declared  Catiline  and  Mallius  enemies 
of  their  country,  promised  a  free  pardon  and  two 
hundred  thousand  sestertii  (2)  to  all  who  would  aban- 
don the  ranks  of  the  insurgents ;  "  but  not  one,"  says 
Sallust,  (3)  "  of  so  vast  an  assemblage,  was  persuaded 

(')  Sallust,  Catiline,  33.     Speech  of  the  envoys  sent  by  Mallius  to  Marcins 
Rex.  (5)  Sallust,  Catiline,  30.  (3)  Sallust,  Catiline,  36. 


378  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

by  the  lure  of  the  reward  to  betray  the  plot ;  not  one 
deserted  from  the  camp  of  Catiline,  so  deadly  was  the 
disease,  which,  like  a  pestilence,  had  infected  the  minds 
of  nitst  of  the  citizens."  There  is  no  doubt  that  Cat- 
iline, though  without  a  conscience  and  without  prin- 
ciples, had  notwithstanding  good  feeling  enough  to 
maintain  a  cause  that  he  wished  to  see  ennobled,  be- 
cause, so  far  from  offering  freedom  to  the  slaves,  as 
Sylla,  Marius,  and  Cinna  had  done,  an  example  so  full 
of  charms  for  a  conspirator,  (*)  he  refused  to  make 
use  of  them,  in  despite  of  the  advice  of  Lentulus,  who 
addressed  him  in  these  pregnant  words :  "  Outlawed 
from  Rome,  what  purpose  can  a  Catiline  have  in  re- 
fusing the  services  of  slaves  ?"  ( 2 )  Finally,  that 
among  these  insurgents,  who  are  represented  to  us  as 
a  throng  of  robbers,  ready  to  melt  away  without 
striking  a  blow,  (3)  there  existed,  notwithstanding, 
a  burning  faith  and  a  genuine  fanaticism,  is  proved 
by  the  heroism  of  their  final  struggle.  The  two  ar- 
mies met  in  the  plain  of  Pistoja,  on  the  5th  of  Janu- 
ary, 692 :  a  terrible  battle  ensued,  and  though  victory 
was  hopeless,  not  one  of  Catiline's  soldiers  gave  way. 
To  a  man  they  were  slain,  following  the  example  of 
their  leader,  sword  in  hand ;  all  were  found  lifeless, 
but  with  ranks  unbroken,  heaped  round  the  eagle  of 
Marius,  (4)  that  glorious  relic  of  the  campaign  against 

(')  "  Meanwhile,  he  kept  refusing  slaves,  who,  from  the  beginning,  had  never 
ceased  joining  him  in  large  bands.  Full  of  confidence  in  the  resources  of  the 
conspiracy,  he  regarded  any  appearance  of  confounding  the  cause  of  the  citi- 
zens with  that  of  the  slaves  as  contrary  to  his  policy."  (Sallust,  Catiline,  56.) 

(*)  Sallust,  Catiline,  44. 

(3)  "People  who  will  fall  at  our  feet,  if  I  show  them,  I  do  not  say  the  points 
of  our  swords,  but  the  edict  of  the  prastor."  (Cicero,  Second  Oration  against  Cat- 
iline. 3.)  (4)  Sallust,  Catiline,  61. 


G91— G95.  379 

the  Cimbri,  that  venerated  standard  of  the  cause  of 
the  people. 

We  must  admit  that  Catiline  was  guilty  of  an  at- 
tempt to  overthrow  the  laws  of  his  country  by  vio- 
lence ;  but  in  doing  so  he  was  only  following  the  ex- 
amples of  a  Marius  and  a  Sylla.  His  dreams  were 
of  a  revolutionary  despotism,  of  the  ruin  of  the  aris- 
tocratic party,  and,  according  to  Dio  Cassius,  (')  of  a 
change  in  the  constitution  of  the  Republic,  and  of  the 
subjugation  of  the  allies.  Yet  would  his  success  have 
been  a  misfortune :  a  permanent  good  can  never  be 
the  production  of  hands  that  are  not  clean.  (2) 

VI.  Cicero  believed  that  he  had  destroyed  an  en- 
tire party.     He  was  wrong :  he  had  only 

Error  of  Cicero.  „      -.  .  -IT  11 

toiled  a  conspiracy,  and  disencumbered  a 
grand  cause  of  the  rash  men  who  were  compromising 
it.  The  judicial  murder  of  the  conspirators  gave  them 
new  life,  and  one  day  the  tomb  of  Catiline  was  found 
covered  with  flowers.  (3)  Laws  may  be  justly  broken 
when  society  is  hurrying  on  to  its  own  ruin,  and  a 
desperate  remedy  is  indispensable  for  its  salvation; 
and  again,  when  the  government,  supported  by  the 
mass  of  the  people,  becomes  the  organ  of  its  interests 
and  their  hopes.  But  when,  on  the  contrary,  a  na- 

(')  Dio  Cassius,  XXXVII.  10. 

(2)  The  Emperor  Napoleon,  in  the  Memorial  de  Sainte-Helene,  also  treats  as 
a  fable  this  opinion  of  the  historians  that  Catiline  desired  to  bnrn  Rome,  and 
give  it  up  to  pillage,  in  order  afterwards  to  govern  a  ruined  city.     The  Em- 
peror thought,  said  M.  de  Las  Cases,  that  it  was  rather  some  new  faction,  after 
the  manner  of  Marius  and  Sylla,  which,  having  been  unsuccessful,  had  seen  all 
the  unfounded  accusations  that  are  brought  in  such  cases  heaped  upon  its 
leader. 

(3)  Cicero,  Oration  for  Ffaccus,  38. 


380  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

tion  is  divided  into  factions,  and  the  government  rep- 
resents only  one  of  them,  its  duty,  if  it  intends  to  foil 
a  plot,  is  to  bind-  itself  to  the  most  exact  and  scrupu- 
lous respect  for  the  law;  for  at  such  a  juncture  every 
measure  not  sanctioned  by  the  letter  of  the  law  ap- 
pears to  be  due  rather  to  a  selfish  feeling  of  interest 
than  to  a  desire  for  the  general  weal ;  and  the  major- 
ity of  the  public,  indifferent  or  hostile,  is  always  dis- 
posed to  pity  the  accused,  whoever  he  may  be,  and  to 
blame  the 'Severity  with  which  he  was  put  down. 

Cicero  was  intoxicated  with  his  success.  His  van- 
ity made  him  ridiculous.^1)  He  thought  himself  as 
great  as  Pompey,  and  Avrote  to  him  with  all  the  pride 
of  a  conqueror.  But  he  received  a  chilling  answer,  (2) 
and  in  a  short  time  saw  the  accomplishment  of  Cae- 
sar's prophetic  words :  "  If  even  the  greatest  criminals 
are  too  severely  dealt  with,  the  heinousness  of  their 
offence  is  lost  in  the  severity  of  their  sentence."  (3) 

Even  before  the  battle  of  Pistoja,  whilst  the  pur- 
suit of  the  adherents  of  Catiline  was  still  being  pros- 
ecuted, public  opinion  was  already  hostile  to  him  who 
had  urged  the  measure,  and  Metellus  Nepos,  sent  re- 
cently from  Asia  by  Pompey,  openly  found  fault  with 
Cicero's  conduct.  When  the  latter,  on  quitting  office, 
wished  to  address  the  people  for  the  purpose  of  glori- 
fying his  consulship,  Metellus,  who  had  been  elected 
tribune,  silenced  him  with  these  words:  "We  will 

(l)  "  He  excited  public  cavil,  not  by  evil  actions,  but  by  his  habit  of  self-plo- 
rification.  He  never  went  to  the  Senate,  to  the  assemblies  of  the  people,  to 
the  courts  of  law,  without  having  on  his  lips  the  names  of  Catiline  and  Lentu- 
lus."  (Plutarch,  Cicero,  31.) 

(3)  Cicero,  Familiar  Letters,  v.  7. 

(3)  See  Caesar's  speech,  quoted  above. 


691-695.  381 

not  hear  the  defence  of  the  man  who  refused  to  hear 
the  defence  of  accused  persons,"  and  ordered  him  to 
confine  himself  to  the  usual  oath,  that  he  had  in  no 
way  contravened  the  laws.  "  I  swear,"  answered  Cic- 
ero, "  that  I  have  saved  the  Kepublic."  However 
loudly  this  boastful  exclamation  might  be  applauded 
by  Cato  and  the  bystanders,  who  hail  him  with  Fa- 
ther of  his  Country,  their  enthusiasm  will  have  but  a 
short  duration.  (*) 

VII.  Caesar,  praetor-elect  of  the  city  (urbanus)  the 
preceding  year,  entered  upon  his  office 

Cwsar  Pnetor  (692).    f  '    J  .  r 

in  the  year  692.  Bibulus,  his  former  col- 
league in  the  edileship,  and  his  declared  opponent, 
was  his  colleague.  The  more  his  influence  increased, 
the  more  he  seems  to  have  placed  it  at  the  service  of 
Pompey,  upon  whom,  since  his  departure,  the  hopes 
of  the  popular  party  rested.  He  had  more  share  than 
all  the  others  in  causing  extraordinary  honours  to  be 
decreed  to  the  conqueror  of  Mithridates,  (2)  such  as 
the  privilege  of  attending  the  games  of  the  circus  in 
a  robe  of  triumph  and  a  crown  of  laurels,  and  of  sit- 

(')  It  may  be  interesting  to  reproduce  here,  from  the  letters  of  Cicero,  the 
list  of  the  discourses  which  he  delivered  during  the  year  of  his  consulship.  "I 
wished,  I  also,  after  the  manner  of  Demosthenes,  to  have  my  political  speeches, 
which  may  be  named  consulars.  The  first  and  second  are  on  the  Agrarian 
Law  :  the  former  before  the  Senate  on  the  calends  of  January ;  the  second  be- 
fore the  people;  the  third,  about  Otho;  the/ourth,  for  Kabirius;  the  fifth,  on 
the  children  of  the  proscribed ;  the  sixth,  on  my  relinquishing  my  province ; 
the  sevetith  is  that  which  put  Catiline  to  flight ;  the  eighth  was  delivered  be- 
fore the  people  the  day  after  his  flight ;  the  ninth,  from  the  tribune,  the  day 
when  the  Allobroges  came  to  give  their  evidence ;  the  tenth,  before  the  Senate, 
on  the  5th  of  December.  There  are  two  more,  not  so  long,  which  may  be  de- 
scribed as  supplementary  to  the  two  first  on  the  Agrarian  Law."  (Cicero,  Let. 
ters  to  Atticus,  II.  1.) 

(")  Velleius  Paterculus,  II.  40.— Dio  Cassius,  XXXVII.  21. 


382  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

ting  in  the  theatre  in  the  official  dress  of  the  magis- 
trates, the  prcetexta.  (a)  Still  more,  he  used  all  his  en- 
deavours to  reserve  for  Pompey  one  of  those  oppor- 
tunities of  gratifying  personal  vanity  which  the  Ro- 
mans prized  so  highly. 

It  was  the  custom  for  those  who  were  charged  with 
the  restoration  of  any  public  monument  to  have  their 
name  engraved  on  it  when  the  work  was  completed. 
Catulus  had  caused  his  to  be  inscribed  on  the  Tem- 
ple of  Jupiter,  burnt  in  the  Capitol  in  671,  and  of 
which  he  had  been  intrusted  with  the  rebuilding  by 
Sylla.  This  temple,  however,  had  not  been  entirely 
completed.  Caesar  appealed  against  this  infraction 
of  the  law,  accused  Catulus  of  having  appropriated  a 
part  of  the  money  intended  for  the  restoration,  and 
proposed  that  the  completion  of  the  work  should 
be  confided  to  Pompey  on  his  return,  that  his  name 
should  be  placed  thereon  instead  of  that  of  Catulus, 
and  that  he  should  perform  the  ceremony  of  dedica- 
tion. (2)  Caesar  thus  not  only  gave  a  proof  of  defer- 
ence to  Pompey,  but  he  sought  to  please"  the  multi- 
tude by  gaining  a  verdict  against  one  of  the  most  es- 
teemed chiefs  of  the  aristocratic  party. 

The  news  of  this  accusation  caused  a  sensation  in 
the  Senate,  and  the  eagerness  with  which  the  nobles 
hurried  into  the  Forum  to  vote  against  the  proposal 
was  such,  that  on  that  day  they  omitted  to  go,  accord- 
ing to  custom,  to  congratulate  the  new  consuls ;  a 
proof  that  in  this  case  also  it  was  entirely  a  question 
of  party.  Catulus  pronounced  his  own  defence,  but 

(l)  Suetonius,  Casar,  46. 

(3)  Dio  Cassius,  XXXVII.  44  ;  XLIII.  14. 


691-695.  383 

without  being  able  to  gain  the  tribune;  and  the  tu- 
mult increasing,  Caesar  was  obliged  to  give  way  to 
force.  The  affair  went  no  farther.  (*) 

The  reaction  of  public  opinion  against  the  conduct 
of  the  Senate  continued,  and  men  did  not  hesitate  to 
accuse  it  openly  of  having  murdered  the  accomplices 
of  Catiline.  Metellus  Nepos,  supported  by  the  friends 
of  the  conspirators,  by  the  partisans  of  his  patron,  and 
by  those  of  Caesar,  proposed  a  law  for  the  recall  of 
Pompey  with  his  army,  that  he  might,  as  he  said, 
maintain  order  in  the  city,  protect  the  citizens,  and 
prevent  their  being  put  to  death  without  a  trial. 
The  Senate,  and  notably  Cato  and  Q.  Minucius,  of- 
fended already  by  the  success  of  the  army  of  Asia,  of- 
fered a  steady  resistance  to  these  proposals. 

On  the  day  when  the  tribes  voted,  scenes  of  the 
greatest  turbulence  took  place.  Cato  seated  himself 
between  the  praetor  Caesar  and  the  tribune  Metellus, 
to  prevent  their  conversing  together.  Blows  were 
given,  swords  were  drawn,  (2)  and  each  of  the  two 
factions  was  in  turn  driven  from  the  Forum ;  until  at 
last  the  senatorial  party  gained  the  day.  Metellus, 
obliged  to  fly,  declared  that  he  was  yielding  to  force, 
and  that  he  was  going  to  join  Pompey,  who  would 
know  well  how  to  avenge  them  both.  It  was  the 
first  time  that  a  tribune  had  been  known  to  abandon 
Rome  and  take  refuge  in  the  camp  of  a  general.  The 
Senate  deprived  him  of  his  office,  and  Caesar  of  that 
of  praetor.  (3)  The  latter  paid  no  attention,  kept  his 

(l)  Suetonius,  Casar,  16. 

(3)  Dio  Cassius,  XXXVIII.  43.— Suetonius,  C(f$ar,  16. — Cicero,  Oration  for 
Sestius,  29. 

(3)  Suetonius,  Ccesar,  16. 


384  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CLESAR. 

lictors,  and  continued  the  administration  of  justice ; 
but,  on  being  warned  that  it  was  intended  to  make 
use  of  compulsion  against  him,  he  voluntarily  resign- 
ed his  office,  and  shut  himself  up  in  his  house. 

Nevertheless,  this  outrage  against  the  laws  was 
not  submitted  to  with  indifference.  Two  days  after- 
wards, a  crowd  assembled  before  Caesar's  house :  the 
people  with  loud  cries  urged  him  to  resume  his  office; 
while  Caesar,  on  his  part,  engaged  them  not  to  trans- 
gress the  laws.  The  Senate,  which  had  met  on  hear- 
ing of  this  riot,  sent  for  him,  thanked  him  for  his  re- 
spect for  the  laws,  and  reinstated  him  in  his  prsetorship. 

It  was  thus  that  Csesar  maintained  himself  within 
the  pale  of  the  law,  and  obliged  the  Senate  to  over- 
step it.  This  body,  heretofore  so  firm,  and  yet  so 
temperate,  no  longer  shrank  from  extraordinary  acts 
of  authority;  a  tribune  and  a  praetor  were  at  the 
same  time  obliged  to  fly  from  their  arbitrary  proceed- 
ings. Ever  since  the  days  of  the  Gracchi,  Rome  had 
witnessed  the  same  scenes  of  violence,  sometimes  on 
the  part  of  the  nobles,  at  others  on  the  part  of  the 
people. 

The  justice  which  the  fear  of  a  popular  movement 
had  caused  to  be  rendered  to  Caesar  had  not  discour- 
aged the  hatred  of  his  enemies.  They  tried  to  renew 
against  him  the  accusation  of  having  been  an  accom- 
plice in  Catiline's  conspiracy.  At  their  instigation, 
Vettius,  a  man  who  had  been  formerly  employed  by 
Cicero  as  a  spy  to  discover  the  plot,  summoned  him 
before  the  questor  Novius  Niger ;  (J)  and  Curius,  to 
the  latter  of  whom  a  public  reward  had  been  decreed, 

(l)  Cicero,  Letters  to  Atticus,  II.  24. 


691-695.  385 

accused  him  before  the  Senate.  They  both  swore  to 
his  enrolment  among  the  conspirators,  pretending  that 
they  had  received  their  information  from  the  lips  of 
Catiline  himself.  Caesar  had  no  difficulty  in  defend- 
ing himself,  and  appealed  to  the  testimony  of  Cicero, 
who  at  once  declared  his  innocence.  The  court,  how- 
ever, sat  for  a  long  time;  and  the  rumour  of  the 
charge  having  been  spread  abroad  in  the  city,  the 
crowd,  uneasy  as  to  what  might  be  Caesar's  fate,  as- 
sembled in  great  numbers  to  demand  his  release.  So 
irritated  they  appeared,  that  to  calm  them,  Cato  con- 
ceived it  necessary  to  propose  to  the  Senate  a  decree 
ordering  a  distribution  of  wheat  to  the  poor :  a  lar- 
gess which  cost  the  treasury  more  than  1,250  talents 
yearly  (7,276,250  francs  [£291,050]).  (]) 

No  time  was  lost  in  pronouncing  the  charge  ca- 
lumnious ;  Curius  was  deprived  of  his  promised  re- 
ward ;  and  Vettius,  on  his  way  to  prisonj  was  all  but 
torn  to  pieces  before  the  rostra.  (2)  The  questor  Ne- 
vius  was  in  like  manner  arrested  for  having  allowed 
a  praetor,  whose  authority  was  superior  to  his  own, 
to  be  accused  before  his  tribunal.  (3) 

Not  satisfied  with  conciliating  the  good- will  of  the 
people,  Caesar  won  for  himself  the  favour  of  the  no- 
blest dames  of  Rome ;  and,  notwithstanding  his  noto- 
rious passion  for  women,  we  cannot  help  discovering 
a  political  aim  in  his  choice  of  mistresses,  since  all 
held  by  different  ties  to  men  who  were  then  playing, 
or  were  destined  to  play,  an  important  part.  He  had 
had  important  relations  with  Tertulla,  the  wife  of 

0)  Plutarch,  Caesar,  9.  (")  Suetonius,  Caesar,  17. 

(3)  Suetonius,  Ccesar,  17. 

17  BE 


386  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  OflESAR. 

Crassus ;  with  Mucia,  wife  of  Pompey ;  with  Lollia, 
wife  of  Aulus  Gabinius,  who  was  consul  in  696 ;  with 
Postumia,  wife  of  Servius  Sulpicius,  who  was  raised 
to  the  consulship  in  703,  and  persuaded  to  join  Cae- 
sar's party  by  her  influence ;  but  the  woman  he  pre- 
ferred was  Servilia,  sister  of  Cato  and  mother  of  Bru- 
tus, to  whom,  during  his  first  consulship,  he  gave  a 
pearl  valued  at  six  millions  of  sestertii  (1,140,000 
francs  [£45,600]).  (J)  This  connection  throws  an  air 
of  improbability  over  the  reports  in  circulation  that 
Servilia  favoured  an  intrigue  between  him  and  her 
daughter  Tertia.  (2)  Was  it  by  the  intermediation 
of  Tertulla  that  Crassus  was  reconciled  with  Caesar  ? 
or  was  that  reconciliation  due  to  the  injustice  of  the 
Senate,  and  the  jealousy  of  Crassus  towards  Pompey  ? 
Whatever  was  the  cause  that  brought  them  together, 
Crassus  seems  to  have  made  common  cause  with  him 
in  all  the  questions  in  which  he  was  interested,  sub- 
sequent to  the  consulship  of  Cicero. 

VIII.  At  this  period  a  great  scandal  arose.  A 
Attest  of  clodius  young  and  wealthy  patrician,  named 
Clodius,  an  ambitious  and  violent  man, 
conceived  a  passion  for  Pompeia,  Caesar's  wife ;  but 
the  strict  vigilance  of  Aurelia,  her  mother-in-law, 
made  it  difficult  to  find  opportunities  for  meeting 
privately.  (3)  Clodius,  disguised  in  female  apparel, 
chose,  for  the  opportunity  to  enter  her  house,  the  mo- 
ment when  she  was  celebrating,  by  night,  attended 
by  the  matrons,  mysteries  in  honour  of  the  Roman 

(')  Suetonius,  Casar,  50.  (2)  Suetonius,  Ccesar,  50. 

(3)  Plutarch,  Caesar,  10. 


691—695. 

people.  (J)  Now,  it  was  forbidden  to  a  male  to  be 
present  at  these  religious  ceremonies,  which  it  was 
believed  that  his  presence  even  would  defile.  Clo- 
dius,  recognised  by  a  female  slave,  was  expelled  with 
ignominy.  The  pontiffs  uttered  the  cry  of  sacrilege, 
and  it  became  the  duty  of  the  vestals  to  begin  the 
mysteries  anew.  The  nobles,  who  had  already  met 
with  an  enemy  in  Clodius,  saw  in  this  act  a  means  to 
compass  his  overthrow,  and  at  the  same  time  to  com- 
promise Caesar.  The  latter,  without  condescending 
to  inquire  whether  Pompeia  was  guilty  or  not,  repu- 
diated her.  A  decree  of  the  Senate,  carried  by  four 
hundred  votes  against  fifteen,  decided  that  Clodius 
must  take  his  trial.  (2)  He  defended  himself  by  plead- 
ing an  alibi;  and,  with  the  sole  exception  of  Aurelia, 
not  a  witness  came  forward  against  him.  Caesar  him- 
self, when  examined,  declared  that  he  knew  nothing ; 
and  when  asked  to  explain  his  own  conduct,  replied, 
with  equal  regard  to  his  honour  and  his  interest, 
"  The  wife  of  Caesar  must  be  above  suspicion  !"  But 
Cicero,  yielding  to  the-  malicious  suggestions  of  his 
wife  Terentia,  came  forward  to  assert  that. on  the  day 

(')  Suetonius,  Caesar,  \. — Plutarch,  Cicero,  27 ;  Plutarch, Caesar,  10. — "This 
sacrifice  is  offered  by  the  vestal  virgins,  on  behalf  of  the  Roman  people,  in  the 
house  of  a  magistrate  who  has  the  right  of  imperium,  with  ceremonies  that  it  is 
not  allowable  to  reveal.  The  goddess  to  whom  it  is  offered  is  one  whose  very 
name  is  a  mystery  to  men,  and  whom  Clodius  terms  the  Good  Goddess  (Bono, 
Deo),  because  she  forgave  him  so  gross  an  outrage."  (Gicero,  Oration  on  the 
Report  of  the  Augurs,  17.)— The  Good  Goddess,  like  the  majority  of  the  divin- 
ities of  the  earth  among  the  ancients,  was  regarded  as  a  sort  of  beneficent  fairy 
who  presided  over  the  fertility  of  the  fields  and  the  conception  of  women.  The 
nocturnal  sacrifice  was  celebrated  at  the  beginning  of  December,  in  the  house 
of  the  consul  or  the  prator,  by  the  wife  of  that  magistrate,  or  by  the  vestal  vir- 
gins. At  the  commencement  of  the  festival  they  made  a  propitiatory  sacrifice 
of  a  pig,  and  prayers  were  offered  for  the  prosperity  of  the  Roman  people. 

(3)  Cicero,  Letters  to  Atticus,  1. 14. 


388  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  C.ESAR. 

of  the  event  he  had  seen  Clodius  in  Rome.  (')  The 
people  showed  its  sympathy  with  the  latter,  either 
because  they  deemed  the  crime  one  that  did  not  de- 
serve a  severe  punishment,  or  because  their  religious 
scruples  were  not  so  strong  as  their  political  passions. 
Crassus,  on  his  part,  directed  the  whole  intrigue,  and 
lent  the  accused  funds  sufficient  to  buy  his  judges. 
They  acquitted  him  by  a  majority  of  thirty-one  to 
twenty-five.  (2) 

The  Senate,  indignant  at  this  contradiction,  passed, 
on  the  motion  of  Cato,  a  bill  of  indictment  against 
the  judges  who  had  suffered  themselves  to  be  bribed. 
But  as  they  happened  to  be  knights,  the  equestrian 
order  made  common  cause  with  them,  and  openly  sep- 
arated themselves  from  the  Senate.  Thus  the  out- 
rage of  Clodius  had  two  serious  consequences :  first, 
it  proved  in  a  striking  manner  the  venality  of  justice ; 
secondly,  it  once  more  threw  the  knights  into  the 
arms  of  the  popular  party.  But  far  other  steps  were 
taken  to  alienate  them.  The  farmers  of  the  revenue 
demanded  a  reduction  in  the  price  of  the  rents  of 
Asia,  on  the  ground  that  they  had  been  leased  to 
them  at  a  price  that  had  become  too  high  in  conse- 
quence of  the  wars.  The  opposition  of  Cato  caused 
their  demand  to  be  refused.  This  refusal,  though 
doubtless  legal,  was,  under  the  circumstances,  in  the 
highest  degree  impolitic. 

IX.  Whilst  at  Rome  dissensions  were  breaking  out 

rompey-s  Triumph-  on  a11  occasions,  Pompey  had  just  brought 

the  war  in  Asia  to  a  close.     Having  de- 

(l)  Cicero,  Letters  to  Atticus,  1. 16.  (2)  Cicero.  Letters  to  Atticus,  1. 17. 


691-695.  389 

feated  Mithridates  in  two  battles,  he  had  compelled 
him  to  fly  towards  the  sources  of  the  Euphrates,  to 
pass  thence  into  the  north  of  Armenia,  and  finally  to 
cross  thence  to  Dioscurias,  in  Colchis,  on  the  western 
shore  of  the  Black  Sea.  (*)  Pompey  had  advanced  as 
far  as  the  Caucasus,  where  he  had  defeated  two  mount- 
ain tribes,  the  Albanians  and  the  Iberians,  who  dis- 
puted his  passage.  When  he  had  arrived  within 
three  days'  march  of  the  Caspian,  having  nothing 
more  to  fear  from  Mithridates,  and  surrounded  by 
barbarians,  he  began  his  retreat  through  Armenia, 
where  Tigranes  came  to  tender  his  submission.  Next, 
taking  a  southerly  course,  he  crossed  Mount  Taurus, 
attacked  the  King  of  Cominagene,  fought  a  battle  with 
the  King  of  Media,  invaded  Syria,  made  alliance  with 
the  Parthians,  received  the  submission  of  the  Naba-  - 
thaean  Arabs  and  of  Aristobulus,  king  of  the  Jews, 
and  took  Jerusalem.  (2) 

During  this  period,  Mithridates,  whose  energy  and 
whose  views  appeared  to  expand  in  proportion  to  his 
dangers  and  his  reverses,  was  executing  a  bold  scheme. 
He  had  passed  round  by  the  eastern  coast  of  the 
Black  Sea,  and,  allying  himself  with  the  Scythians 
and  the  peoples  of  the  Crimea,  he  had  reached  the 
shores  of  the  Cimmerian  Hellespont ;  but  he  had  still 
more  gigantic  designs  in  his  mind.  His  idea  was  to 
open  communications  with  the  Celts,  and  so  reach  the 
Danube,  traverse  Thrace,  Macedonia,  and  Illyria,  cross 
the  Alps,  and,  like  Hannibal,  descend  upon  Italy. 
Alone,  he  was  great  enough  to  conceive  this  enter- 

0)  Appian,  Mithridatic  War,  101. 
(J)  Appian,  Mithridatic  War,  106. 


390  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

prise,  but  he  was  obliged  to  give  it  up ;  his  army  de- 
serted him,  Pharnaces  his  son  betrayed  him,  and  he 
committed  suicide  at  Panticapseum  (Ifertcfr).  By  this 
event  the  vast  and  rich  territories  that  lie  between 
the  Caspian  and  the  Eed  Sea  were  placed  at  the  dis- 
posal of  Pompey.  Pharnaces  received  the  kingdom 
of  the  Bosphorus.  Tigranes,  deprived  of  a  portion  of 
his  dominions,  only  preserved  Armenia.  Deiotarus, 
tetrarch  of  Galatia,  obtained  an  increase  of  territory, 
and  Ariobarzanes  obtained  an  enlargement  of  the 
kingdom  of  Cappadocia,  which  was  re-established  in 
his  favour.  Various  minor  princes  devoted  to  the 
Roman  interests  received  endowments,  and  thirty-nine 
towns  were  rebuilt  or  founded.  Finally,  Pontus,  Cili- 
cia,  Syria,  Phoenicia,  declared  to  be  Roman  provinces, 
were  obliged  to  accept  the  constitution  imposed  upon 
them  by  the  conqueror.  These  countries  received  in- 
stitutions which  they  preserved  through  several  cen- 
turies. (*)  All  the  shores  of  the  Mediterranean,  with 
the  exception  of  Egypt,  became  tributaries  of  Rome. 

The  war  in  Asia  terminated,  Pompey  sent  before 
him  his  lieutenant,  Pupius  Piso  Calpurnianus,  who  was 
soliciting  the  consulship,  and  who  for  that  reason  re- 
quested an  adjournment  of  the  elections.  This  ad- 
journment was  granted,  and  Piso  unanimously  elect- 
ed consul  for  the  year  693,  (2)  with  M.  Valerius  Mes- 
sala;  to  such  a  degree  did  the  terror  of  Pompey's 
name  make  every  one  eager  to  grant  what  he  desired. 
For  no  one  knew  his  designs ;  and  it  was  feared  lest, 

0)  Dio  Cassius,  XXXVII.  20. 

(2)  Dio  Cassius,  XXXVII.  44.     In  contradiction  to  other  authors,  Dio  Cas- 
sius asserts  that  the  elections  were  adjourned.     (Plutarch,  Pompey,  45.) 


691—695.  391 

on  his  return,  lie  should  again  march  upon  Rome  at 
the  head  of  his  victorious  army.  But  Pompey,  hav- 
ing landed  at  Brundusium  about  the  month  of  Janu- 
ary, 693,  disbanded  his  army,  and  arrived  at  Rome, 
escorted  only  by  the  citizens  who  had  gone  out  in 
crowds  to  meet  him.  (*) 

After  the  first  display  of  public  gratitude,  he  found 
his  reception  different  from  that  on  which  he  had 
reckoned,  and  domestic  griefs  came  to  swell  the  cata- 
logue of  his  disappointments.  He  had  been  informed 
of  the  scandalous  conduct  of  his  wife  Mutia  during 
his  absence,  and  determined  to  repudiate  her.  (2) 

Envy,  that  scourge  of  a  Republic,  raged  against 
him.  The  nobles  did  not  conceal  their  jealousy :  it 
seemed  as  though  they  were  taking  revenge  for  their 
own  apprehensions,  to  which  they  were  now  adding 
their  own  feelings  of  personal  resentment.  Lucullus 
had  not  forgiven  him  for  having  frustrated  his  ex- 
pectation of  the  command  of  the  army  of  Asia.  Cras- 
sus  was  jealous  of  his  renown ;  Cato,  always  hostile 
to  those  who  raised  themselves  above  their  fellows, 
could  not  be  favourable  to  him,  and  had  even  refused 
him  the  hand  of  his  niece ;  Metellus  Creticus  cherish- 
ed a  bitter  remembrance  of  attempts  which  had  been 
made  to  wrest  from  him  the  merit  of  conquering 
Crete ;  (3)  and  Metellus  Celer  was  offended  at  the  re- 
pudiation of  his  sister  Mutia.  (4)  As  for  Cicero,  whose 

(J)  "  The  more  men  were  terrified,  the  more  they  were  re-assured,  on  seeing 
Pompey  return  to  his  country  as  a  simple  citizen."  (Velleius  Paterculus,  II.  40.) 

(a)  Cicero,  letters  to  Atticus,  I.  12. 

(3)  Metellus  was  subjugating  Crete,  when  Pompey  sent  one  of  his  lieuten- 
ants to  depose  him,  under  the  pretence  that  that  island  was  included  in  his 
own  wide  jurisdiction  by  sea.  (4)  Dio  Cassius,  XXXVII.  49. 


392  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CJESAR. 

opinion  of  men  varied  according  to  their  more  or  less 
deference  for  his  merit,  he  discovered  that  his  hero  of 
other  days  was  destitute  of  rectitude  and  greatness 
of  soul.  (r)  Pompey,  foreseeing  the  ill-feeling  he  was 
about  to  encounter,  exerted  all  his  influence,  and  spent 
a  large  sum  of  money  to  secure  the  election  of  Afra- 
nius,  one  of  his  old  lieutenants,  as  consul.  He  reck- 
oned upon  him  to  obtain  the  two  things  which  he  de- 
sired most :  a  general  approval  of  all  his  acts  in  the 
East,  and  a  distribution  of  lands  to  his  veterans.  Not- 
withstanding violent  opposition,  Afranius  was  elected 
with  Q.  Metellus  Celer.  But,  before  proposing  the 
laws  which  concerned  him,  Pompey,  who  till  then  had 
not  entered  Rome,  demanded  a  triumph.  It  was 
granted  him,  but  for  two  days  only.  However,  the 
pageant  was  not  less  remarkable  for  its  splendour. 
It  was  held  on  the  29th  and  30th  of  September,  693. 
Before  him  were  carried  boards  on  which  were 
inscribed  the  names  of  the  conquered  countries,  from 
Judaea  to  the  Caucasus,  and  from  the  shores  of  the 
Bosphorus  to  the  banks  of  the  Euphrates ;  the  names 
of  the  towns  and  the  number  of  the  vessels  taken 
from  the  pirates ;  the  names  of  thirty-nine  towns  re- 
peopled;  the  amount  of  wealth  brought  in  to  the 
treasury,  amounting  to  20,000  talents  (more  than  115 
millions  of  francs  [£4,600,000]),  without  counting  his 
largesses  to  his  soldiers,  of  whom  he  who  received 
least  had  1,500  drachmas  (1,455  francs  [£57]).  (2) 
The  public  revenues,  which  before  Pompey's  time 

(l)  "No  rectitude,  no  candour,  not  a  single  honourable  motive  in  his  poli- 
cy; nothing  elevated,  nothing  strong,  nothing  generous."  (Cicero,  Letters  to 
Atticus,  I.  12.)  (2)  Plutarch,  Pompey,  47. 


691-695.  393 

amounted  only  to  fifty  millions  of  drachmas  (forty- 
eight  millions  and  a  half  of  francs  [nearly  two  mil- 
lions sterling]),  reached  the  amount  of  eighty-one  mil- 
lions and  a  half  (seventy-nine  millions  of  francs 
[£3,160,000]).  Among  the  precious  objects  that  were 
exposed  before  the  eyes  of  the  Romans  was  the  Dae- 
tylotheca  (or  collection  of  engraved  stones)  belong- 
ing to  the  King  of  Pontus ;  (*)  a  chessboard  made  of 
only  two  precious  stones,  but  which,  nevertheless, 
measured  four  feet  in  length  by  three  in  breadth, 
ornamented  with  a  moon  in  gold,  weighing  thirty 
pounds ;  three  couches  for  dinner,  of  immense  value ; 
vases  of  gold  and  precious  stones  numerous  enough 
to  load  nine  sideboards  ;  thirty-three  chaplets  of 
pearls ;  three  gold  statues,  representing  Minerva, 
Mars,  and  Apollo ;  a  mountain  of  the  same  metal,  on 
a  square  base,  decorated  with  fruits  of  all  kinds,  and 
with  figures  of  stags  and  lions,  the  whole  encircled 
by  a  golden  vine,  a  present  from  King  Aristobulus ; 
a  miniature  temple  dedicated  to  the  Muses,  and  pro- 
vided with  a  clock;  a  couch  of  gold,  said  to  have 
belonged  to  Darius,  son  of  Hystaspes  ;  murrhine 
vases ;  (2)  a  statue  in  silver  of  Pharnaces,  king  of 
Pontus,  the  conqueror  of  Sinope,  and  the  contempo- 
rary of  Philip  III.  of  Macedon ;  (3)  a  silver  statue  of 
the  last  Mithridates,  and  a  colossal  bust  of  him  in 
scold,  eight  cubits  high,  together  with  his  throne  and 

o          '       o  o     /        o 

(')  Pliny,  Natural  History,  XXXVII.  5. 

(a)  Vases  from  Carmania  that  were  highly  prized.  They  reflected  the  col- 
ours of  the  rainbow,  and,  according  to  Pliny,  a  single  one  was  sold  for  seventy 
talents  (more  than  300,000  francs  [£12,000]).  (Pliny,  Natural  History, 
XXXVII,  7,  8.) 

(')  Pliny,  XXXIII.  54.— Strabo,  XII.  545. 
17* 


394  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

sceptre;  chariots  armed  with  scythes,  and  enriched 
with  gilt  ornaments ;  (*)  then,  the  portrait  of  Pompey 
himself,  embroidered  in  pearls.  Lastly,  trees  were 
now  introduced  for  the  first  time  as  rare  and  precious 
objects:  these  were  the  ebony -tree  and  the  shrub 
which  produces  balsam.  (2)  Before  the  chariot  of 
Pompey  came  the  Cretan  Lasthenes  and  Panares, 
taken  from  the  triumph  of  Metellus  Creticus ;  (3)  the 
chiefs  of  the  pirates ;  the  son  of  Tigranes,  king  of  Ar- 
menia, his  wife,  and  his  daughter ;  the  widow  of  the 
elder  Tigranes,  called  Zosima ;  Olthaces,  chief  of  the 
Colchians ;  Aristobulus,  king  of  the  Jews ;  the  sister 
of  Mithridates,  with  five  of  his  sons ;  the  wives,  of  the 
chieftains  of  Scythia;  the  hostages  of  the  Iberians 
and  Albanians,  and  those  of  the  princes  of  Comma- 
gene.  •  Pompey  was  in  a  chariot,  adorned  with  jew- 
els, and  dressed  in  the  costume  of  Alexander  the 
Great ;  (4)  and  as  he  had  already  "three  times  obtained 
the  honours  of  a  triumph  for  his  successes  in  Africa, 
Europe,  and  Asia,  a  grand  trophy  was  displayed,  with 
this  inscription, "  Over  the  whole  world !"  (5) 

So  much  splendour  nattered  the  national  pride, 
without  disarming  the  envious.  Victories  in  the 
East  had  always  been  obtained  without  extraordinary 
efforts,  and  therefore  people  had  always  depreciated 
their  merit,  and  Cato  went  so  far  as  to  say  that  in 
Asia  a  general  had  only  women  to  fight  against.  (6) 

(')  Appian,  War  against  Altthridates,  116. 
(»)  Pliny,  Natural  History,  XII.  9,  54. 

(3)  Dio  Cassius,  XXXVI.  2.— Velleius  Paterculus,  II.  34. 

(4)  Appian,  War  against  Mithridates,  117. 

(5)  Plutarch,  Pompey,  47.— Dio  Cassius,  XXXVII.  21. 
(')  Cicero,  Oration  for  Afurena,  14. 


691-695.  395 

In  the  Senate,  Lucullus,  and  other  influential  men  of 
consular  rank,  threw  out  the  decree  that  was  to  ratify 
all  the  acts  of  Pompey ;  and  yet,  to  refuse  to  ratify 
either  the  treaties  concluded  with  the  kings,  or  the 
exchange  of  the  provinces,  or  the  amount  of  tribute 
imposed  upon  the  vanquished,  was  as  though  they 
questioned  all  that  he  had  done.  But  they  went  still 
farther. 

Towards  the  month  of  January,  694,  the  tribune 
L.  Flavius  proposed  (')  to  purchase  and  appropriate 
to  Pompey's  veterans,  for  purposes  of  colonisation,  all 
the  territory  that  had  been  declared  public  domain  in 
the  year  521,  and  since  sold;  and  to  divide  among  the 
poor  citizens  the  ager  publicus  of  Volaterrse  and  Ar- 
retium,  cities  of  Etruria,  which  had  been  confiscated 
by  Sylla,  but  not  yet  distributed.  (2)  The  expense 
entailed  by  these  measures  was  to  be  defrayed  by  five 
years'  revenue  of  the  conquered  provinces.  (3)  Cicero, 
who  wished  to  gratify  Pompey,  without  damaging  the 
interests  of  those  he  termed  his  rich  friends,  (*)  pro- 
posed that  the  ager  publicus  should  be  left  intact,  but 
that  other  lands  of  equal  value  should  be  purchased. 
Nevertheless,  he  was  in  favour  of  the  establishment 
of  colonies,  though  two  years  before  he  had  called  the 
attention  of  his  hearers  to  the  danger  of  such  estab- 
lishments; he  was  ready  to  admit  that  that  danger- 
ous populace,  those  dregs  of  the  city  (sentina  urbis), 
must  be  removed  to  a  distance  from  Rome,  though  in 
former  days  he  had  engaged  that  same  populace  to 
remain  in  Rome,  and  enjoy  their  festivals,  their  games, 

(')  Cicero,  Letters  to  Attiats,  1. 18.  (2)  Dio  Cassius,  XXXVII.  50. 

(3)  Cicero,  Letters  tc  Atticus,  I.  19.  (4)  Cicero,  Letters  to  Atticus,  1. 19. 


396  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

and  their  rights  of  suffrage.  (')  Finally,  he  proposed 
to  buy  private  estates,  and  leave  the  ager  publicus  in- 
tact ;  whereas,  in  his  speech  against  Rullus,  he  had 
blamed  the  establishment  of  colonies  on  private  es- 
tates as  a  violation  of  all  precedent.  (2)  The  elo- 
quence of  the  orator,  which  had  been  powerful  enough 
to  cause  the  rejection  of  the  law  of  Rullus,  was  unsuc- 
cessful in  obtaining  the  adoption  of  that  of  Flavius  ; 
it  was  attacked  with  such  violence  by  the  consul  Me- 
tellus,  that  the  tribune  caused  him  to  be  put  in  pris- 
on ;  but  this,  act  of  severity  having  met  with  a  gen- 
eral disapproval,  Pompey  was  alarmed  at  the  scandal, 
and  bade  Flavius  set  the  consul  at  liberty,  and  aban- 
doned the  law.  Sensitive  to  so  many  insults,  and  see- 
ing his  prestige  diminish,  the  conqueror  of  Mithridates 
regretted  that  he  had  disbanded  his  army,  and  determ- 
ined to  make  common  cause  with  Clodius,  who  then 
enjoyed  an  extraordinary  popularity.  (3) 

About  the  same  period,  Metellus  Nepos,  who  had 
returned  a  second  time  to  Italy  with  Pompey,  was 
elected  prsetor,  and  obtained  a  law  to  abolish  tolls 
throughout  Italy,  the  exaction  of  which  had  hitherto 
given  rise  to  loud  complaints.  This  measure,  which 
had  probably  been  suggested  by  Pompey  and  Caesar, 
met  with  general  approval ;  yet  the  Senate  made  an 
unsuccessful  attempt  to  have  the  name  of  the  proposer 
erased  from  the  law :  which  shows,  as  Dio  Cassius 

(l)  Cicero,  Oration  on  the  Agrarian  TMW,  II.  27. 

(3)  "Your  ancestors  never  set  you  the  example  of  buying  lands  from  indi- 
viduals in  order  to  send  colonies  thither.  All  the  laws,  up  to  the  present  time, 
have  contented  themselves  with  establishing  them  on  the  lands  belonging  to  the  State" 
(Cicero,  Oration  on  the  Agrarian  Law,  II.  25.) 

(3)  Plutarch,  Cato  of  Utica,  36. 


691—695.  397 

says,  that  that  assembly  accepted  nothing  from  its  ad- 
versaries, not  even  an  act  of  kindness.  (*) 

X.  Thus  all  the  forces  of  society,  paralysed  by  in- 
Destiny  regulates  testine  divisions,  and  powerless  for  good, 


Events. 


appeared  to  revive  only  for  the  purpose 
of  throwing  obstacles  in  its  way.  Military  glory  and 
eloquence,  those  two  instruments  of  Roman  power,  in- 
spired only  distrust  and  envy.  The  triumph  of  the 
generals  was  regarded  not  so  much  as  a  success  for 
the  Republic  as  a  source  of  personal  gratification. 
The  gift  of  eloquence  still  exercised  its  ancient  em- 
pire, so  long  as  the  orator  remained  upon  the  tribune; 
but  scarcely  had  he  stepped  down  before  the  impres- 
sion he  had  made  was  gone ;  the  people  remained  in- 
different to  brilliant  displays  of  rhetoric  that  were 
employed  to  encourage  selfish  passions,  and  not  to  de- 
fend, as  heretofore,  the  great  interests  of  the  father- 
land. 

It  is  well  worthy  of  our  attention  that,  when  des- 
tiny is  driving  a  state  of  things  towards  an  aim,  there 
is,  by  a  law  of  fate,  a  concurrence  of  all  forces  in  the 
same  direction.  Thither  tend  alike  the  attacks  and 
the  hopes  of  those  who  seek  change ;  thither  tend  the 
fears  and  the  resistance  of  those  who  would  put  a 
stop  to  every  movement.  After  the  death  of  Sylla, 
Caesar  was  the  only  man  who  persevered  in  his  en- 
deavours to  raise  the  standard  of  Marius.  Hence 
nothing  more  natural  than  that  his  acts  and  speeches 
should  bend  in  the  same  direction.  But  the  fact  on 
which  we  ought  to  fix  our  attention  is,  the  spectacle 

0)  Dio  Cassias,  XXXVII.  51. 


398  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

of  the  partisans  of  resistance  and  the  system  of  Sylla, 
the  opponents  of  all  innovation,  helping,  unconscious- 
ly, the  progress  of  the  events  which  smoothed  for  Cae- 
sar the  way  to  supreme  power. 

Pompey,  the  representative  of  the  cause  of  the  Sen- 
ate, gives  the  hardest  blow  to  the  ancient  regime  by 
re-establishing  the  tribuneship.  The  popularity  which 
his  prodigious  successes  in  the  East  had  won  for  him, 
had  raised  him  above  all  others ;  by  nature,  as  well 
as  by  his  antecedents,  he  leaned  to  the  aristocratic 
party ;  the  jealousy  of  the  nobles  throws  him  into  the 
popular  party  and  into  the  arms  of  Caesar. 

The  Senate,  on  its  part,  while  professing  to  aim  at 
the  preservation  of  all  the  old  institutions  intact,  aban- 
dons them  in  the  presence  of  danger ;  through  jeal- 
ousy of  Pompey,  it  leaves  to  the  tribunes  the  initia- 
tive in  all  laws  of  general  interest ;  through  fear  of 
Catiline,  it  lowers  the  barriers  that  had  been  raised 
between  new  men  and  the  consulship,  and  confers  that 
office  upon  Cicero.  In  the  trial  of  the  accomplices  of 
Catiline,  it  violates  both  the  forms  of  justice  and  the 
chief  safeguard  of  the  liberty  of  the  citizens,  the  right 
of  appeal  to  the  people.  Instead  of  remembering  that 
the  best  policy  in  circumstances  of  peril  is  to  confer 
upon  men  of  importance  some  brilliant  mark  of  ac- 
knowledgment for  the  services  they  have  rendered  to 
the  State,  either  in  good  or  bad  fortune ;  instead  of 
following,  after  victory,  the  example  given  after  defeat 
by  the  ancient  Senate,  which  thanked  Varro  because 
he  had  not  despaired  of  the  Republic,  the  Senate 
shows  itself  ungrateful  to  Pompey,  gives  him  no  cred- 
it for  his  moderation,  and,  when  it  can  compromise 


691-695.  399 

him,  and  even  bind  him  by  the  bonds  of  gratitude,  it 
meets  his  most  legitimate  demands  with  a  refusal,  a 
refusal  which  will  teach  generals  to  come,  that,  when 
they  return  to  Rome,  though  they  have  increased  the 
territory  of  the  Commonwealth,  though  they  have 
doubled  the  revenues  of  the  Republic,  if  they  disband 
their  army,  the  approval  of  their  acts  will  be  disputed, 
and  an  attempt  made  to  bargain  with  their  soldiers 
for  the  reward  due  to  their  glorious  labours. 

Cicero  himself,  who  is  desirous  of  maintaining  the 
old  state  of  things,  undermines  it  by  his  language. 
In  his  speeches  against  Verres,  he  denounces  the  Ve- 
nality of  the  Senate,  and  the  extortions  of  which  the 
provinces  complain ;  in  others,  he  unveils  in  a  most 
fearful  manner  the  corruption  of  morals,  the  traffic  in 
offices,  and  the  dearth  of  patriotism  among  the  upper 
classes ;  in  pleading  for  the  Manilian  law,  he  main- 
tains that  there  is  need  of  a  strong  power  in  the 
hands  of  one  individual  to  ensure  order  in  Italy  and 
glory  abroad ;  and  it  is  after  he  has  exhausted  all  the 
eloquence  at  his  command  in  pointing  out  the  excess 
of  the  evil  and  the  efficacy  of  the  remedy,  that  he 
thinks  it  is  possible  to  stay  the  stream  of  public  opin- 
ion by  the  chilling  counsel  of  immobility. 

Cato  declared  that  he  was  for  no  innovations  what- 
ever ;  yet  he  made  them  more  than  ever  indispensable 
by  his  own  opposition.  No  less  than  Cicero,  he  threw 
the  blame  on  the  vices  of  society ;  but  whilst  Cicero 
wavered  often  through  the  natural  fickleness  of  his 
mind,  Cato,  with  the  systematic  tenacity  of  a  stoic,  re- 
mained inflexible  in  the  application  of  absolute  rules. 
He  opposed  everything,  even  schemes  of  the  greatest 


400  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 


utility;  and,  standing  in  the  way  of  all  concession, 
rendered  personal  animosities  as  hard  to  reconcile  as 
political  factions.  He  had  separated  Pompey  from 
the  Senate  by  causing  all  his  proposals  to  be  rejected  ; 
he  had  refused  him  his  niece,  notwithstanding  the  ad- 
vantage for  his  party  of  an  alliance  which  would  have 
impeded  the  designs  of  Caesar.  (*)  Regardless  of  the 
political  consequences  of  a  system  of  extreme  rigour, 
he  had  caused  Metellus  to  be  deposed  when  he  was 
tribune,  and  Caesar  when  he  was  praetor  ;  he  caused 
Clodius  to  be  put  upon  his  trial  ;  he  impeached  his 
judges,  without  any  foresight  of  the  fatal  consequences 
of  an  investigation  which  called  in  question  the  hon- 
our of  an  entire  order.  This  immoderate  zeal  had 
rendered  the  knights  hostile  to  the  Senate  ;  they  be- 
came still  more  so  by  the  opposition  offered  by  Cato 
to  the  reduction  of  the  price  of  the  farms  of  Asia.  (2) 
And  thus  Cicero,  seeing  things  in  their  true  light, 
wrote  as  follows  to  Atticus:  "With  the  best  inten- 
tions in  the  world,  Cato  is  ruining  us  :  he  judges 
things  as  if  we  were  living  in  Plato's  Republic,  while 
we  are  only  the  dregs  of  Romulus."  (3) 

Nothing,  then,  arrested  the  march  of  events;  the 
party  of  resistance  hurried  them  forward  more  rapidly 
than  any  other.  It  was  evident  that  they  progressed 
towards  a  revolution  ;  and  a  revolution  is  like  a  river, 
which  overflows  and  inundates.  Caasar  aimed  at  dig- 

0)  Plutarch,  Cato,  35. 

(a)  "  People  abuse  the  Senate  ;  the  equestrian  order  stands  aloof  from  it. 
Thus  this  year  will  have  seen  the  overthrow  of  the  two  solid  foundations  or» 
which  I,  single-handed,  had  planted  the  Republic  —  the  authority  of  the  Senate 
and  the  union  of  the  two  orders."  (Cicero,  Letters  to  Atticus,  I.  18.) 

(3)  Cicero,  Letters  to  Atticus,  II.  1. 


691—695.  401 

ging  a  bed  for  it.  Pompey,  seated  proudly  at  the 
helrn,  thought  he  could  command  the  waves  that  were 
sweeping  him  along.  Cicero,  always  irresolute,  at 
one  moment  allowed  himself  to  drift  with  the  stream, 
at  another  thought  himself  able  to  stem  it  with  a 
fragile  bark.  Cato,  immovable  as  a  rock,  flattered 
himself  that  alone  he  could  resist  the  irresistible 
stream  that  was  carrying  away  the  old  order  of  Ro- 
man society. 

Co 


CHAPTER  IV. 

(693-G95.) 

I.  WHILST  at  Rome  ancient  reputations  were  sink- 
c«3arprop,«torin  mg  in  struggles  destitute  alike  of  great- 
spain  (693).  negg  an(j  patriotism,  others,  on  the  con- 
trary, were  rising  in  the  camps,  through  the  lustre  of 
military  glory.  Caesar,  on  quitting  his  prsetorship, 
had  gone  to  Ulterior  Spain  (Hispania  Ulterior},  which 
had  been  assigned  to  him  by  lot.  His  creditors  had 
vainly  attempted  to  retard  his  departure :  he  had  had 
recourse  to  the  credit  of  Crassus,  who  had  been  his 
security  for  the  sum  of  830  talents  (nearly  five  mil- 
lions of  francs  [£200,000]).  (')  He  had  not  even 
waited  for  the  instructions  of  the  Senate,  (2)  which, 
indeed,  could  not  be  ready  for  some  time,  as  that  body 
had  deferred  all  affairs  concerning  the  consular  prov- 
inces till  after  the  trial  of  Clodius,  which  was  only 
terminated  in  April,  693.  (3)  This  eagerness  to  reach 
his  post  could  not  therefore  be  caused  by  fear  of  fresh 
prosecutions,  as  has  been  supposed;  but  its  motive 
was  the  desire  to  carry  assistance  to  the  allies,  who 
were  imploring  the  protection  of  the  Romans  against 
the  mountaineers  of  Lusitania.  Always  devoted  with- 
out reserve  to  those  whose  cause  he  espoused,  (4)  he 

(')  Plntarch,  Ccesar,  12. — Appian  (Civil  Wars,  II.  2,  §  8)  speaks  of  twenty- 
five  million  sestertii— ».  e.,  4,750,000  francs  [£190,000]. 

(*)  Suetonius,  C<*sar,  18.  (3)  Cicero,  Letter  to  Atticus,  I.  14,  16. 

(*)  "From  his  youth  up  he  was  zealous  and  true  to  his  clients."  (Sueto- 
nius, Ccesar,  71.) 


693—695.  403 

took  with  him  into  Spain  his  client  Masintha,  a  young 
African  of  high  birth,  whose  cause  he  had  recently 
defended  at  Rome  with  extreme  zeal,  and  whom  he 
had  concealed  in  his  house  after  his  condemnation,  (*) 
to  save  him  from  the  persecutions  of  Juba,  son  of  Hi- 
empsal,  king  of  Numidia. 

It  is  related  that,  in  crossing  the  Alps,  Caesar  halted 
at  a  village,  and  his  officers  asked  him,  jocularly,  if 
he  thought  that  even  in  that  remote  place  there  were 
solicitations  and  rivalries  for  offices.  He  answered, 
gravely, "  I  would  rather  be  first  among  these  savages 
than  second  in  Rome."  (2)  This  anecdote,  which  is 
more  or  less  authentic,  is  repeated  as  a  proof  of  Cae- 
sar's ambition.  Who  doubts  his  ambition  ?  The  im- 
portant point  to  know  is  whether  it  were  legitimate 
or  not,  and  if  it  were  to  be  exercised  for  the  salvation 
or  the  ruin  of  the  Roman  world.  After  all,  is  it  not 
more  honourable  to  admit  frankly  the  feelings  which 
animate  us,  than  to  conceal,  as  Pompey  did,  the  ardour 
of  desire  under  the  mask  of  disdain  ? 

On  his  arrival  in  Spain,  he  promptly  raised  ten  new 
cohorts,  which,  joined  to  the  twenty  others  already  in 
the  country,  furnished  him  with  three  legions,  a  force 
sufficient  for  the  speedy  pacification  of  the  province.  (3) 
Its  tranquillity  was  incessantly  disturbed  by  the  dep- 
redations of  the  inhabitants  of  Mount  Herminium,  (4) 

(')  Suetonius,  Ccesar,  12.  (3)  Plutarch,  Ccesar,  12. 

(3)  Plutarch,  Ccesar,  12. 

(*)  A  chain  of  mountains  in  Portugal,  now  called  Sierra  di  Estrella,  separa- 
ting the  basin  of  the  Tagus  from  the  valley  of  Mondego.  According  to  Cella- 
rius  (Ancient  Geography,  I.  60),  Mount  Herminium  is  still  called  Arminno.  The 
principal  oppidum  belonging  to  the  population  of  these  mountains  seems  to  have 
been  called  Medobrega  (Membrio').  It  is  mentioned  in  Ccesar's  Commentaries, 
War  of  Alexandria,  48. 


404  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CJESAR. 

who  ravaged  the  plain.  He  required  them  to  estab- 
lish themselves  there,  but  they  refused.  Caesar  then 
began  a  rough  mountain  war,  and  succeeded  in  reduc- 
ing them  to  submission.  Terrified  by  this  example, 
and  dreading  a  similar  fate,  the  neighbouring  tribes 
conveyed  their  families  and  their  most  precious  effects 
across  the  River  Durius  (Douro).  The  Roman  gen- 
eral hastened  to  profit  by  the  opportunity,  penetrated 
into  the  valley  of  the  Mondego  to  take  possession  of 
the  abandoned  towns,  and  went  in  pursuit  of  the  fugi- 
tives. The  latter,  on  the  point  of  being  overtaken, 
turned,  and  resolved  to  accept  battle,  driving  their 
flocks  and  herds  before  them,  in  the  hope  that,  through 
this  stratagem,  the  Romans  would  leave  their  ranks 
in  their  eagerness  to  secure  the  booty,  and  so  be  more 
easily  overcome.  But  Caesar  was  not  the  man  to  be 
caught  in  this  clumsy  trap ;  he  left  the  cattle,  went 
straight  at  the  enemy,  and  routed  them.  Whilst  oc- 
cupied in  the  campaign  in  the  north  of  Lusitania,  he 
learnt  that  in  his  rear  the  inhabitants  of  Mount  Her- 
minium  had  revolted  again  with  the  design  of  closing 
the  road  by  which  he  had  come.  He  then  took  an- 
other ;  but  they  made  a  further  attempt  to  intercept 
his  passage  by  occupying  the  country  between  the 
Serra  Albardos  (x)  and  the  sea.  Defeated,  and  their 
retreat  cut  off,  they  were  forced  to  fly  in  the  direction 
of  the  ocean,  and  took  refuge  in  an  island  now  called 
Peniche  de  Cima,  which,  being  no  longer  entirely  sep- 
arated from  the  continent,  has  become  a  peninsula.  It 
is  situated  about  twenty-five  leagues  from  Lisbon.  (2) 

(')  Probably  in  the  modern  province  of  Leyria. 

(a)  A  survey  made,  in  August,  1861,  by  the  Due  de  Bcllune,  leaves  no  doubt 


693—695. 


405 


As  Caesar  had  no  ships,  he  ordered  rafts  to  be  con- 
structed, on  which  some  troops  crossed.  The  rest 

that  the  peninsula  of  Peniche  was  once  an  island.  The  local  traditions  state 
that  in  ancient  times  the  ocean  advanced  as  far  as  the  town  of  Atoguia ;  but 
since  Dio  Cassius  speaks  of  the  rising  tide  which  swept  away  soldiers,  we  must 
believe  that  there  were  fords  at  low  tide.  We  give  extracts  from  Portuguese 
authors  who  have  written  on  this  subject. 

Bernard  deBrito  (Portuguese  Monarchy,  I.  p.  429,  Lisbon,  1790)  says: — "As 
along  the  entire  coast  of  Portugal  we  cannot  find,  at  the  present  time,  a  single 
island  that  fulfils  the  conditions  of  the  one  where  Caesar  sought  to  disembark 
better  than  the  peninsula,  on  which  there  is  a  locality  which,  taking  its  name 
from  its  situation,  is  called  Peniche,  we  shall  maintain,  with  our  countryman 
Resende,  that  it  is  to  this  that  all  the  authors  refer.  And  I  do  not  believe  it 
possible  to  find  one  more  suitable  in  every  way  than  this :  because,  over  and 
above  the  fact  that  it  is  the  only  one,  and  situated  at  but  a  short  distance  from 
the  mainland,  we  see  that  when  the  tide  is  low  it  is  possible  to  traverse  the  strait 
dryshod,  and  with  still  greater  facility  than  would  have  been  possible  in  ancient 
times,  because  the  sea  has  silted  up  sand  against  a  large  portion  of  this  coast, 
and  brought  it  to  pass  that  the  sea  does  not  rise  to  so  high  a  point  upon  the  land. 
Still,  it  rises  high  enough  to  make  it  necessary,  at  high  tide,  to  use  a  boat  to 
reach  the  island,  and  that  in  a  space  of  about  500  paces  in  width,  which  sepa- 
rates the  island  from  the  mainland." 

The  following  is  the  passage  of  Resende: — "  Sed  qua^rendum  utrobique 
quaenam  insula  ista  fuerit  terras  contigua,  ad  quam  sive  pedibus  sive  natatu 
profugi  transire  potuerint,  ad  quam  similiter  et  milites  trajicere  tentarint  ?  Non 
fuisse  Londobrin,  cujus  meminit  Ptolomaeus  (Berligam  modo  dicimus),  indicio 
est  distantia  a  continente  non  modica.  Et  quum  alia  juxta  Lusitanise  totius 
littus  nulla  nostra  arvo  exstet,  hcec  de  qua  Dion  loquitur,  vel  incumbenti  violen- 
tius  mari  abrasa,  vel  certe  peninsula  ilia  oppidi  Peniche  juxta  Atonguiam,  erit 
intelligenda.  Nam  etiam  nunc  alveo  quingentis  passibus  lato  a  continente  se- 
jungitur,  qui  pedibns  32stu  cedente  transitur,  redeunte  vero  insula  plane  fit,  ne- 
que  adiri  vado  potest.  Et  forte  illo  sseculo  fuerit  aliquanto  major."  (L.Andre 
de  Resende.  De  Antiquitatibus  Lusitanice  cceteraque  Historica  quce  exstant  Opera, 
Conimbricse,  1790, 1.,  p.  77.) 

Antonio  Carvalho  (Da  costa  corografia  Portitguesa,  II.  p.  144,  Lisbon,  1712) 
sets  forth  the  same  view. 

The  preceding  information  is  confirmed  by  the  following  letter  of  an  English 
bishop  who  accompanied  the  Crusaders,  at  the  time  of  the  siege  of  Lisbon,  in 
the  reign  of  Alfonso  Henrique,  A.D.  1147: — "Die  vero  quasi  decima,  impositis 
sarcinis  nostris  cum  episcopis  velificare  incepimus  iter  prosperum  agentes.  Die 
vero  postera  ad  insulam  Phenicis  (vulgo  Peniche)  distantis  a  continente  quasi 
octingentis  passibus  feliciter  applicuimus.  Insula  abundat  cervis  et  maxime 
cuniculis  :  liquiriciura  (legc  glycyrrhizum)  habet.  Tyrii  dicunt  earn  Erictream, 
Peni  Gaddis,  id  est  septem,  ultra  quam  non  est  terra :  ideo  extremus  noti  orbis 


406  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CvESAR. 

thought  that  they  might  venture  through  some  shal- 
lows, which,  at  low  tide,  formed  a  ford ;  but,  desper- 
ately attacked  by  the  enemy,  they  were,  as  they  re- 
treated, engulphed  by  the  rising  tide.  Publius  Scse- 
vius,  their  chief,  was  the  only  man  who  escaped,  and 
he,  notwithstanding  his  wounds,  succeeded  in  reaching 
the  mainland  by  swimming.  Subsequently,  Caesar 
obtained  some  ships  from  Cadiz,  crossed  over  to  the 
island  with  his  army,  and  defeated  the  barbarians. 
Thence  he  sailed  in  the  direction  of  Brigantium  (now 
La  Cbrogne),  the  inhabitants  of  which,  terrified  at  the 
sight  of  the  vessels,  which  were  strange  to  them,  sur- 
rendered voluntarily.  (')  The  whole  of  Lusitania  be- 
came tributary  to  Rome. 

Caesar  received  from  his  soldiers  the  title  of  Impe- 
rator.  When  the  news  of  his  successes  reached  Rome, 
the  Senate  decreed  in  his  honour  a  holiday,  (2)  and 
granted  him  the  right  of  a  triumph  on  his  return. 
The  expedition  ended,  the  conqueror  of  the  Lusitani- 
ans  took  in  hand  the  civil  administration,  and  caused 
justice  and  concord  to  reign  in  his  province.  He 
merited  the  gratitude  of  the  Spaniards  by  suppress- 

terminus  dicitur.  Juxta  hanc  sunt  duse  insula;  quse  vulgo  dicuntur  Berlinges, 
id  est  Baleares  lingua  corrupta,  in  una  quarum  est  palatium  admirabilis  archi- 
tectural et  mult  a  officinarnm  diversoria  regi  cuidam,  ut  aiunt,  quondam  gratis- 
simum  secretale  hospicium."  (Letter  of  an  English  Crusader  on  the  sack  of 
Lisbon,  in  Portugallice  Monumenta  Historica,  a  sceculo  octavo  post  Christum  usque 
ad  quintum  decimttm,  jusla  Academice  Scientiarum  Olisiponensis  edita.  Volumen 
I.,  fasciculus  iii.  Lisbon,  1861,  p.  395.) 

(')  Dio  Cassius,  XXXVII.  52,  53. — "Caesar,  as  soon  as  he  arrived,  defeated 
the  Lusitanians  and  the  inhabitants  of  Galicia,  and  advanced  as  far  as  the 
outer  sea.  Thus  he  caused  people  who  had  never  yet  recognised  the  authority 
of  the  Romans  to  submit  to  them,  and  returned  from  his  government  loaded 
with  glory  and  wealth,  of  which  he  gave  a  part  to  his  soldiers."  (Zonaras, 
Annales,  X.  6.)  (s)  Appian,  Civil  Wars,  II.  8. 


693—695.  407 

ing  the  tribute  imposed  by  Metellus  Pius  during  the 
war  against  Sertorius.  (x)  Above  all,  he  applied  him- 
self to  putting  an  end  to  the  differences  that  arose 
each  day  between  debtors  and  creditors,  by  ordaining 
that  the  former  should  devote,  every  year,  two-thirds 
of  their  income  to  the  liquidation  of  their  debts ;  a 
measure  which,  according  to  Plutarch,  brought  him 
great  honour.  (2)  This  measure  was,  in  fact,  an  act 
which  tended  to  the  preservation  of  property ;  it  pre- 
vented the  Roman  usurers  from  taking  possession  of 
a  debtor's  entire  capital  to  reimburse  themselves ;  and 
we  shall  see  that  Caesar  made  it  of  general  application 
when  he  became  dictator.  (3)  Finally,  having  healed 
their  dissensions,  he  loaded  the  inhabitants  of  Cadiz 
with  benefits,  and  left  behind  him  laws,  the  happy  in- 
fluence of  which  was  felt  for  a  long  period.  He  abol- 
ished among  the  people  of  Lusitania  their  barbarous 
customs,  some  of  which  went  as  far  as  the  sacrifice  of 
human  victims.  (4)  It  was  there  that  he  became  in- 
timate with  a  man  of  consideration  in  Cadiz,  L.  Cor- 
nelius Balbus,  who  became  magister  fabrorum  (chief 
engineer)  during  his  Gaulish  wars,  and  who  was  de- 

(1)  Caesar,  Spanish  War,  42. 

(2)  Plutarch,  Ccesar,  12. 

(3)  "  There  came  forward  a  whole  army  of  accusers  against  those  who  enrich- 
ed themselves  by  usury  in  contempt  of  a  law  passed  by  Caesar  when  he  was 
dictator,  regulating  the  proportion  to  be  o'bserved  between  the  debts  and  posses- 
sions in  Italy :  a  law  which  had  for  a  long  while  fallen  into  desuetude  through 
the  interest  of  individuals."     (Tacitus,  Annals,  vi.  16. — Suetonius,  C&sar,  42.) 

(*)  "I  will  not  enumerate  all  the  marks  of  honour  with  which  Caesar  distin- 
guished the  people  of  this  town  when  he  was  praetor  in  Spain ;  the  divisions 
he  found  means  of  healing  among  the  citizens  of  Gades  ;  the  laws  which,  with 
their  consent,  he  gave  them ;  the  old  barbarism  of  their  manners  and  customs, 
which  he  caused  to  disappear ;  the  eagerness  with  which,  at  the  request  of 
Balbus,  he  loaded  them  with  benefits."  (Cicero,  Oration  for  Balbus,19.') 


408  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  C^SAR. 

fended  by  Cicero  when  his  right  of  Roman  citizen 
was  called  in  question.  (a) 

Though  he  administered  his  province  with  the 
greatest  equity,  yet,  during  his  campaign,  he  had 
amassed  a  rich  booty,  which  enabled  him  to  reward 
his  soldiers,  and  to  pay  considerable  sums  into  the 
treasury  without  being  accused  of  peculation  or  of  ar- 
bitrary acts.  His  conduct  as  praetor  of  Spain  (2)  was 
praised  by  all,  and  among  others  by  Mark  Antony,  in 
a  speech  pronounced  after  Caesar's  death. 

It  was  not  then,  as  Suetonius  pretends,  by  the  beg- 
ging of  subsidies  (3)  (for  a  general  hardly  begs  at  the 
head  of  an  army),  nor  was  it  by  an  abuse  of  power, 
that  he  amassed  such  enormous  riches ;  he  obtained 
them  by  contributions  of  war,  by  a  good  administra- 
tion, and  even  by  the  gratitude  of  those  whom  he  had 
governed. 

II.  Caesar  returned  to  Rome  towards  the  month  of 
June  (4)  without  waiting  for  the  arrival  of  his  success- 

(')  "From  his  youth  he  was  acquainted  with  Caesar,  and  that  great  man 
was  pleased  with  him.  Caesar,  among  the  crowd  of  friends  he  had,  marked 
him  out  as  one  of  his  intimates  when  he  was  praetor :  when  he  was  consul,  he 
made  him  overseer  of  the  manufactory  of  his  military  engines.  He  had  expe- 
rience of  his  prudence  ;  appreciated  his  devotion ;  accepted  his  acts  of  kind- 
ness and  his  affection.  At  that  time  Balbus  shared  nearly  all  the  labours  of 
Caesar."  (Cicero,  Oration  for  Balbus,  28.) 

(")  "  For  this  man  (Caesar)  began-  by  being  praetor  in  Spain,  and,  distrust- 
ing the  loyalty  of  this  province,  he  would  not  give  its  inhabitants  the  chance  of 
being  subsequently  more  dangerous,  through  a  delusive  peace.  He  chose  to 
do  what  was  of  importance  to  the  interests  of  the  Republic  rather  than  to  pass 
the  days  of  his  magistracy  in  tranquillity;  and  as  the  Spaniards  refused  to  sur- 
render, he  compelled  them  to  it  by  force.  So  he  surpassed  in  honour  those 
who  had  preceded  him  in  Spain ;  for  it  is  a  harder  task  to  keep  a  conquest 
than  to  make  one.'1  (Dio  Cassins,  XLIV.  41.)  (a)  Suetonius,  Ciesar,  54. 

(*)  "  Caesar  arrives  in  two  days."    {Cicero  to  Atticus,  II.  1,  June,  694.) 


693—695.  409 

c*gar  demands  a  or.    This  return,  which  the  historians  de- 

Triumph  and  the  ._  .  _  . 

consulship  (694;.  scribe  as  nasty,  was  by  no  means  so,  since 
his  regular  authority  had  expired  in  the  month  of 
January,  694.  But  he  was  determined  to  be  present 
at  the  approaching  meeting  of  the  consular  comitia ; 
he  presented  himself  with  confidence,  and  whilst  pre- 
paring for  his  triumph,  demanded  at  the  same  time 
permission  to  become  a  candidate  for  the  consulship. 
Invested  with  the  title  of  Impemtor,  having,  by  a  rap- 
id conquest,  extended  the  limits  of  the  empire  to  the 
northern  shores  of  the  Ocean,  he  might  justly  aspire 
to  this  double  distinction;  but  it  was  granted  with 
difficulty.  To  obtain  a  triumph,  it  was  necessary  to 
remain  without  the  walls  of  Rome,  to  retain  the  lie- 
tors  and  continue  the  military  uniform,  and  to  wait 
till  the  Senate  should  fix  the  date  of  entry.  To  solicit 
for  the  consulship,  it  was  necessary,  on  the  contrary, 
to  be  present  in  Rome,  clad  in  a  white  robe,  (*)  the 
costume  of  those  who  were  candidates  for  public  of- 
fices, and  to  reside  there  several  days  previous  to  the 
election.  The  Senate  had  not  always  considered  these 
two  demands  incompatible :  (2)  it  would  perhaps  even 
have  granted  this  indulgence  to  Caesar,  had  not  Cato, 
by  speaking  till  the  end  of  the  day,  rendered  all  de- 
liberation impossible.  (3)  He  had  not,  however,  been 
so  severe  in  684 ;  but  it  was  because,  on  that  occa- 
sion, Pompey  was  triumphing  in  reality  over  Serto- 
rius,  that  foe  to  the  aristocracy,  though  officially  it  was 
only  talked  of  as  a  victory  over  the  Spaniards.  (4) 

(l)  Thence  the  name  of  candidate. 

(3)  "  Many  candidates  for  the  consulship  had  been  nominated  in  their  ab- 
sence ;  as,  for  instance,  Marcellus,  in  540."     (Titus  Livius,  XXIV.  9.) 
(')  Plutarch,  Cato,  36.  («)  Floras,  III.  23. 

18 


410  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

Constrained  to  choose  between  an  idle  pageant  and 
real  power,  Caesar  did  not  hesitate. 

The  ground  had  been  well  prepared  for  his  election. 
His  popularity  had  been  steadily  on  the  increase ;  and 
the  Senate,  too  much  elated  by  its  successes,  had  es- 
tranged those  who  possessed  the  greatest  influence. 
Pompey,  discontented  at  the  uniform  refusals  with 
which  his  just  demands  had  been  met,  knew  well  also 
that  the  recent  law,  declaring  enemies  of  the  State 
those  who  bribed  the  electors,  was  a  direct  attack 
against  himself,  since  he  had  openly  paid  for  the  elec- 
tion of  the  consul  Afranius ;  but,  always  infatuated 
with  his  own  personal  attractions,  he  consoled  him- 
self for  his  checks  by  strutting  about  in  his  gaudy 
embroidered  robe.  (*)  Crassus,  who  had  long  re- 
mained faithful  to  the  aristocratic  party,  had  become 
its  enemy,  on  account  of  the  ill-disguised  jealousy  of 
the  nobles  towards  him,  and  their  intrigues  to  impli- 
cate him  with  Caesar  in  the  conspiracy  of  Catiline. 
However,  though  he  held  in  his  hands  the  strings  of 
many  an  intrigue,  he  was  fearful  of  compromising 
himself,  and  shrank  from  declaring  in  public  against 
any  man  in  credit.  (2)  Lucullus,  weary  of  warfare 
and  of  intestine  struggles,  was  withdrawing  from  pol- 
itics in  order  to  enjoy  his  vast  wealth  in  tranquillity. 
Catulus  wras  dead,  and  the  majority  of  the  nobles 
were  ready  to  follow  the  impulse  given  them  by  cer- 
tain enthusiastic  senators,  who,  caring  little  about 
public  affairs,  thought  themselves  the  happiest  of 
men  if  they  had  in  their  fishponds  carp  sufficiently 

(')  Cicero,  Letters  to  Atticus,  I.  18. 
(5)  Cicero,  Letters  to  Atticus,  I.  18. 


693—695.  411 

tamed  to  come  and  eat  out  of  their  hands.  (')  Cicero 
felt  his  own  solitary  position.  The  nobles,  whose  an- 
gry feelings  he  had  served,  now  that  the  peril  was 
over,  regarded  him  as  no  better  than  an  upstart. 
Therefore  he  prudently  changed  his  principles;  he, 
the  exterminator  of  eonspirators,  had  become  the  de- 
fender of  P.  Sylla,  one  of  Catiline's  accomplices,  and 
procured  his  acquittal  in  the  teeth  of  the  evidence ;  (2) 
he,  the  energetic  opponent  of  all  partitions  of  land, 
had  spoken  in  favour  of  the  agrarian  law  of  Flavins. 
He  wrote  to  Atticus,  "I  have  seen  that  those  men 
whose  happiness  belongs  to  the  passing  hour,  those 
illustrious  lovers  of  fishponds,  are  no  longer  able  to 
conceal  their  jealousy  of  me ;  so  I  have  sought  more 
solid  support."  (3) 

In  a  word,  he  had  made  overtures  to  Pompey, 
though  in  secret  he  admitted  that  he  possessed  nei- 
ther greatness  of  mind  nor  nobleness  of  heart.  "  He 
only  knows  how  to  curry  favour  and  flatter  the  peo- 
ple," he  said ;  "  and  here  am  I  bound  to  him  on  such 
terms  that  our  interest,  as  individuals,  is  served  there- 
by ;  and,  as  statesmen,  we  can  both  act  with  greater 
firmness.  The  ill-will  of  our  ardent  and  unprincipled 
youth  had  been  excited  against  me.  I  have  been  so 
successful  in  bringing  it  round  by  my  address,  that  at 
present  it  cares  for  no  one  but  me.  Finally,  I  am 
careful  to  wound  no  man's  feelings,  and  that  without 
servileness  or  popularity-hunting.  My  entire  conduct 
is  so  well  planned,  that,  as  a  public  man,  I  yield  in 

(J)  Cicero,  Letters  to  Atticus,  II.  1. 

(2)  "  It  even  appears  that  Cicero  had  lent  the  accused  a  million  of  sestertii 
to  purchase  a  mansion  on  the  Palatine."    (Aulus  Gcllius,  XII.  12.) 

(3)  Cicero,  Letters  to  Atticus,  I.  12. 


412  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CJESAR. 

nothing ;  and  as  a  private  individual,  who  knows  the 
weakness  of  honest  men,  the  injustice  of  the  envious, 
and  the  hatred  of  the  wicked,  I  take  my  precautions, 
and  act  with  prudence."  (:) 

Cicero  deceived  himself  with  regard  to  the  causes 
of  his  change  of  party,  and  did-  not  acknowledge  to 
himself  the  reasons  that  constrained  him  to  look  out 
for  powerful  patrons.  Like  all  men  destitute  of  force 
of  character,  instead  of  openly  confessing  the  motives 
of  his  conduct,  he  justified  himself  to  his  friends  by 
pretending  that,  so  far  from  having  altered  his  own 
opinions,  it  was  he  who  was  converting  Pompey,  and 
would  soon  make  the  same  experiment  upon  Caesar. 
"  You  rally  me  pleasantly,"  he  wrote  to  Atticus,  "  on 
the  subject  of  my  intimacy  with  Pompey ;  but  do  not 
fancy  that  I  have  contracted  it  out  of  regard  for  my 
personal  safety.  It  is  all  the  effect  of  circumstances. 
When  there  was  the  slightest  disagreement  between 
us,  there  was  trouble  in  the  State.  I  have  laid  my 
plans  and  made  my  conditions,  so  that,  without  lay- 
ing aside  my  own  principles,  which  are  good,  I  have 
led  him  to  better  sentiments.  He  is  somewhat  cured 
of  his  madness  for  popularity.  .  .  .  If  I  am  equal- 
ly successful  with  Caesar,  whose  ship  is  now  sailing 
under  full  canvas,  shall  I  have  done  great  harm  to 
the  State  ?"  (2)  Cicero,  like  all  men  whose  strength 
lies  in  eloquence,  felt  that  he  could  play  no  important 
part,  or  even  secure  his  own  personal  safety,  unless  he 
allied  himself  with  men  of  the  sword. 

Whilst  at  Rome  the  masters  of  the  world  were 

(')  Cicero,  Letters  to  Atticus,  I.  19. 
(2)  Cicero,  Letters  to  Atticuf,  II.  1. 


693—695.  413 

wasting  their  time  in  mean  quarrels,  alarming  news 
came  suddenly  to  create  a  diversion  in  political  in- 
trigue. Information  was  brought  that  the  Gaulish 
allies  on  the  banks  of  the  Saone  had  been  defeated 
by  the  Germans,  that  the  Helvetii  were  in  arms,  and 
making  raids  beyond  the  frontiers.  The  terror  was 
universal.  Fears  were  entertained  of  a  fresh  invasion 
of  the  Cimbri  and  Teutones;  and,  as  always  hap- 
pened on  such  occasions,  a  general  levy,  without  ex- 
ception, was  ordered.  (a)  The  consuls  of  the  previous 
year  drew  lots  for  their  provinces,  and  it  was  decided 
to  dispatch  commissioners  to  come  to  an  understand- 
ing with  the  Gaulish  tribes,  with  a  view  to  resist  for- 
eign invasions.  The  names  of  Pompey  and  Cicero 
were  at  once  pronounced ;  but  the  Senate,  influenced 
by  different  motives,  declared  that  their  presence  was 
too  necessary  in  Rome  to  allow  them  to  be  sent  away. 
They  were  unwilling  to  give  the  former  an  opportu- 
nity of  again  distinguishing  himself,  or  to  deprive 
themselves  of  the  concurrence  of  the  latter. 

III.  News  of  a  more  re-assuring  character  having 
Ainance  of  c«Mar,  been  received  from  Gaul,  the  fear  of  war 

Pompey,  and  Cras-  . 

sus-  ceased  tor   a  time,  and  things   had  re- 

turned to  their  customary  course  when  Caesar  came 
home  from  Spain.  In  the  midst  of  conflicting  opin- 
ions and  interests,  the  presence  of  a  man  of  steady 
purpose  and  deeply-rooted  convictions,  >and  illustrious 
through  recent  victories,  was,  without  any  doubt,  an 
event.  He  did  not  require  long  to  form  his  estimate 
of  the  situation ;  and,  as  he  could  not  as  yet  unite 

(')  Cicero,  Letters  to  Atticus,  1. 19. 


414  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  C^SAR. 

the  masses  by  the  realisation  of  a  grand  idea,  lie 
thought  to  unite  the  chiefs  by  a  common  interest. 

All  his  endeavours  from  that  time  were  devoted  to 
making  Pompey,  Crassus,  and  Cicero  share  his  ideas. 
The  first  had  been  rather  ill  disposed  towards  him. 
On  his  return  from  his  campaign  against  Mithridates, 
Pompey  had  called  Caesar  his  Egistheus,  (')  in  allu- 
sion to  the  intrigue  which  he  had  had  with  his  wife 
Mutia,  whilst  he,  like  Agamemnon,  was  making  war 
in  Asia.  Resentment,  on  this  account,  usually  slight 
enough  among  the  Romans,  soon  disappeared  before 
the  exigencies  of  political  life.  As  for  Crassus,  who 
had  long  been  separated  from  Pompey  by  a  jealous 
feeling  of  rivalry,  it  needed  all  Caesar's  tact,  and  all 
the  seduction  of  his  manners,  to  induce  him  to  become 
reconciled  with  his  rival.  But,  to  bring  them  both 
to  follow  the  same  line  of  conduct,  it  was  necessary, 
over  and  above  this,  to  tempt  them  with  such  power- 
ful motives  as  would  ensure  conviction.  The  histori- 
ans, in  general,  have  given  no  other  reason  to  account 
for  the  agreement  of  these  three  men  than  personal 
interest.  Doubtless,  Pompey  'and  Crassus  were  not 
insensible  to  a  combination  that  favoured  their  love 
of  power  and  wealth ;  but  we  ought  to  lend  Caesar  a 
more  elevated  motive,  and  suppose  him  inspired  by  a 
genuine  patriotism. 

The  condition  of  the  Republic  must  have  appeared 
thus  to  his  comprehensive  grasp  of  thought: — The 
Roman  dominion,  stretched,  like  some  vast  figure, 
across  the  world,  clasps  it  in  her  sinewy  arms ;  and 
whilst  her  limbs  are  full  of  life  and  strength,  the  heart 

(')  Suetonius,  Casar,  50. 


693-695.  415 

is  wasting  by  decay.  Unless  some  heroic  remedy  be 
applied,  the  contagion  will  soon  spread  from  the  cen- 
tre to  the  extremities,  and  the  mission  of  Rome  will 
remain  unfinished ! — Compare  with  the  present  the 
prosperous  days  of  the  Republic.  Recollect  the  time 
Avhen  envoys  from  foreign  nations,  doing  homage  to 
the  policy  of  the  Senate,  declared  openly  that  they 
preferred  the  protecting  sovereignty  of  Rome  to  inde- 
pendence itself.  Since  that  period,  what  a  change 
has  taken  place !  All  nations  execrate  the  power  of 
Rome,  and  yet  that  power  preserves  them  from  still 
greater  evils.  ,  Cicero  is  right, "  Let  Asia  think  well 
of  it :  there  is  not  one  of  the  woes  that  are  bred  of 
war  and  civil  strife,  that  she  would  not  experience  did 
she  cease  to  live  under  our  laws."  (*)  And  this  ad- 
vice may  be  applied  to  all  the  countries  whither  the 
legions  have  penetrated.  If,  then,  fate  has  willed  that 
the  nations  are  to  be  subject  to  the  sway  of  a  single 
people,  it  is  the  duty  of  that  people,  as  charged  with 
the  execution  of  the  eternal  decrees,  to  be,  towards 
the  vanquished,  as  just  and  equitable  as  the  Divinity, 
since  he  is  as  inexorable  as  destiny.  How  are  we  to 
fix  a  limit  to  the  arbitrary  conduct  of  proconsuls  and 
propraetors,  which  all  the  laws  promulgated  for  so 
many  years  have  been  powerless  to  check  ?  How  put 
a  stop  to  the  exactions  committed  at  all  points  of  the 
empire,  if  a  firmer  and  stronger  direction  do  not  ema- 
nate from  the  central  power  ? — The  Republic  pursues 
an  irregular  system  of  encroachment,  which  will  ex- 
haust its  resources;  it  is  impossible  for  her  to  fight 
against  all  nations  at  once,  and  at  the  same  time  to 

(')  Cicero,  Letters  to  Quintus,  I.  1, 11. 


416  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

maintain  her  allies  in  their  allegiance,  if,  by  unjust 
treatment,  they  are  driven  to  revolt.  The  enemies  of 
the  Republic  must  be  diminished  in  number  by  re- 
storing their  freedom  to  the  cities  which  are  worthy 
of  it,  (*)  and  acknowledging  as  friends  of  the  Roman 
people  those  nations  with  whom  there  is  a  chance  of 
living  in  peace.  (2)  Our  most  dangerous  enemies  are 
the  Gauls,  and  it  is  against  this  turbulent  and  warlike 
nation  that  all  the  strength  of  the  State  ought  to  be 
directed. — In  Italy,  and  under  this  name  Cisalpine 
Gaul  must  be  included,  how  many  citizens  are  de- 
prived of  political  rights !  At  Rome,  how  many  of 
the  proletaries  are  living  on  the  charity  either  of  the 
rich  or  of  the  State !  Why  should  we  not  extend  the 
Roman  commune  as  far  as  the  Alps,  and  why  not 
augment  the  race  of  labourers  and  soldiers  by  making 
them  landowners  ?  The  Roman  people  must  be  raised 
in  its  own  eyes,  and  the  Republic  in  the  eyes  of  the 
world ! — Absolute  liberty  of  speech  and  of  vote  was 
a  great  benefit,  when,  modified  by  morality,  and  re- 
strained by  a  powerful  aristocracy,  it  gave  scope  to 
individual  faculties  without  damaging  the  general 
well-being;  but,  ever  since  the  morality  of  ancient 
days  disappeared  with  the  aristocracy,  we  have  seen 
the  laws  become  weapons  of  war  for  the  use  of  par- 
ties, the  elections  a  traffic,  the  forum  a  battle-field ; 
while  liberty  is  nothing  more  than  a  never-ending 
cause  of  weakness  and  decay. — Our  institutions  cause 
such  uncertainty  in  our  councils,  and  such  independ- 

(')  Cissar,  when  consul  and  dictator,  declared  many  foreign  cities  free. 
(2)  It  will  be  seen  in  the  next  chapter  that  Ctesar  recognized  as  friends  to 
the  Roman  people  Auletes,  king  of  Egypt,  and  Ariovistns,  king  of  the  Germans. 


693—695.  417 

ence  in  our  offices  of  State,  that  we  search  in  vain  for 
that  spirit  of  order  and  control  which  are  indispensa- 
.ble  elements  in  the  maintenance  of  so  vast  an  empire. 
Without  overthrowing  institutions  which  have  given 
five  centuries  of  glory  to  the  Republic,  it  is  possible, 
by  a  close  union  of  the  most  worthy  citizens,  to  estab- 
lish in  the  State  a  moral  authority,  which  governs  the 
passions,  tempers  the  laws,  gives  a  greater  stability  to 
power,  directs  the  elections,  maintains  the  representa- 
tives of  the  Roman  people  in  their  duty,  and  frees  us 
from  the  two  most  serious  dangers  of  the  present :  the 
selfishness  of  the  nobles  and  the  turbulence  of  the 
mob.  This  is  what  they  may  realise  by  their  union ; 
their  disunion,  on  the  contrary,  will  only  encourage 
the  fatal  conduct  of  these  men  who  are  endangering 
the  future  equally,  some  by  their  opposition,  the  oth- 
ers by  their  headlong  violence. 

These  considerations  must  have  been  easily  under- 
stood by  Pompey  and  Crassus,  who  had  themselves 
been  actors  in  such  great  events,  witnesses  of  so  much 
blood  shed  in  civil  wars,  of  so  many  noble  ideas,  tri- 
umphing at  one  moment  and  overthrown  the  next. 
They  accepted  Caesar's  proposal,  and  thus  was  con- 
cluded an  alliance  which  is  wrongly  termed  the  First 
Triumvirate.  (*)  As  for  Cicero,  Caesar  tried  to  per- 
suade him  to  join  the  compact  which  had  just  been 
formed,  but  he  refused  to  become  one  of  w^hat  he 

(')  Duumvirs,  decemvirs,, vigintivirs  were  the  names  given  to  magistrates  who 
shared  the  same  duties  in  boards  of  two,  ten,  or  twenty.  In  the  present  case, 
however,  the  object  was  only  to  bind  together  the  men  of  the  greatest  import- 
ance by  a  secret  bond.  Therefore  the  word  triumvirate  would  be  a  misno- 
mer. 

18*  DD 


418  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

termed  a  party  of  friends.  (a)  Always  uncertain  in 
his  conduct,  always  divided  between  his  admiration 
for  those  who  held  the  sovereign  power,  and  his  en- 
gagements with  the  oligarchy,  and  uneasy  for  the  fu- 
ture which  his  foresight  could  not  penetrate,  he  set 
his  mind  to  work  to  prevent  the  success  of  every  meas- 
ure which  he  approved  as  soon  as  it  had  succeeded. 
The  alliance  which  these  three  persons  ratified  by 
their  oaths,  (2)  remained  long  a  secret ;  and  it  was 
only  during  Caesar's  consulship  that  it  became  matter 
of  public  notoriety  from  the  unanimity  they  displayed 
in  all  their  political  resolutions.  Caesar,  then,  set  en- 
ergetically to  work  to  unite  in  his  own  favour  every 
chance  that  could  render  his  election  certain. 

IV.  Among  the  candidates  was  L.  Lucceius.    Caesar 
was  desirous  of  attaching  to  his  cause 

Caesar's  Election.  T-«I-ITI 

this  person,  who  was  distinguished  alike 
by  his  writings  and  his  character,  (3)  and  who,  pos- 
sessed of  vast  wealth,  had  promised  to  make  abun- 
dant use  of  it  for  their  common  profit,  in  order  to  com- 
mand the  majority  of  votes  in  the  centuries.  "  The 
aristocratic  faction,"  says  Suetonius,  "  on  learning  this 
arrangement,  was  seized  with  fear.  They  thought 
that  there  was  nothing  which  Caesar  would  not  at- 
tempt in  the  exercise  of  the  sovereign  magistracy,  if 
he  had  a  colleague  who  agreed  with  him,  and  who 
would  support  all  his  designs."  (4)  The  nobles,  una- 

0)  "  He  wished  me  to  join  these  three  intimate  consular  men."    (Cicero, 
Oration  on  the  Consular  Provinces,  17.) 
(")  Dio  Cassius,  XXXVII.  57. 
(')  Cicero,  Familiar  Letters,  V.  12. 
(*)  Suetonius,  Casar,  19.— Eutropius,  VI.  14.—  Plutarch,  C<ma>;  1.3. 


693—695.  419 

ble  to  eject  him,  resolved  to  give  him  Bibulus  for  a 
colleague,  who  had  already  been  his  colleague  in  the 
edileship  and  the  praatorship,  and  had  constantly 
shown  himself  his  opponent.  They  all  made  a  pe- 
cuniary contribution  to  influence  the  elections ;  Bibu- 
lus spent  large  sums,  (*)  and  the  incorruptible  Cato 
himself,  who  had  solemnly  sworn  to  impeach  any  one 
who  should  be  guilty  of  bribery,  contributed  his  quo- 
ta, owning  that  for  the  interest  of  the  State  his  prin- 
ciples must  for  once  yield.  (2)  Neither  was  Cicero 
more  inflexible:  some  time  before,  he  expressed  to 
Atticus  the  necessity  of  purchasing  the  concurrence 
of  the  equestrian  order.  (3)  We  can  see  how  even 
the  most  honourable  were  swept  along,  by  the  force 
of  events,  in  the  current  of  a  corrupt  society. 

By  the  force  of  public  opinion,  and  by  the  support 
of  the  two  men  of  greatest  influence,  Caesar  was  elect- 
ed consul  unanimously,  and  conducted,  according  to 
custom,  from  the  Campus  Martius  to  his  own  house 
by  an  enthusiastic  crowd  of  his  fellow-citizens,  and  a 
vast  number  of  senators.  (4) 

If  the  party  opposed  to  CaBsar  had  been  unable  to 
stand  in  the  way  of  his  becoming  consul,  it  did  not 
despair  of  preventing  his  playing  the  important  part 
he  had  a  right  to  expect  as  proconsul.  To  effect  this, 
the  Senate  determined  to  evade  the  law  of  Caius  Grac- 

(')  Suetonius,  Ctesar,  19. 

(2)  Plutarch,  Cato,  26.— Suetonius,  19. 

(3)  "  But  will  you  say  that  we  can  only  have  the  knights  on  our  side  by  pay- 
ing for  them  ?    What  are  we  to  do  ?    Have  we  a  choice  of  means  ?"    (Cicero, 
Letters  to  Atticus,  II.  1.) 

(*)  "Inde  domum  repetes  toto  comitante  senatu, 

Officium  populi  vix  capiente  domo." 

Ovid,  Ex  Ponto,  IV.  Epist.  4. 


420  HISTOKY  OF  JULIUS  C^SAR. 

chus,  which,  to  prevent  the  assignment  of  provinces 
from  personal  considerations,  provided  that  it  should 
take  place  before  the  coinitia  were  held.  The  assem- 
bly, therefore,  departing  from  the  rule,  assigned  to  Cae- 
sar and  his  colleague,  by  an  act  of  flagrant  ill-will,  the 
supervision  of  the  public  roads  and  forests ;  an  office 
somewhat  similar,  it  is  true,  to  that  of  governor  of  a 
province..^1)  This  humiliating  appointment,  proof  as 
it  was  of  a  persevering  hostility,  wounded  him  deep- 
ly ;  but  the  duties  of  his  new  office  imposed  silence 
upon  his  resentments.  Caesar  the  consul  would  for- 
get the  wrongs  done  to  Caesar  the  man,  and  generous- 
ly attempt  a  policy  of  conciliation. 

(')  Suetonius,  Caesar,  19. 


CHAPTER  V. 

CONSULSHIP  OF  C^SAR  AND  BIBULTJS. 
(695.) 

I.  C^ESAK  has  arrived  at  the  first  magistracy  of  the 
Attempts  atconcii-  Republic.  Consul  with  Bibulus  at  the 
age  of  forty-one,  he  has  not  yet  acquired 
the  just  celebrity  of  Ponrpey,  nor  does  Jbe  enjoy  the 
treasures  of  Crassus,  and  yet  his  influence  is  perhaps 
greater  than  that  of  those  two  personages.  Political 
influence,  indeed,  does  not  depend  solely  on  military 
successes  or  on  the  possession  of  immense  riches ;  it  is 
acquired  especially  by  a  conduct  always  in  accord 
with  fixed  convictions.  Caesar  alone  represents  a  prin- 
ciple. From  the  age  of  eighteen,  he  has  faced  the  an- 
ger of  Sylla  and  the  hostility  of  the  aristocracy,  in 
order  to  plead  unceasingly  the  grievances  of  the  op- 
pressed and  the  lights  of  the  provinces. 

So  long  as  he  is  not  in  power,  being  exempt  from 
responsibility,  he  walks  invariably  in  the  way  he  has 
traced,  listens  to  no  compromise,  pursues  unsparingly 
the  adherents  of  the  opposite  party,  and  maintains  his 
opinions  energetically,  at  the  risk  of  wounding  his  ad- 
versaries ;  but,  once  consul,  he  lays  aside  all  resent- 
ment, and  makes  a  loyal  appeal  to  all  who  will  rally 
round  him ;  he,  declares  to  the  Senate  that  he  will  not 
act  without  its  concurrence,  that  he  will  propose  noth- 


422  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

ing  contrary  to  its  prerogatives.  (J)  He  offers  his  col- 
league Bibulus  a  generous  reconciliation,  conjuring 
him,  in  the  presence  of  the  senators,  to  put  a  term  to 
differences  of  opinion,  the  effects  of  which,  already  so 
much  to  be  regretted  during  their  common  edileship 
and  prsetorship,  would  become  fatal  in  their  new  po- 
sition. (2)  He  makes  advances  to  Cicero,  and,  after 
sending  Cornelius  Balbus  to  him  in  his  villa  of  An- 
tium  to  assure  him  that  he  is  ready  to  follow  his  coun- 
sels and  those  of  Pompey,  offers  to  take  him  as  an  as- 
sociate in  his  labours.  (3) 

Caesar  must  have  believed  that  these  offers  of  co- 
operation would  be  embraced.  In  face  of  the  perils 
of  a  society  deeply  agitated,  he  supposed  that  others 
had  the  same  sentiments  which  animated  himself. 
Love  of  the  public  good,  and  the  consciousness  of 
having  entirely  devoted  himself  to  it,  gave  him  that 
confidence  without  reserve  in  the  patriotism  of  others 
which  admits  neither  mean  rivalries  nor  the  calcula- 
tions of  selfishness:  he  was  deceived.  The  Senate 
showed  nothing  but  prejudices,  Bibulus,  but  rancours, 
Cicero,  but  a  false  pride. 

It  was  essential  for  Caesar  to  unite  Pompey,  who 
was  wanting  in  firmness  of  character,  more  closely 
with  his  destinies;  he  gave  him  in  marriage  his 
daughter  Julia,  a  young  woman  of  twenty-three  years 
of  age,  richly  endowed  with  graces  and  intelligence, 
who  had  already  been  affianced  to  Servilius  Caepio. 

(')  Dio  Cassius,  XXXVIII.  1.  (2)  Appian,  Civil  Wars,  II.  10. 

(*)  Cicero,  Epistles  to  Atticus,  II.  3. — "When  consul,  he  wished  me  to  take 
part  in  the  operations  of  his  consulship.  Without  approving  them,  I  felt  nev- 
ertheless grateful  to  him  for  his  deference."  (Oration  on  the  Consular  Piov- 
inces,  17.) 


CONSULSHIP  OF  C2ESAR  AND  BIBULUS.  423 

To  compensate  the  latter,  Pompey  promised  him  his 
own  daughter,  though  she  also  was  engaged  to  an- 
other, to  Faustus,  the  son  of  Sylla.  Soon  afterwards 
Caesar  espoused  Calpurnia,  the  daughter  of  Lucius 
Piso.  (')  Cato  protested  energetically  against  these 
marriages,  which  he  qualified  as  disgraceful  traffics 
with  the  common  weal.  (2)  The  nobles,  and  especial- 
ly the  two  Curios,  made  themselves  the  echoes  of  this 
reprobation.  Their  party,  nevertheless,  did  not  neg- 
lect to  strengthen  themselves  by  such  alliances 
Doubtless,  when  Cato  gave  his  daughter  to  Bibulus, 
it  was  for  a  political  motive ;  and  when  he  ceded  his 
own  wife  to  Hortensius,  (3)  although  the  mother  of 
three  children,  to  take  her  back  again  when  enriched 
by  the  death  of  her  last  husband,  there  was  also  an 
interest  hardly  honourable,  which  Caesar  subsequent- 
ly unveiled  in  a  book  entitled  Anti-Cato.  (*) 

The  first  care  of  the  new  consul  was  to  establish 
the  practice  of  publishing  daily  the  acts  of  the  Senate 
and  those  of  the  people,  in  order  that  public  opinion 
might  bear  with  all  its  weight  upon  the  resolutions 
of  the  conscript  fathers,  whose  deliberations  had  pre- 
viously been  often  secret.  (5)  The  initiative  taken  by 
Caesar  from  the  commencement  of  his  consulship,  in 
questioning  the  senators  on  the  projects  of  laws,  is  an 
evidence  that  he  had  the  fasces  before  Bibulus.  We 
know,  in  fact,  that  the  consuls  enjoyed  this  honour 
alternately  for  a  month,  and  it  was  in  the  period 

(*)  Plutarch,  Ctcsar,  14. — Suetonius,  Ccesar,2l. 

(2)  Plutarch,  Casar,  14. 

(3)  Plutarch,  Cato,  24. 

(4)  Plutarch,  Cato,  59. 

(s)  Suetonius,  Ccesar,  20.  . 


424  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

when  they  were  invested  with  the  signs  distinctive 
of  power  that  they  were  permitted  to  ask  the  advice 
of  the  senators.  (') 

II.  He  proposed  next,  in  the  month  of  January,  an 
agrarian  law  founded  upon  wise  princi- 
ples, and  which  respected  all  legitimate 
rights.  The  following  were  its  principal  provisions: — 

Partition  of  all  the  free  part  of  the  ager  publicus, 
except  that  of  Campania  and  that  of  Volaterrse ;  the 
first  excepted  originally  on  account  of  its  great  fertil- 
ity, (2)  and  the  second  guaranteed  to  all  those  who 
had  got  it  into  their  possession.  (3) — In  case  of  insuf- 
ficiency of  territory,  new  acquisitions,  by  means  either 
of  money  coming  from  Pompey's  conquests,  or  from 
the  overplus  of  the  public  revenues. — Prohibition  of 
all  appropriation  by  force. — The  nomination  of  twen- 
ty commissioners  to  preside  at  the  distribution  of  the 
lands,  with  exclusion  of  the  author  of  the  proposal. — 
Estimate  of  private  lands  for  sale,  made  according  to 
the  declaration  at  the  last  census,  and  not  according 
to  the  valuation  of  the  commissioners. — Obligation 
upon  each  senator  to  swear  obedience  to  the  law,  and 
to  engage  never  to  propose  anything  contrary  to  it. 

It  was,  as  may  be  seen,  the  project  of  Rullus,  re- 
lieved from  the  inconveniences  pointed  out  with  so 
much  eloquence  by  Cicero.  In  fact,  instead  of  ten 
commissioners,  Caesar  proposed  twenty,  in  order  to 
distribute  among  a  greater  number  a  power  of  which 
men  feared  the  abuse.  He  himself,  to  avoid  all  sus- 

(')  Titus  Livius,  IX.  8.  (3)  Appian,  Civil  Wars,  II.  7. 

(3)  Cicero,  Familiar  Letters,  XIII.  4. 


CONSULSHIP  OF  CAESAR  AND  BIBULUS.  425 

picion  of  personal  interest,  excluded  himself  from  the 
possibility  of  forming  part  of  it.  The  commissioners 
were  not,  as  in  the  law  of  Rullus,  authorised  to  act 
according  to  their  will,  and  tax  the  properties  arbi- 
trarily. Acquired  rights  were  respected ;  those  terri- 
tories only  were  distributed  of  which  the  State  had 
still  the  full  disposal.  The  sums  arising  from  Porn- 
pey's  conquests  were  to  be  employed  in  favour  of  the 
old  soldiers ;  and  Caesar  said  himself  that  it  was  just 
to  give  the  profit  of  that  money  to  those  who  had 
gained  it  at  the  peril  of  their  lives.  (*)  As  to  the  ob- 
ligation of  the  oath  imposed  upon  the  senators,  it  was 
not  an  innovation,  but  an  established  custom.  In  the 
present  case,  the  law  having  been  voted  before  the 
elections,  all  the  candidates,  and  especially  the  tri- 
bunes of  the  following  year,  had  to  take  the  engage- 
ment to  observe  it.  (2) 

"  Nobody,"  says  Dio  Cassius,  (3)  "  had  reason  for 
complaint  on  this  subject.  The  population  of  Rome, 
the  excessive  increase  of  which  had  been  the  princi- 
pal aliment  of  seditions,  was  called  to  labour  and  a 
country  life ;  the  greater  part  of  the  countries  of  Ita- 
ly, which  had  lost  their  inhabitants,  were  re-peopled. 
This  law  insured  means  of  existence  not  only  to  those 
who  had  supported  the  fatigues  of  the  war,  but  also 
to  all  the  other  citizens,  without  causing  expenditure 

0)  Dio  Cassius,  XXXVIII.  1. 

(2)  Epistles  to  Atticus,  I.  18. — In  allusion  to  a  former  law,  we  read  as  fol- 
lows: "The  senators  who  have  discussed  the  present  law  shall  be  held,  within 
ten  days  following  the  plebiscitum,  to  swear  to  maintain  it  before  the  questor, 
in  the  treasury,  in  open  day,  and  taking  for  witnesses  Jupiter  and  the  gods 
Penates."     (Table  of  Bantia,  Klenze,  Fhilologisclie  Abhandlungen,  IV.  16-24.) 

(3)  Dio  Cassius,  XXXVIII.  1. 


426  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  C^ESAK. 

to  the  State  or  loss  to  the  nobles ;  on  the  contrary,  it 
gave  to  several  honours  and  power." 

Thus,  while  some  historians  accuse  Caesar  of  seek- 
ing in  the  populace  of  Rome  the  point  of  support  for 
his  ambitious  designs,  he,  on  the  contrary,  obtains  a 
measure,  the  effect  of  which  is  to  transport  the  tur- 
bulent part  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  capital  into  the 
country. 

Caesar,  then,  read  his  project  to  the  Senate ;  after 
which,  calling  the  senators  by  their  names,  one  after 
the  other,  he  asked  the  opinion  of  each,  declaring  his 
readiness  to  modify  the  law,  or  withdraw  it  altogeth- 
er, if  it  were  not  agreeable  to  them.  But,  according 
to  Dio  Cassius, "  It  was  unassailable,  and,  if  any  dis- 
approved of  it,  none  dared  to  oppose  it ;  what  afflict- 
ed its  opponents  most  was,  that  it  was  drawn  up 
in  such  a  manner  as  to  leave  no  room  for  a  com- 
plaint." (')  So  the  opposition  was  limited  to  adjourn- 
ing from  time  to  time,  under  frivolous  pretexts.  Cato, 
without  making  a  direct  opposition,  alleged  the  ne- 
cessity of  changing  nothing  in  the  constitution  of  the 
Republic,  and  declared  himself  the  adversary  of  all 
kind  of  innovation ;  but,  when  the  moment  came  for 
voting,  he  had  recourse  again  to  his  old  tactics,  and 
rendered  all  deliberation  impossible  by  speaking  the 
entire  day,  by  which  he  had  already  succeeded  in  de- 
priving Caesar  of  the  triumph.  (2)  The  latter  lost  pa- 
tience, and  sent  the  obstinate  orator  to  prison ;  Cato 
was  followed  by  a  great  number  of  senators,  and  M. 

(')  Dio  Cnssius,  XXXVIII.  2. 

(5)  Ateius  Capito,  Treatise  on  the  Duties  of  the  Senator,  quoted  by  Aulus  Gcl- 
lius,  IV.  10.— Valerius  Maximus,  II.  10,  §  7.) 


CONSULSHIP  OF  OESAR  AND  BIBULUS.  427 

Petreius,  one  of  them,  replied  to  the  consul,  who  re- 
proached him  for  withdrawing  before  the  meeting 
was  closed :  "  I  would  rather  be  in  prison  with  Cato 
than  here  with  thee."  Regretting,  however,  this  first 
movement  of  anger,  and  struck  by  the  attitude  of  the 
assembly,  Caesar  immediately  restored  Cato  to  liberty; 
then  he  dismissed  the  Senate,  addressing  them  in  the 
following  words :  "  I  had  made  you  supreme  judges 
and  arbiters  of  this  law,  in  order  that,  if  any  one  of 
its  provisions  displeased  you,  it  should  not  be  re- 
ferred to  the  people ;  but,  since  you  have  refused  the 
previous  deliberation,  the  people  alone  shall  decide  it." 

His  attempt  at  conciliation  having  failed  with  the 
Senate,  he  renewed  it  towards  his  colleague,  and,  in 
the  astembly  of  the  tribes,  adjured  Bibulus  to  sup- 
port his  proposal.  On  their  side,  the  people  joined 
their  ensreaties  with  those  of  Caesar;  but  Bibulus, 
inflexible,  merely  said :  "  You  will  not  prevail  with 
me,  though  you  were  all  of  one  voice ;  and,  as  long  as 
I  shall  be  consul,  I  will  suffer  no  innovation."  (*) 

Then  Caesar,  judging  other  influences  necessary,  ap- 
pealed to  Pompey  and  Crassus.  Pompey  seized  hap- 
pily this  opportunity  for  speaking  to  the  people :  he 
said  that  he  not  only  approved  the  agrarian  law,  but 
that  the  senators  themselves  had  formerly  admitted 
the  principle,  in  decreeing,  on  his  return  from  Spain, 
a  distribution  of  lands  to  his  soldiers  and  to  those  of 
Metellus ;  if  this  measure  had  been  deferred,  it  was 
on  account  of  the  penury  of  the  treasury,  which, 
thanks  to  him,  had  now  ceased.  Then,  replying  to 
Caesar,  who  asked  him  if  he  would  support  the  law 

(»)  Dio  Cassius,  XXXVIII.  4. 


428  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS 

ill  case  it  were  opposed  by  violence, "  If  any  one  dared 
to  draw  his  sword,"  he  cried, "  I  would  take  even  my 
buckler ;"  meaning  by  that,  that  he  would  come  into 
the  public  place  armed  as  for  the  combat.  This  bold 
declaration  of  Pompey,  supported  by  Crassus  and 
Caepio,  (*)  silenced  all  opposition  except  that  of  Bibu- 
lus,  who,  with  three  tribunes  his  partisans,  called  an 
assembly  of  the  Senate  in  his  own  house,  where  it 
was  resolved  that  at  all  risk  the  law  should  be  open- 
ly rejected.  (2) 

The  day  of :  meeting  of  the  comitia  having  been 
fixed,  the  populace  occupied  the  Forum  during  the 
night.  Bibulus  hurried  with  his  friends  to  the  tem- 
ple of  Castor,  where  his  colleague  was  addressing  the 
multitude ;  he  tried  in  vain  to  obtain  a  hearing,  was 
thrown  down  from  the  top  of  the  steps,  and  obliged 
to  fly,  after  seeing  his  fasces  broken  to  pieces  and  two 
tribunes  wounded.  Cato,  in  his  turn,  tried  to  mount 
the  rostra ;  expelled  by  force,  he  returned,  but,  instead 
of  treating  of  the  question,  seeing  that  nobody  listen- 
ed to  him,  he  attacked  Caesar  with  bitterness,  until  he 
was  dragged  a  second  time  from  the  tribune.  Calm 
being  restored,  the  law  was  adopted.  Next  day  Bib- 
ulus tried  to  propose  to  the  S'enate  its  abrogation; 
but  nobody  supported  him,  such  was  the  effect  of 
this  burst  of  popular  enthusiasm ;  (3)  from  this  mo- 
ment he  took  the  part  of  shutting  himself  up  at  home 
during  the  residue  of  Caesar's  consulship.  When  the 
latter  presented  a  new  law  on  the  days  of  the  comi- 

(1)  Suetonius,  Ctesar,  21. 

(2)  Appian,  Civil  Wars,  II.  11. 

(3)  Dio  Cassias,  XXXVIII.  6. 


CONSULSHIP  OF  C^SAE  AND  BIBULUS.  429 

tia,  lie  contented  himself  with  protesting,  and  with 
sending  by  his  lictors  to  say  that  he  was  observing 
the  sky,  and  that  consequently  all  deliberation  was 
illegal.  (x)  This  was  to  proclaim  loudly  the  political 
aim  of  this  formality. 

Csesar  was  far  from  yielding  to  this  religious  scru- 
ple, which,  indeed,  had  lost  its  authority.  At  this 
very  time  Lucullus  wrote  a  bold  poem  against  the 
popular  credulity,  and  for  some  time  the  observation 
of  the  auspices  had  been  regarded  as  a  puerile  super- 
stition ;  two  centuries  and  a  half  before,  a  great  cap- 
tain had  given  a  remarkable  proof  of  this.  Hannibal, 
then  a  refugee  at  the  court  of  King  Prusias,  engaged 
the  latter  to  accept  his  plans  of  campaign  against  the 
Romans;  the  king  refused, because  the  auspices  had 
not  been  favourable.  "What !"  cried  Hannibal,  "have 
you  more  confidence  in  a  miserable  calf's  liver  than 
in  the  experience  of  an  old  general  like  me  3"  (2) 

Be  this  as  it  may,  the  obligation  not  to-  hold  the 
coniitia  while  the  magistrate  was  observing  the  sky 
was  a  law ;  and  to  excuse  himself  for  not  having  ob- 

7  Q 

served  it,  as  well  as  to  prevent  his  acts  from  being 
declared  null,  Caesar, before  quitting  his  office, brought 

(')  The  consuls,  praetors,  and  generally  all  those  who  presided  at  an  assem- 
bly of  the  people,  or  even  who  attended  in  quality  of  magistrates,  had  a  right 
of  veto,  founded  on  popular  superstition.  This  right  was  exercised  by  declar- 
ing that  a  celestial  phenomenon  had  been  observed  by  them,  and  that  it  was  no 
longer  permitted  to  deliberate.  Jupiter  darting  thunder  or  rain,  all  treating  on 
affairs  with  the  people  must  be  stopped;  such  was  the  text  of  the  law,  religious 
or  political,  published  in  597.  It  was  not  necessary  that  it  should  thunder  or 
rain,  in  fact ;  the  affirmation  of  a  magistrate  qualified  to  observe  the  sky  being 
enough.  (Cicero,  Oration  for  Sextius,  15. — Oration  on  the  Consular  Provinces, 
19.) — (Asconius,  In  Piso,  p.  9,  ed.  Orelli.) — (Orelli,  Indices  to  his  edition  of 
Cicero,  VIII.  126.) — (Index  Legum,  articles  Laws  &lia  and  Fusia.) 

(:)  Valerius  Maximus,  III.  vii.  6. 


430  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  C.ESAR. 

the  question  before  the  Senate,  and  thus  obtained  a 
legal  ratification  of  his  conduct. 

The  law  being  adopted  by  the  people,  each  senator 
was  called  to  take  his  oath  to  observe  it.  Several 
members,  and,  among  others,  Q.  Metellus  Celer,  M. 
Cato,  and  M.  Favonius,  (])  had  declared  that  they 
would  never  submit  to  it ;  but  when  the  day  of  tak- 
ing the  oath  arrived,  their  protests  vanished  before 
the  fear  of  the  punishment  decreed  against  those  who 
abstained,  and,  except  Laterensis,  everybody,  even 
Cato,  took  the  oath.  (2) 

Irritated  at  the  obstacles  which  he  had  encounter- 
ed, and  sure  of  the  approval  of  the  people,  Caesar  in- 
cluded, by  a  new  law,  in  the  distribution  of  the  public 
domain,  the  lands  of  Campania  and  of  Stella,  omitted 
before  out  of  deference  to  the  Senate.  (3) 

C1)  Plutfirch,  Cato,  37. 

(2)  Dio  Cassius,  XXXVIII.  7. — "The  Campanian  law  contains  a  provision 
which  compels  the  candidates  to  swear,  in  the  assembly  of  the  people,  that  they 
will  never  propose  anything  contrary  to  the  Italian  legislation  upon  property. 
All  have  sworn,  except  Laterensis,  who  preferred  desisting  from  the  candida- 
ture for  the  tribuneship  to  taking  the  oath,  and  much  gratitude  has  been  shown 
to  him  for  it."     (Cicero,  Epistles  to  Atticus,  IL  18.) 

(3)  This  appears  from  the  words  of  Dio  Cassius  (XXXVIII.  1).     Several 
scholars  are  unwilling  to  admit  the  existence  of  two  agrarian  laws ;  yet  Cic- 
ero, in  his  letter  to  Atlicus  (II.  7),  written  in  April,  announces  that  the  twenty 
commissioners  are  named.     In  this  first  law  (Familiar  Letters,  XIII.  4),  he 
mentions  the  ayer  of  Volaterra,  which  was  certainly  not  in  Campania.     In  an- 
other letter  of  the  beginning  of  May  (Letters  to  Atticus,  II.  16),  he  speaks  of 
Campania  for  the  first  time,  and  says  that  Pompey  had  approved  the  first  agra- 
rian law.     Finally,  in  that  written  in  the  month  of  June  (Letters  to  Atticus,  II. 
18),  he  speaks  of  the  oath  taken  to  the  agrarian  laws.     Suetonius  (C(?sar,  20) 
and  Appian  ( Civil  Wars,  II.  10)  mention  the  Julian  agrarian  laws  in  the  plu- 
ral.    Titus  Livius  (Epitome  of  Book  CIII.)  speaks  of  the  leges  agrarice,  of  Caj- 
sar ;  and  Plutarch  (Cato,  38)  says  positively :  "  Elated  with  this  victory,  Caesar 
proposed  a  new  law,  to  share  among  the  poor  and  indigent  citizens  nearly  all 
the  lands  of  Campania;"  and  previously,  in  chapter  3G,  the  same  author  had 
said  of  Cscsar,  that  he  proposed  laws  for  the  distribution  of  the  lands  to  the 


CONSULSHIP  OF  C^SAB  AND  BIBULUS.  431 

In  carrying  the  law  into  effect,  Pompey's  veterans 
received  lands  at  Casilinum,  in  Campania ;  (J)  at  Min- 
turnae,  Lanuvium,  Volturnum,  and  Aundena,  in  Sam- 
mum  ;  and  at  Boviamiin ;  Clibae,  and  Veii,  in  Etru- 
ria ;  (2)  twenty  thousand  fathers  of  families  having 
more  than  three  children  were  established  in  Campa- 
nia, so  that  about  a  hundred  thousand  persons  became 
husbandmen,  and  re-peopled  with  free  men  a  great 
portion  of  the  territory,  while  Rome  was  relieved 
from  a  populace  which  was  inconvenient  and  debased. 
Capua  became  a  Roman  colony,  which  was  a  restora- 
tion of  the  democratic  work  of  Marius,  destroyed  by 
Sylla.  (3)  It  appears  that  the  ager  of  Leontinum,  in 
Sicily,  was  also  comprised  in  the  agrarian  law.  (4) 
The  nomination  of  the  twenty  commissioners,  chosen 
among  the  most  commendable  of  the  consulars,  was 
next  proceeded  with.  (5)  Of  the  number  were  C. 
Cosconius  and  Atius  Balbus,  the  husband  of  Caesar's 
sister.  Clodius  could  not  obtain  admission  among 
them,  (6)  and  Cicero,  after  the  death  of  Cosconius,  re- 
poor  citizens.  Thus  there  were  positively  two  laws  published  at  an  interval  of 
some  months ;  and  if  the  object  of  the  second  was  the  distribution  of  the  ager 
Campanus,  the  first  had  without  doubt  a  more  general  character.  Dio  Cassius, 
after  having  related  the  proposal  of  the  first  agrarian  law,  in  which  Campania 
was  excepted,  says  similarly  :  "Besides,  the  territory  of  Campania  was  given 
to  those  who  had  three  children  or  more"  (XXXVIII.  7). 

(')  Cicero, Second  Philippic,  15. 

(")  Liber  Cotoniarum,  edit.  Lachmann,  pp.  220,  235,  239,  259,  2GO.— Several 
of  these  colonies  probably  dated  no  farther  back  than  the  dictatorship  of 
Csesar. 

(3)  Suetonius,  Ceesar,  20. — Velleius  Paterculus,  II.  44. — Appian,  Civil  Wars, 
II.  10. — "  Capua  mura  ducta  colonia  Julia  Felix,  jussu  imperatoris  Caesaris  a 
xx.  viris  deducta."  (Liber  Coloniarum,  I.  p.  231,  edit.  Lachmann.) 

(*)  Cicero,  Second  Philijipic,  39. 

(5)  Dio  Cassius,  XXXVIII.  1.— Cicero, Epistles  to  Atticus,  II.  19. 

(6)  Cicero,  Epistles  to  Atticus,  II.  7. 


432  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

fused  to  take  his  place.  (*)  The  latter,  in  his  letters 
to  Atticus,  blames  especially  the  distribution  of  the 
territory  of  Capua,  as  depriving  the  Republic  of  an 
important  revenue  ;  and  inquires  what  will  remain  to 
the  State,  unless  it  be  the  twentieth  on  the  enfran- 
chisement of  slaves,  since  the  rights  of  toll  had  already 
been  abandoned  through  the  whole  of  Italy  ;  but  it 
was  objected  with  reason  that,  on  the  other  hand,  the 
State  was  relieved  from  the  enormous  charges  im- 
posed by  the  necessity  of  distributing  wheat  to  all  the 
poor  of  Rome. 

Nevertheless,  the  allotment  of  the  ager  Campanus 
and  of  the  ager  of  Stella  niejb  with  many  delays  ;  it 
was  not  yet  terminated  in  703,  since  at  that  epoch 
Pompey  was  advised  to  hasten  the  distribution  of  the 
last-mentioned  lands,  in  order  that  Caesar,  on  his  re- 
turn from  Gaul,  might  not  have  the  merit  of  it.  (2) 

III.  We  have   seen  how,  in  previous  years,  Cato 
various    was  instrumental  in  refusing  the  request 


of  those  who  farmed  the  taxes  of  Asia  to 
have  the  terms  of  their  leases  lowered.  By  this  rig- 
orous measure,  the  Senate  had  estranged  from  itself 
the  equestrian  order,  whose  complaints  had  been  far 
from  unreasonable.  In  fact,  the  price  paid  for  the 
farming  of  the  revenues  of  Asia  had  been  heavy  dur- 
ing the  war  against  Mithridates,  as  may  be  learnt 
from  the  speech  of  Cicero  against  the  Manilian  Law  -, 
and  the  remission  of  a  portion  of  the  money  due  to 
the  State  was  a  measure  not  without  some  show  of 

(')  Cicero,  Oration  on  the  Consular  Provinces,  17. 
(")  Cicero,  Familiar  Letters,  VIII.  10. 


CONSULSHIP  OF  CAESAR  AND  BIBULUS.  433 

justice  to  excuse  it.  Caesar,  when  he  became  consul, 
influenced  by  a  sense  of  justice  no  less  than  by  policy, 
lost  no  time  in  proposing  a  law  to  remit  to  the  farm- 
ers of  the  revenue  one-third  of  the  sums  for  which 
they  were  responsible.  (J)  He  first  addressed  himself 
to  the  Senate ;  but  that  body  having  refused  to  de- 
liberate on  the  question,  he  found  himself  compelled 
to  submit  it  to  the  people,  (2)  who  adopted  his  opin- 
ion. This  liberality,  so  far  beyond  what  they  had 
hoped  for,  filled  the  farmers  of  the  revenue  with  joy, 
and  rendered  them  devoted  to  the  man  who  showed 
himself  so  generous :  he  advised  them,  however,  pub- 
licly, to  be  more  careful  in  future,  and  not  overbid  in 
an  inconsiderate  manner  at  the  time  of  the  sale  of  the 
taxes.  (3) 

The  agrarian  law,  and  the  law  concerning  the  rents, 
having  satisfied  the  interests  of  the  proletaries,  the 
veterans,  and  the  knights,  it  became  important  to  set- 
tle the  just  demands  of  Pompey.  Therefore  Caesar 
obtained  from  the  people  their  approbation  of  all  the 
acts  of  the  conqueror  of  Mithridates.  (4)  Lucullus 
had  been  till  then  one  of  the  most  earnest  adversaries 
of  this  measure.  He  could  not  forget  the  glory  of 
which  Pompey  had  frustrated  him ;  but  his  dread  of 
a  prosecution  for  peculation  was  so  great,  that  he  fell 
at  Caesar's  feet,  and  forswore  all  opposition.  (5) 

The  activity  of  the  consul  did  not  confine  itself  to 

(*)  Appian,  Civil  Wars,  II.  13. — Scholiast  of  Bobbio  on  Cicero. — Cicero,  Ora- 
tion for  Plancus,  p.  261,  edit.  Orelli. 
(a)  Cicero,  Oration  for  Plancus,  14. 

(3)  Cicero,  Letters  to  Atticus,  II.  1. — Suetonius,  Ccesar,  20. 
(*)  Suetonius,  Ctesor,  20.— Dio  Cassius,  XXXVIII.  7.— Appian,  II.  18. 
(*)  Suetonius,  Ccesar,  20. 

19  EE 


434  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CJESAR. 

internal  reforms ;  it  extended  to  questions  which  were 
raised  abroad.  The  condition  of  Egypt  was  precari- 
ous :  King  Ptolemy  Auletes,  natural  son  of  Ptolemy 
Lathyrus,  was  afraid  lest,  in  virtue  of  a  forged  will  of 
Ptolemy  Alexander,  or  Alexas,  to  whose  fall  he  had 
contributed,  his  kingdom  might  be  incorporated  with 
the  Roman  Empire.  (')  Auletes,  perceiving  his  au- 
thority shaken  in  Alexandria,  had  sought  the  support 
of  Pompey  during  the  war  in  Judaea,  and  had  sent 
him  presents,  and  a  large  sum  of  money,  to  engage  him 
to  maintain  his  cause  before  the  Senate.  (2)  Pom- 
pey had  offered  himself  as  his  advocate ;  and  Caesar, 
whether  from  policy,  or  from  a  wish  to  please  his  son- 
in-law,  caused  Ptolemy  Auletes  to  be  declared  a  friend 
and  ally  of  Rome.  (3)  At  his  demand,  the  same  fa- 
vour was  granted  to  Ariovistus,  king  of  the  Germans, 
who,  after  having  made  war  upon  the  ^Edui,  had  with- 
drawn from  their  country  at  the  invitation  of  the  Sen- 
ate, and  had  expressed  a  desire  to  become  an  ally  of 
Rome.  It  was  entirely  the  interest  of  the  Republic 
to  conciliate  the  Germans,  and  send  them  to  the  other 
bank  of  the  Rhine,  whatever  might  be  the  views  of 

(')  Cicero,  Second  Oration  on  the  Agrarian  Law,  16. — Scholiast  of  Bobbio  on 
Cicero's  Oration  In  Rege  Alexandrino,  p.  350,  edit.  Orelli.  This  Ptolemy  Alex- 
as, or  Alexander,  appears  to  have  been  a  natural  son  of  Alexander  I.,  youn- 
ger brother  of  Ptolemy  Lathyrus,  who  is  also  called  Ptolemy  Soter  II. ;  in  this 
case  he  would  be,  though  illegitimate,  cousin  of  Ptolemy  Auletes.  He  had  suc- 
ceeded Alexander  II.,  legitimate  son  of  Alexander  I.,  who  married  his  step- 
mother, Berenice,  only  legitimate  daughter  of  Ptolemy  Soter  II. 

(a)  Cicero,  Letters  to  Atticus,  II.  16. — The  King  of  Egypt  gave  nearly  6,000 
talents  (35  millions  of  francs)  to  Ctesar  and  Pompey.  (Suetonius,  Casar, 
14.) 

(3)  Suetonius,  Ccesar,  54. — Dio  Cassius,  XXXIX.  12. — Caesar's  expressions 
(War  of  Alexandria,  33,  and  Civil  Wars,  III.  107)  show  the  friendship  of  Ptol- 
emy Auletes  for  the  Romans. 


CONSULSHIP  OF  CJSSAR  AND  BIBULUS.  435 

the  consul  regarding  his  future  command  in  Gaul.  (J) 
Next,  he  conferred  some  privileges  on  certain  muni- 
cipia  and  satisfied  many  ambitions;  "for,"  says  Sue- 
tonius," he  granted  everything  that  was  asked  of  him : 
no  man  dared  oppose  him,  and,  if  any  one  attempted, 
he  knew  how  to  intimidate  him."  (2) 

Among  the  cares  of  the  consul  .was  the  nomination 
of  tribunes  devoted  to  him,  since  it  was  they  generally 
who  proposed  the  laws  for  the  people  to  ratify. 

Clodius,  on  account  of  his  popularity,  was  one  of 
the  candidates  who  could  be  most  useful  to  him ;  but 
his  rank  of  patrician  obliged  him  to  pass  by  adoption 
into  a  plebeian  family  be&re  he  could  be  elected, 
and  that  he  could  only  do  in  virtue  of  a  law.  Caesar 
hesitated  in  bringing  it  forward;  for  if,  on  the  one 
hand,  he  sought  to  conciliate  Clodius  himself,  on  the 
other,  he  knew  his  designs  of  vengeance  against  Cice- 
ro, and  was  unwilling  to  put  into  his  hands  an  au- 
thority which  he  might  abuse.  But  when,  towards 
month  of  March,  at  the  trial  of  C.  Antonius, 
charged  with  disgraceful  conduct  in  Macedonia,  Cice- 
ro, in  defending  his  former  colleague,  indulged  in  a 
violent  attack  upon  those  in  power,  on  that  same  day 
Clodius  was  received  into  the  ranks  of  the  plebe- 
ians, (3)  and  soon  afterwards  became,  together  with 

(')  Caesar,  War  in  Gaul,  1. 35— Plutarch,  Ccesar,  35.— Dio  Cassius,  XXXVIII. 
3i.  (2)  Suetonius,  Ccesar,  20. 

(3)  Plutarch,  Calo,  38. — "It  was  about  the  sixth  hour,  when,  in  the  course 
of  my  speech  in  court  for  C.  Antonius,  my  colleague,  I  deplored  certain  abuses 
which  prevailed  in  the  State,  and  which  seemed  to  me  to  be  closely  allied  to 
the  case  of  my  unfortunate  client.  Some  ill-disposed  persons  reported  my 
words  to  certain  men  of  high  position  iu  different  terms  to  those  I  had  used  ; 
and  on  the  same  day,  at  the  ninth  hour,  the  adoption  of  Clodius  was  carried." 
Cicero,  Oration  for  his  House,  16.) 


436  HISTOKY  OF  JULIUS  OESAR. 

Vatinius,  tribune  -  elect.  (')  There  was  a  third  tri- 
bune, whose  name  is  unknown,  but  who  was  equally 
won  over  to  the  interests  of  the  consul.  (2) 

Thus  Caesar,  as  even  Cicero  admits,  was  alone  more 
powerful  already  than  the  Eepublic.  (3)  Of  some  he 
was  the  hope ;  of  others,  the  terror ;  of  all,  master  ir- 
revocably. The  inactivity  of  Bibulus  had  only  served 
to  increase  his  power.  (*)  Thus  it  was  said  in  Rome, 
as  a  jest,  that  men  knew  of  no  other  consulship  than 
that  of  Julius  and  Caius  Caesar,  making  two  persons 
out  of  a  single  name ;  and  the  following  verses  were 
handed  about : — 

"  Non  Bibulo  quidquam  miper  sed  Caesare  factum  cst : 
Nam  Bibulo  fieri  consule  nil  memini."(8) 

And  as  popular  favour,  when  it  declares  itself  in  fa- 
vour of  a  man  in  a  conspicuous  position,  sees  some- 
thing marvellous  in  everything  that  concerns  his  per- 
son, the  populace  drew  a  favourable  augury  from  the 
existence  of  an  extraordinary  horse  born  in  his  sta- 
bles. Its  hoofs  were  forked,  and  shaped  like  fingers. 
Caesar  was  the  only  man  who  could  tame  this  strange 
animal,  the  docility  of  which,  it  was  said,  foreboded  to 
him  the  empire  of  the  world.  (6) 

0)  Appian,  Civil  Wars,  II.  14.— Dio  Cassius,  XXXVIII.  12.— Plutarch,  Pom- 
pey,5Q. — Cicero,  39. 

(2)  Cicero,  Oration  for  Sestius,  he.  cit. 

(3)  Cicero,  writing  to  Atticus  about  Caesar's  first  consulship,  says:   "Weak 
as  he  was  then,  Caesar  was  stronger  than  the  entire  State."     (Letters  to  Atticus, 
VII.  9.) 

(4)  "Bibulus  thought  to  render  Caesar  an  object  of  suspicion.     He  made  him 
more  powerful  than  before."    (Velleius  Paterculus,  II.  44.) 

(5)  Suetonius,  Ccesar,  20. 

(6)  Csesar  rode  an  extraordinary  horse,  whose  feet  were  shaped  almost  like 
those  of  man,  the  hoof  being  divided  in  such  a  way  as  to  present  the  appearance 
of  fingers.     He  had  reared  this  horse,  which  had  been  foaled  in  his  house,  with 


CONSULSHIP  OF  (LESAR  AND  BIBULUS.  437 

During  his  first  consulship,  Caesar  caused  a  number 
of  laws  to  be  passed,  the  greater  part  of  which  have 
not  descended  to  us.  Some  valuable  fragments,  how- 
ever, of  the  most  important  ones  have  been  preserved, 
and  among  others,  the  modifications  in  the  sacerdotal 
privileges.  The  tribune  Labienus,  as  we  have  seen, 
in  order  to  secure  Caesar's  election  to  the  oflice  of 
pontiff,  had  granted  the  right  of  election  to  seventeen 
tribes  selected  by  lot.  Although  this  law  seemed  to 
authorise  absentees  to  become  candidates  for  the 
priesthood,  the  people  and  the  priests  disputed  the 
right  of  those  who  did  not  solicit  the  dignity  in  per- 
son. Endless  quarrels  and  disturbances  were  the  re- 
sult. To  put  an  end  to  these,  Caesar,  while  confirm- 
ing the  law  of  Labienus,  announced  that  not  only 
those  candidates  who  appeared  in  person,  but  those 
at  a  distance  also,  who  had  any  title  whatever  to  that 
honour,  might  offer  themselves  as  candidates.  (*) 

He  turned  his  attention  next  to  the  provinces, 
whose  condition  had  always  excited  his  sympathy. 
The  law  intended  to  reform  the  vices  of  the  adminis- 
tration (De  provinciis  ordinandis)  is  of  uncertain 
date ;  it  bears  the  same  title  as  that  of  Sylla,  and  re- 
sembles it  considerably.  Its  provisions  guaranteed 

great  care,  for  the  soothsayers  had  predicted  the  empire  of  the  world  to  its  mas- 
ter. Caesar  was  the  first  who  tamed  it :  before  that  time  the  animal  had  al- 
lowed no  one  to  mount  it.  Finally,  he  erected  a  statue  to  its  honour  in  front 
of  the  Temple  of  Venus  Genetrix.  (Suetonius,  Osar,  61.) 

(*)  "I  am  quite  of  opinion  that  the  right  of  absent  candidates  to  solicit  the 
offices  of  the  priesthood  may  be  examined  by  the  comitia,  for  there  is  a  prece- 
dent for  that.  C.  Marius,  whilst  in  Cappadocia,  was  elected  augur  by  the  law 
Domitia,  and  no  subsequent  law  has  forbidden  the  course ;  for  the  Julian  Law, 
the  last  on  the  subject  of  the  priesthood,  states :  '  He  who  is  a  candidate,  or  he 
whose  right  to  become  one  has  been  examined.'"  (Cicero,  Letters  to  Brutus, 
1.5.) 


438  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

the  inhabitants  against  the  violence,  the  arbitrary 
conduct,  and  the  corruption  of  the  proconsuls  and 
propraetors,  and  fixed  the  allotments  to  which  these 
were  entitled.  (*) 

It  released  the  free  states,  libercs  civitates,  from  de- 
pendence upon  governors,  and  authorised  them  to 
govern  themselves  by  their  own  laws  and  their  own 
magistrates.  (2)  Cicero  himself  considered  this  meas- 
ure as  the  guarantee  of  the  liberty  of  the  prov- 
inces ;  (3)  for,  in  his  speech  against  Piso,  he  reproach- 
es him  with  having  violated  it  by  including  free  na- 
tions in  his  government  of  Macedonia.  (4)  Lastly,  a 
separate  proviso  regulated  the  responsibility  and  ex- 
penses of  the  administration,  by  requiring  that  on  go- 
ing out  of  office  the  governors  should  deliver,  at  the 
end  of  thirty  days,  an  account  explaining  their  ad- 
ministration and  their  expenses,  of  which  three  cop- 
ies were  to  be  deposited,  one  in  the  treasury  (cerari- 
um)  at  Rome,  and  the  others  in  the  two  principal 
towns  of  the  province.  (5)  The  propraetors  were  to 

(l)  Cicero,  Oration  against  Piso,  37. 

(a)  Cicero,  Oration  on  the  Consular  Provinces,  4. — Oration  against  Piso,  21. 

(3)  Cicero,  Oration  against  Piso,  16;   Letters  to  Atticus,V.  10,  16,  21. — First 
Philippic,  8. 

(4)  "You  have  obtained,"  says  he,  addressing  Piso,  "a  consular  province 
with  no  other  limits  than  those  of  your  cupidity,  in  contravention  of  the  law  of 
your  son-in-law.     In  fact,  by  a  law  of  Ctesar's,  as  just  as  it  is  salutary,  free  na- 
tions used  to  enjoy  a  full  and  entire  liberty."     (Cicero,  Oration  against  Piso,  16.) 

(*)  Cicero,  Oration  against  Piso,  25  ;  Familiar  Letters,  II.  17 ;  Letters  to  At- 
ticus,  VI.  7. — "  I  will  add,  that  if  the  ancient  right  and  antique  usage  were 
still  in  force,  I  should  not  have  had  to  send  in  my  accounts  till  after  I  had  dis- 
coursed about  them,  and  had  them  audited  with  good  humour,  and  the  formal- 
ities that  our  intimacy  justifies.  What  I  would  have  done  in  Rome  according 
to  the  old  fashion,  I  ought,  according  to  the  Julian  law,  to  have  done  in  my 
province :  send  in  my  accounts  on  the  spot,  and  only  deposit  in  the  treasury  an 
exact  copy  of  them.  I  was  obliged  to  follow  the  provisions  of  the  law.  The 


CONSULSHIP  OF  CAESAR  AND  BIBULtJS.  439 

remain  one  year,  and  the  proconsuls  two,  at  the  head 
of  their  governments.  (*) 

The  generals  were  in  the  habit  of  burdening  the 
people  they  governed  with  exorbitant  exactions. 
They  extorted  from  them  crowns  of  gold  (aurum 
coronariurti),  of  considerable  value,  under  pretence 
of  the  triumph,  and  obliged  the  countries  through 
which  they  passed  to  bear  the  expenses  of  themselves 
and  their  attendants.  Caesar  remedied  these  abuses, 
by  forbidding  the  proconsuls  to  demand  the  crown 
before  the  triumph  had  been  decreed,  (2)  and  by  sub- 
jecting to  the  most  rigorous  restrictions  the  contri- 
butions in  kind  which  were  to  be  furnished.  (3)  We 
may  judge  how  necessary  these  regulations  were  from 
the  fact  that  Cicero,  whose  government  was  justly 
considered  an  honest  one,  admits  that  he  drew  large 
sums  from  his  province  of  Cilicia  eight  years  after  the 
passing  of  the  law  Julia.  (4) 

accounts,  duly  audited  and  compared,  were  to  be  deposited  in  two  towns,  and 
I  chose,  in  the  terms  of  the  law,  the  two  most  important — Laodicea  and  Apa- 

mea I  come  to  the  point  of  the  customary  presents.  You  must  know 

that  I  had  only  included  in  my  list  the  military  tribunes,  the  prefects,  and  the 
officers  of  my  house  (contubernales).  I  even  made  a  blunder.  I  thought  I  was 
allowed  any  latitude  in  point  of  time.  Subsequently  I  learnt  that  the  request 
ought  to  be  sent  in  during  the  thirty  days  allowed  for  the  settling  the  accounts. 
Happily,  all  is  safe  as  far  as  the  centurions  are  concerned,  and  the  officers  of 
the  household  of  the  military  tribunes — for  the  law  is  silent  in  regard  to  the 
latter.  (Cicero,  Familiar  Letters,  V.  20.) 

(l)  Dio  Cassius,  XLIII.  25. 

(a)  "I  say  nothing  about  the  golden  crown  that  has  been  so  long  a  torture 
to  you,  in  your  uncertainty  as  to  whether  you  ought  to  demand  it  or  not.  In 
fact,  the  law  of  your  son-in-law  forbad  them  to  give  it  or  you  to  receive  it,  un- 
less your  triumph  had  been  granted  you."  (Cicero,  Oration  against  Piso,  37.) 

(3)  Cicero,  Oration  against  Pisof37;  Letters  to  Atticus,\.  10,  16. 

(*)  "Take  notice,  I  beg  you,  that  I  paid  into  the  hands  of  the  farmers  of  the 
revenues  at  Ephesus  twenty-two  millions  of  sestertii,  a  sum  to  which  I  have  a 
perfect  right,  and  that  Pompey  laid  hands  on  the  whole.  I  have  made  up  my 


440  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

The  same  law  forbad  all  governors  to  leave  their 
provinces,  or  to  send  their  troops  out  of  them  to  in- 
terfere in  the  affairs  of  any  neighbouring  State,  with- 
out permission  of  the  Senate  and  the  people,  (*)  or 
to  extort  any  money  from  the  inhabitants  of  the  prov- 
inces. (2) 

The  law  by  similar  provisions  diminished  the  abuse 
of  free  legations  (legationes  liber ce).  This  was  the 
name  given  to  the  missions  of  senators,  who,  travel- 
ling into  the  provinces  on  their  own  affairs,  obtained 
by  an  abuse  the  title  of  envoy  of  the  Roman  people, 
to  which  they  had  no  right,  in  order  to  be  defrayed 
the  expenses  and  costs  of  travelling.  These  missions, 
which  were  for  an  indefinite  time,  were  the  subject 
of  incessant  (3)  complaints.  Cicero  had  limited  them 
to  a  year:  Caesar  prescribed  a  still  narrower  limit, 
but  its  exact  length  is  unknown.  (*) 

As  a  supplement  to  the  preceding  measures  he 
brought  in  a  law  (Depecuniis  repetundis),  the  provi- 
sions of  which  have  often  been  confounded  with  those 
of  the  law  De  provinciis  ordinandis.  Cicero  boasts 
of  its  perfection  (5)  and  justice.  It  contained  a  great 

mind  on  the  subject — whether  wisely  or  unwisely  matters  not."  (Cicero,  Ora- 
tion against  Piso,  xxxvii.  16.)  (l)  Cicero,  Oration  against  Piso,  21. 

(3)  Cicero,  Oration  on  the»Consular  Provinces,  2,  3,  4. 

(3)  "Is  there  any  position  more  disgraceful  than  that  of  a  senator,  who  goes 
on  a  mission  without  the  slightest  authorisation  on  the  part  of  the  State  ?  It 
was  this  kind  of  mission  that  I  should  have  abolished  during  my  consulship, 
even  with  the  consent  of  the  Senate,  notwithstanding  the  apparent  advantages 
it  held  out,  had  it  not  been  for  the  senseless  opposition  of  a  tribune.  At  any 
rate  I  caused  its  duration  to  be  shortened :  formerly  it  had  no  limit ;  now  I 
have  reduced  it  to  a  year."  (Cicero,  On  Laws,  III.  8.) 

(*)  "Moreover,  I  think  that  the  Julian  law  has  defined  the  duration  of  free 
embassies:  nor  will  it  be  easy  to  extend  it."  (Cicero,  Letters  to  Alticus,  XV. 
11. — Orelli,  Index  Legum,  p.  192.) 

(*)  Cicero, Oration  for  Sestius,  64.     "Liberty  torn  from  nations  and  individ- 


CONSULSHIP  OF  CAESAR  AND  BIBULUS. 

number  of  sections.  In  a  letter  from  Ccelius  to  Cic- 
ero, the  101st  chapter  of  the  law  is  referred  to.  Its 
object  was  to  meet  all  cases  of  peculation,  out  of  Italy 
as  well  as  in  Rome.  Persons  who  had  been  wronged 
coulfl  demand  restitution  before  a  legal  tribunal  of 
the  sums  unjustly  collected.  (*)  Though  the  princi- 
pal provisions  of  it  were  borrowed  from  the  law  of 
Sylla  on  the  same  subject,  the  penalty  was  more  se- 
vere and  the  proceedings  more  expeditious.  For  in- 
stance, as  the  rich  contrived,  by  going  into  voluntary 
exile  before  the  verdict,  to  elude  the  punishment,  it 
was  provided  that  in  that  case  their  goods  should  be 
confiscated,  in  part  or  wholly,  according  to  the  nature 
of  the  crime.  (2)  If  the  fortune  of  the  defendant  was 
not  sufficient  for  the  repayment  of  the  money  claimed, 
all  those  who  had  profited  by  the  embezzlement  were 
sought  out  and  jointly  condemned.  (3)  Finally,  cor- 
ruption was  attacked  in  all  its  forms,  (4)  and  the  law 

uals  on  whom  it  had  been  conferred,  and  whose  right  had  been,  by  virtue  of 
the  Julian  law,  so  precisely  ensured  against  all  hostile  attacks."  (Oration 
against  Piso,  xxxvii.  16.) 

(')  Cicero,  Familiar  Letters,  VIII.  8. — Several  of  its  chapters  have  been  pre- 
served in  the  Digest,  XLVIII.  tit.  XI.  It  is  generally  supposed  that  the  frag- 
ments inscribed  on  a  tablet  of  brass  in  the  Museum  of  Florence  belong  to  the 
same  law.  They  have  been  published  by  Maffei,  Museum  Veronense,  p.  365, 
No.  4,  and  commented  on  by  the  celebrated  Marini,  in  his  work  on  the  Monu- 
ments of  the  Fratres  Arvales,  I.  pp.  39,  40,  note  44. 

(3)  Suetonius,  Caesar,  42. 

(3)  Cicero,  Oration  for  Ralririmus  Postumus,  4,  5. 

(*)  Fragments  of  the  Julian  law,  De  Repetundis,  preserved  in  the  Digest, 
XLVIII.  tit.  XL 

The  law  is  directed  against  those  who,  holding  a  magistracy,  an  embassy,  or 
any  other  office,  or  forming  part  of  the  attendants  of  these  functionaries,  re- 
ceive money. 

They  may  receive  money  to  any  amount  from  their  cousins,  their  still  nearer 
relatives,  or  their  wives. 

The  law  includes  those  who  have  received  money :  For  speaking  in  the  Sen- 

19* 


442  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

went  so  far  as  to  watch  over  the  honesty  of  business 
transactions.  One  article  deserves  special  remark, 
that  which  forbad  a  public  work  to  be  accepted  as 
completed  if  it  were  not  absolutely  finished.  Caesar 
had  doubtless  in  mind  the  process  which  he  had  un- 
successfully instituted  against  Catulus  for  his  failure 
to  complete  the  temple  of  Jupiter  Capitolinus. 

We  may  for  the  most  part  consider  as  Caesar's  laws 
those  which  were  passed  at  his  instigation,  whether 
by  the  tribune  P.  Vatinius,  or  the  praetor  Q.  Fufius 
Calenus.  (') 

One  of  the  laws  of  the  former  authorised  the  ac- 
cuser in  a  suit,  as  well  as  the  accused,  to  challenge  for 
once  all  the  judges :  down  to  this  time  they  had  only 

ate  or  any  public  assembly ;  for  doing  their  duty  or  absenting  themselves  from 
it ;  for  refusing  to  obey  a  public  order  or  for  exceeding  it ;  for  pronouncing 
judgment  in  a  criminal  or  a  civil  case,  or  for  not  pronouncing  it ;  for  condemn- 
ing or  acquitting ;  for  awarding  or  withdrawing  the  subject  of  a  suit ;  for  ad- 
judging or  taking  an  object  in  litigation ;  for  appointing  a  judge  or  arbitrator, 
changing  him,  ordering  him  to  judge,  or  for  not  appointing  him  or  changing 
him,  and  not  ordering  him  to  judge ;  for  causing  a  man  to  be  imprisoned,  put 
in  irons,  or  set  at  liberty ;  for  accusing  or  not  accusing ;  for  producing  or  sup- 
pressing a  witness ;  for  recognising  as  complete  an  unfinished  public  work ;  for 
accepting  wheat  for  the  use  of  the  State  without  testing  its  good  quality ;  for 
taking  upon  himself  the  maintenance  of  the  public  buildings  without  a  certifi- 
cate of  their  good  condition ;  for  enlisting  a  soldier  or  discharging  him. 

All  that  has  been  given  to  the  proconsul  or  praetor  contrary  to  the  provisions 
of  the  present  law,  cannot  become  his  by  right  of  possession. 

Sales  and  leases  are  declared  null  and  void  which  have  been  made,  for  a 
high  or  a  low  price,  with  a  view  to  right  of  possession  by  a  third. 

The  magistrates  are  to  abstain  from  all  extortion,  and  receive  as  salary  but 
100  pieces  of  gold  each  year. 

The  action  will  lie  equally  against  the  heirs  of  the  accused,  but  only  during 
the  year  succeeding  his  death. 

No  one  who  has  been  condemned  under  this  law  can  be  either  judge,  accuser, 
or  witness. 

The  penalties  are  exile,  banishment  to  an  island,  or  death,  according  to  the 
gravity  of  the  offence. 

O  Dio  Cassius,  XXXVIII.  8. 


CONSULSHIP  OF  C^SAB  AND  BIBULUS.  443 

been  permitted  to  challenge  a  certain  number.  (J)  Its 
object  was  to  give  to  all  the  same  guarantee  which 
Sylla  had  reserved  exclusively  to  the  senators,  since 
for  the  knights  and  plebeians  he  limited  the  challenge 
to  three.  (2)  Vatinius  had  also  conferred  on  five 
thousand  colonists,  established  at  Como  (Novum  Co- 
mum),  the  rights  of  a  Roman  city.  This  measure  (3) 
flattered  the  pride  of  Pompey,  whose  father,  Pompeius 
Strabo,  had  rebuilt  the  town  of  Comum ;  and  it  offer- 
ed to  other  colonists  the  hope  of  obtaining  the  quali- 
fication of  Roman  citizens,  which  Caesar  subsequently 
granted  to  them.  (4) 

Another  devoted  partisan  of  the  consul,  the  praetor 
Q.  Fufius  Calenus,  (5)  proposed  a  law  which  in  judi- 
cial deliberations  laid  the  responsibility  upon  each  of 
the  three  orders  of  which  the  tribunal  was  composed: 
the  senators,  the  knights,  and  the  tribunes  of  the  treas- 
ury. Instead  of  pronouncing  a  collective  judgment, 
they  were  called  upon  to  express  their  opinion  sepa- 
rately. Dio  Cassius  explains  the  law  in  these  terms : 
"  Seeing  that  in  a  process  all  the  votes  were  mixed 
together,  and  that  each  order  took  to  itself  the  credit 
of  the  good  decisions,  and  threw  the  bad  ones  to  the 
account  of  the  others,  Calenus  had  a  law  made  that 

(l)  Df.  alternis  consiliis  rejiciendis.  (Cicero,  Oration  against  Vatinius,  11. — 
Scholiast  of  Bobbio,  pp.  321, 323,  edit.  Orelli.) 

(J)  "  The  citizens  who,  not  being  of  your  order,  cannot,  thanks  to  the  Corne- 
lian laws,  challenge  more  than  three  judges."  (Cicero,  Second  Prosecution  of 
Ferrer,  11.31.) 

(3)  Suetonius,  Caesar,  28. 

(«)  Cicero,  Familiar  Letters,  XIII.  35.  "Pompeias  Strabo,  father  of  Pom- 
pey the  Great,  re-peopled  Comum.  Some  time  after,  Scipio  established  3,000 
inhabitants  there ;  and,  finally,  Caesar  sent  5,000  colonists,  the  most  distin- 
guished of  whom  were  500  Greeks."  (Strabo,  cxix.) 

(')  Cicero,  Letters  to  Atticus,  II.  18.— Dio  Cassius,  XXVIII.  8. 


444  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

the  different  orders  should  vote  independently,  in  or- 
der to  know  thus,  not  the  opinion  of  individuals,  since 
the  vote  was  secret,  but  that  of  each  order."  (l) 

All  the  laws  of  Caesar  were  styled  "  Julian  laws ;" 
they  received  the  sanction  of  the  Senate,  and  were 
adopted  without  opposition,  (2)  and  even  Cato  him- 
self did  not  oppose  them ;  but  when  he  became  prae- 
tor, and  found  himself  obliged  to  put  them  into  exe- 
cution, he  was  little-minded  enough  to  object  to  call 
them  by  their  name.  (3) 

We  may  be  convinced  by  the  above  facts,  that,  dur- 
ing his  first  consulship,  Caesar  was  animated  by  a  sin- 
gle motive,  the  public  interest.  His  ruling  thought 
was  to  remedy  the  evils  which  afflicted  the  country. 
His  acts,  which  several  historians  have  impeached  as 
subversive  and  inspired  by  boundless  ambition,  we 
find,  on  an  attentive  examination,  to  be  the  result  of 
a  wise  policy,  and  the  carrying  out  of  a  well-known 
plan,  proclaimed  formerly  by  the  Gracchi,  and  recent- 
ly by  Pompey  himself.  Like  the  Gracchi,  Caesar  de- 
sired a  distribution  of  the  public  domain,  the  reform 
of  justice,  the  relief  of  the  provinces,  and  the  extension 
of  the  rights  of  city ;  like  them,  he  had  protected  the 
knightly  order,  so  that  he  might  oppose  it  to  the  for- 
midable resistance  of  the  Senate ;  but  he,  more  for- 
tunate, accomplished  that  which  the  Gracchi  had  been 

(')  Dio  Cassias,  XXVIII.  8.— Orelli,  Index  Legvm,  178. 

(*)  Cicero,  in  his  speech  against  Vatinius,  chap.  6,  while  reproaching  him 
for  having  disregarded  the  auspices,  exclaims,  "I  ask  jou  first,  Did  you  refer 
the  matter  to  the  Senate,  as  Csesar  did  ?" 

"It  is  true  that  Caesar's  acts  were,  for  the  benefit  of  peace,  confirmed  by  the 
Senate."  (Cicero,  Second  Philippic,  39.) 

(?)  Dio  CassiuB,  XXXVIII.  7. 


CONSULSHIP  OF  CAESAR  AND  BIBULUS.  445 

unable  to  realise.  Plutarch,  in  the  life  of  Crassus,  (l) 
pronounces  a  eulogium  on  the  wisdom  of  his  govern- 
ment, although  an  intemperate  judgment  had  led  that 
writer,  elsewhere,  to  compare  his  conduct  to  that  of  a 
factious  tribune.  (2) 

Following  the  taste  of  the  age,  and  especially  as  a 
means  of  popularity,  Caesar  gave  splendid  games, 
shows,  and  gladiatorial  combats,  borrowing  from 
Pompey  and  Atticus  considerable  sums  to  meet  his 
love  of  display,  his  profusion,  and  his  largesses.  (3) 
Suetonius,  ever  ready  to  record,  without  distinction, 
the  reports,  true  and  false,  current  at  the  time,  re- 
lates that  Caesar  had  taken  from  the  treasury  three 
thousand  pounds  of  gold,  for  w^hich  he  substituted 
gilt  metal ;  but  his  high  character  is  sufficient  to  re- 
fute this  calumny.  Cicero,  who  had  not,  at  this  time, 
any  reason  to  spare  him,  makes  no  mention  of  it  in 
his  letters,  where  his  ill-humour  displays  itself,  nor  in 
his  speech  against  Vatinius,  one  of  Caesar's  devoted 
friends.  On  the  other  hand,  Pliny  (4)  mentions  a  sim- 
ilar fact  which  happened  during  Pompey's  consulate. 

IV.  Caesar  did  not  confine  his  ambition  to  dis- 
c«sar  receives  the  charging  the  functions  of  a  consul  and 

Government  of  the    -,.-,.  ^  -i       •        •*     .  -,    .     • 

Gauis.  legislator:  he  desired  to  obtain  a  com- 

mand worthy  of  the  elevation  of  his  genius,  to  extend 
the  frontiers  of  the  Republic,  and  to  preserve  them 

(!)  "  Caesar  conducted  himself  with  discretion  in  his  consulship."  (Plutarch, 
Crassus,  17.) 

(3)  "  Caesar  published  laws  that  were  worthy,  I  will  not  say  of  a  consul,  but 
of  the  most  reckless  of  tribunes."  (Plutarch,  Casar,  14.) 

(3)  Cicero,  Letters  to  Atticus,\I.  1. — Appian,  Civil  Wars,  II.  13. 

(*)  Pliny,  Natural  History,  XXXIII.  5.  Drnmann  and  Mommscn,  like  our- 
selves, refuse  their  belief  to  the  assertion  of  Suetonius. 


446  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS 

from  the  invasion  of  their  most  powerful  enemies.  It 
will  be  remembered  that  at  the  time  of  the  election 
of  the  consuls,  the  Senate  had  conferred  upon  them 
the  superintendence  of  the  woods  and  public  roads. 
He  had,  therefore,  slender  grounds  to  expect  a  return 
of  friendly  feeling  on  the  part  of  that  assembly,  and, 
if  the  distribution  of  governments  was  vested  in  them, 
history  offered  examples  of  provinces  given  by  vote 
of  the  people.  Numidia  was  assigned  to  Marius  on 
the  proposal  of  the  tribune  L.  Manlius ;  and  L.  Lucul- 
lus,  having  received  Cisalpine  Gaul  from  the  Senate, 
obtained  Cilicia  from  the  people.  (*)  It  was  thus 
that  the  command  of  Asia  had  been  conferred  upon 
Pompey.  Strong  in  these  precedents,  Vatinius  pro- 
posed to  the  people  to  confer  upon  Ca3sar,  for  five 
years,  the  command  of  Cisalpine  Gaul  and  Illyria, 
with  three  legions.  (2)  Pompey  supported  this  pro- 
posal with  all  his  influence.  The  friends  of  Cras- 
sus,  (3)  Claudius  (4)  and  L.  Piso,  gave  their  votes  in 
favour  of  this  law. 

At  first,  it  appeared  strange  that  the  proposal  of 
the  tribune  only  included  Cisalpine  Gaul,  without 
reference  to  the  other  side  of  the  Alps,  which  alone 
offered  chances  of  acquiring  glory.  But,  on  reflection, 
we  discover  how  skilful  and  politic  was  this  manner 
of  putting  the  question.  To  solicit  at  the  same  time 
the  government  of  both  the  Gauls  might  have  seemed 
exorbitant,  and  likely  to  expose  him  to  failure.  To 
demand  the  government  of  Gaul  proper  was  danger- 

(l)  Plutarch,  Lttcullus,  9. 

(*)  Suetonius,  Caesar,  22. — Plutarch,  Ccesar,  14. 

(»)  Appian,  Civil  Wars,  II.  14. 

(«)  Plutarch,  Cratstis,  17. 


CONSULSHIP  OF  OESAR  AND  BIBULUS.  447 

ous,  for  if  lie  had  obtained  it  without  Cisalpine  Gaul, 
which  would  have  devolved  upon  another  proconsul, 
Caesar  would  have  found  himself  completely  separated 
from  Italy,  inasmuch  as  it  would  have  been  impossi- 
ble for  him  to  repair  thither  during  the  winter,  and 
so  preserve  continuous  relations  with  Rome.  The 
proposal  of  Vatinius,  on  the  contrary,  having  for  its 
object  only  Cisalpine  Gaul  and  Illyria,  they  could 
scarcely  refuse  a  command  limited  to  the  ordinary 
bounds,  and  Caesar  acquired  thereby  a  solid  basis  for 
operations  in  the  midst  of  devoted  populations,  where 
his  legions  could  be  easily  recruited.  As  to  the  prov- 
ince beyond  the  Alps,  it  was  probable  that  some  for- 
tuitous  circumstance,  or  new  proposal,  would  place  it 
under  his  orders.  This  happened  sooner  than  he  ex- 
pected, for  the  Senate,  by  a  skilful,  but  at  this  time 
unusual,  determination,  added  to  his  command  a  third 
province,  Gallia  Comata,  or  Transalpine,  and  a  fourth 
legion.  The  Senate  thus  obtained  for  itself  the  credit 
of  an  initiative,  which  the  people  would  have  taken 
of  itself  had  it  not  been  anticipated.  (x) 

Transported  with  joy  at  this  news,  Caesar,  according 
to  Suetonius,  exclaimed  in  the  full  Senate,  that  now, 
having  succeeded  to  the  utmost  of  his  desire  in  spite 
of  his  enemies,  he  would  march  over  their  heads.  (2) 
This  story  is  not  probable.  He  was  too  prudent  to 
provoke  his  enemies  in  their  face  at  the  moment  he 
was  going  to  a  distance  from  Rome.  "  Always  mas- 
ter of  himself,"  says  an  old  writer, "  he  never  needless- 
ly ran  against  anybody."  (3) 

(l)  Dio  Cassius,  XXXVIII.  8. — Suetonius,  Ccesar,  22. 

(*)  Suetonius,  Casar,  22.  (')  Dio  Cassius,  XL.  34. 


448  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  C^ESAK. 

V.  Whilst,  contending  with  the  most  serious  diffi- 
of  the  culties,  Caesar  endeavoured  to   establish 


the  Republic  on  the  securest  foundations, 
the  aristocratic  party  consoled  itself  for  its  successive 
defeats  by  a  petty  war  of  sarcasm  and  chicanery. 
At  the  theatre  they  applauded  all  the  injurious  al- 
lusions of  Ponipey,  and  received  Csesar  with  cold- 
ness. (*)  Bibulus,  the  son-in-law  of  Cato,  published 
libels  containing  the  grossest  attacks.  He  renewed 
the  accusation  of  plotting  against  the  Republic,  and  of 
the  pretended  shameful  relations  with  Nicomedes.  (2) 
People  rushed  to  read  and  copy  these  insulting  pla- 
cards. Cicero  gladly  sent  them  to  Atticus.  (3)  The 
party,  too,  to  which  Bibulus  belonged,  extolled  him 
to  the  skies,  and  made  him  a  great  man.  (4)  His  op- 

(*)  "At  the  gladiatorial  exhibition,  the  giver  of  the  show  and  all  his  attend- 
ants were  received  with  hisses.  At  the  games  in  honour  of  Apollo,  the  trage- 
dian Diphilus  made  a  pointed  allusion  to  our  friend  Pompey  in  the  lines  — 

"Tis  through  our  woes  that  thou  art  great,' 

and  was  called  upon  to  repeat  the  words  a  thousand  times.  Further  on,  the 
whole  assembly  cheered  him  when  he  said, 

1  A  time  shall  come,  when  thou  thyself  shall  weep 
That  power  of  thine  so  deadly'  — 

for  they  are  lines  that  one  might  have  said  were  written  on  purpose  by  an  ene- 
my of  Pompey.  The  words 

*  If  nought,  nor  law,  nor  virtue,  hold  thee  back,1 

were  received  with  a  tempest  of  acclamation.  When  Casar  arrived,  he  met 
with  a  cold  reception.  Curio,  on  the  other  hand,  who  followed  him,  was  sa- 
inted with  a  thousand  cheers,  as  Pompey  used  to  be  in  the  prosperous  times  of 
the  Republic.  Caesar  was  annoyed,  and  sent  off  a.  courier  post  haste  to  Pora- 
pey,  who  is,  they  say,  at  Capua."  (Cicero,  Letters  to  Atticus,  II.  19.) 

(*)  Suetonius,  Ccesar,  9. 

(3)  Cicero,  Letters  to  Atticus,  H.  19. 

(*)  "Bibulus  is  being  praised  to  the  skies,  I  know  not  why;  but  he  is  being 
extolled  as  the  one  only  man  who,  by  temporising,  has  restored  the  State. 
Pompey,  my  idol  Pompey,  has  been  his  own  ruin,  as  I  own  with  tears  to-day  ; 
he  has  no  one  left  who  takes  his  side  from  affection.  I  am  afraid  that  they 
will  find  it  necessary  to  resort  to  intimidation.  For  my  own  part,  I  forbear, 


CONSULSHIP  OF  CAESAR  AND  BIBULUS.  449 

position,  however,  had  only  succeeded  in  postponing 
the  consular  comitia  until  the  month  of  October. 
This  prorogation  was  made  in  the  hope  of  prevent- 
ing the  election  of  consuls  friendly  to  the  triumvirs. 
Caesar,  on  this  occasion,  attacked  him  in  a  violent 
speech,  and  Vatinius  proposed  to  arrest  him.  Pom- 
pey,  on  his  part,  moved  by  invectives  to  which  he 
was  unaccustomed,  complained  to  the  people  of  the 
animosity  of  which  he  was  the  object;  but  his  speech 
does  not  appear  to  have  been  attended  with  much 
success. 

It  is  sad  to  see  the  accomplishment  of  great  things 
often  thwarted  by  the  little  passions  of  short-sighted 
men,  who  only  know  the  world  in  the  small  circle  to 
which  their  life  is  confined.  By  seconding  Caesar, 
Bibulus  might  have  obtained  an  honourable  reputa- 
tion. He  preferred  being  the  hero  of  a  coterie,  and 
sought  to  obtain  the  interested  applause  of  a  few  self- 
ish senators,  rather  than,  with  his  colleague,  to  merit 
public  gratitude.  Cicero,  on  his  part,  mistook  for  a 
true  expression  of  opinion  the  clamours  of  a  desperate 
faction.  He  was,  moreover,  one  of  those  who  find 
that  all  fares  well  while  they  are  themselves  in  pow- 
er, and  that  everything  is  endangered  when  they  are 
out.  In  his  letters  to  Atticus  he  speaks  of  the  gener- 
al hatred  to  these  new  kings,  predicts  their  approach- 
ing fall,  and  exclaims,  (J)  "  What  murmurs !  what  ir- 
on the  one  hand,  to  combat  their  views  on  account  of  my  ancient  friendship 
with  them,  and,  on  the  other,  my  antecedents  prevent  my  approving  of  what 
they  are  about ;  I  preserve  a  middle  course.  The  humour  of  the  people  is  best 
seen  in  the  theatres."  (Cicero,  Letters  to  Atticus,  II.  19,  20,  21.) 

(l)  "He  keeps  prudently  in  the  background,  but  hopes  at  a  safe  distance  to 
witness  their  shipwreck."    (Cicero,  Letters  to  Attiats,  II.  7.) 

PF 


450  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  dESAR. 

ritation !  what  hatred  against  our  friend  Pompey ! 
His  name  of  great  is  growing  old  like  that  of  rich 
Crassus."  (') 

He  explains,  with  a  perfect  naivete,  the  consolation 
which  his  self-love  finds  in  the  abasement  of  him  who 
was  formerly  the  object  of  his  admiration.  "  I  was 
tormented  with  fear  that  the  services  which  Pompey 
rendered  to  our  country  should  hereafter  appear  great- 
er than  mine.  I  have  quite  recovered  from  it.  He 
is  so  low,  so  veiy  low,  that  Curius  himself  appears  to 
me  a  giant  beside  him."  (2)  And  he  adds,  "  Now 
there  is  nothing  more  popular  than  to  hate  the  pop- 
ular men;  they  have  no  one  on  their  side.  They 
know  it,  and  it  is  this  which  makes  me  fear  a  resort 
to  violence.  I  cannot  think  without  shuddering  of 
the  explosions  which  are  inevitable."  (3)  The  hatred 
which  he  bore  to  Clodius  and  Valerius  misled  his 
judgment. 

Whilst  Caesar  laboriously  pursued  the  course  of  his 
destiny,  the  genius  of  Cicero,  instead  of  understanding 
the  future  and  hastening  progress  by  his  co-operation, 
resisted  the  general  impulse,  denied  its  evidence,  and 
could  not  perceive  the  greatness  of  the  cause  through 
the  faults  of  certain  adherents  to  power. 

Caesar  bore  uneasily  the  attacks  of  Cicero ;  but,  like 
all  who  are  guided  by  great  political  views,  superior 
to  resentment,  he  conciliated  everything  which  might 
exercise  an  ascendency  over  people's  minds ;  and  the 
eloquence  of  Cicero  was  a  power.  Dio  Cassius  thus 

(*)  Cicero,  Letters  to  Atticus,  II.  13. 
(a)  Cicero,  Letters  to  Atticus,  II.  1 7. 
(')  Cicero,  Letters  to  Atticus,  II.  20,  21. 


CONSULSHIP  OF  C^SAR  AND  BIBULUS.  451 

explains  the  conduct  of  Caesar :  "  He  did  not  wound 
Cicero  either  by  his  words  or  his  acts.  He  said 
that  often  many  men  designedly  throw  vain  sarcasm 
against  those  who  are  above  them  in  order  to  drive 
them  to  dispute,  in  the  hope  of  appearing  to  have 
some  resemblance  to  them,  and  be  put  in  the  same 
rank  if  they  succeed  in  being  abused  in  return.  Cae- 
sar therefore  judged  that  he  ought  not  to  enter  the 
lists  with  anybody.  Such  was  his  rule  of  conduct  to- 
wards those  who  insulted  him,  and,  as  he  saw  very 
well  that  Cicero  sought  less  to  offend  him  than  to  pro- 
voke him  to  make  some  injurious  reply,  from  the  de- 
sire which  he  had  to  be  looked  upon  as  his  equal,  he 
took  no  notice  of  him,  made  no  account  of  what  he 
said,  and  even  allowed  Cicero  to  insult  him  as  he 
liked,  and  to  praise  himself  beyond  measure.  How- 
ever, he  was  far  from  despising  him,  but,  naturally 
gentle,  his  anger  was  not  easily  aroused.  He  had 
much  to  punish,  as  must  be  the  case  with  one  mixed 
up  with  great  affairs,  but  he  never  yielded  to  pas- 
sion." (')  i 

An  incident  occurred  which  showed  all  the  animos- 
ity of  a  certain  party.  L.  Vettius,  an  old  spy  of  Cic- 
ero's in  the  Catiline  conspiracy,  punished  for  having 
falsely  accused  Caesar,  was  arrested  on  suspicion  of 
wishing  to  attempt  his  life,  as  well  as  that  of  Pom- 
pey.  A  poniard  was  found  upon  him ;  and,  being 
interrogated  before  the  Senate,  he  denounced,  as  the 
instigators  of  his  crime,  the  young  Curio,  Caepio,  Bru- 
tus, Lentulus,  Cato,  Lucullus,  Piso,  son-in-law  of  Cic- 
ero, Cicero  himself,  M.Laterensis,  and  others.  He  also 

0  Dio  Cassius,  XXXVIII.  11. 


452  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  C^ESAK. 

named  Bibulus,  which  removed  all  air  of  probability 
from  his  accusations,  Bibulus  having  already  warned 
Pompey  to  be  on  his  guard.  (*)  Historians,  such  as 
Dio  Cassius,  Appian,  and  Plutarch,  treat  this  plot  se- 
riously ;  the  first  maintains  expressly  that  Cicero  and 
Lucullus  had  armed  the  hand  of  the  assassin.  Sueto- 
nius, on  the  contrary,  reproaches  Csesar.  with  having 
suborned  Vettius  in  order  to  throw  the  blame  upon 
his  adversaries. 

In  face  of  these  contradictory  informations,  it  is 
best,  as  in  the  case  of  an  ordinary  lawsuit,  to  estimate 
the  worth  of  the  charge  according  to  the  previous  char- 
acter of  the  accused.  Now,  Cicero,  notwithstanding 
his  instability,  was  too  honest  to  have  a  hand  in  a 
plot  for  assassination,  and  Caesar  had  too  elevated  a 
character  and  too  great  a  consciousness  of  his  power 
to  lower  himself  so  far  as  to  seek,  in  a  miserable  in- 
trigue, the  means  of  augmenting  his  influence.  A 
senatus-consultum  caused  Vettius  to  be  thrown  into 
prison ;  but  Csesar,  interested  in,  and  resolved  on,  the 
discoveiy  of  the  truth,  referred  the  matter  to  the  peo- 
ple, and  forced  Vettius  to  mount  the  tribune  of  the 
orators.  He,  with  a  suspicious  versatility,  denounced 
those  whom  he  had  before  acquitted,  and  cleared  those 
whom  he  had  denounced,  and  among  others,  Brutus. 
With  regard  to  the  latter,  it  was  pretended  that  this 
change  was  due  to  Caesar's  connection  with  his  moth- 
er. Vettius  was  remanded  to  prison,  and  found  dead 
next  day.  Cicero  accused  Vatinius  of  killing  him ;  (2) 
but,  according  to  others,  the  true  authors  of  his  death 

0)  Cicero,  Letters  to  Atticus,  II.  24. 

(*)  Cicero,  Oration  against  Vatinius,  II.— Dio  Cassias.  XXXVIII.  9. 


CONSULSHIP  OF  C^SAB  AND  BIBULUS.  453 

were  those  who  had  urged  him  into  this  disgraceful 
intrigue,  and  were  in  fear  of  his  revelations.  (J) 

The  comparison  of  these  various  accounts  leads  us 
to  conclude  that  this  obscure  agent  of  dark  intrigues 
had  made  himself  the  instigator  of  a  plot,  in  order  to 
have  the  merit  of  revealing  it,  and  to  attract  the  fa- 
vour of  Csesar  by  pointing  to  his  political  adversaries 
as  accomplices.  Nevertheless,  the  event  turned  to  the 
profit  of  Caesar,  and  the  people  permitted  him  to  take 
measures  for  his  personal  safety.  (2)  It  was  doubtless 
at  this  period  that  the  ancient  custom  was  re-estab- 
lished of  allowing  a  consul,  during  the  month  when 
he  had  not  the  fasces,  the  right  of  being  preceded  by 
a  beadle  (accensus)  and  followed  by  lictors.  (3) 

Without  changing  the  fundamental  laws  of  the  Re- 
public, Caesar  had  obtained  a  great  result :  he  had  re- 
placed anarchy  by  an  energetic  power,  ruling  at  the 
same  time  the  Senate  and  the  comitia ;  by  the  mutual 
understanding  between  the  three  most  important  men, 
he  had  substituted  for  personal  rivalries  a  moral  au- 
thority which  enabled  him  to  establish  laws  condu- 
cive to  the  prosperity  of  the  empire.  But  it  was  es- 
sential that  his  departure  should  not  entail  the  fall  of 
the  edifice  so  laboriously  raised.  He  was  not  igno- 
rant of  the  number  and  power  of  his  enemies ;  he 
knew  -that  if  he  abandoned  to  them  the  forum  and 
the  curia,  not  only  would  they  reverse  his  enactments, 
but  they  would  even  deprive  him  of  his  command. 
If  there  was  any  doubt  of  the  degree  of  hatred  of 

(')  Scholiast  of  Bobbio,  On  Cicero's  Oration  against  Vatiniiis,  p.  330,  edit. 
Orelli.— Appian,  Civil  Wars,  II.  2  and  12. 

(s)  Appian,  Civil  Wars,  II.  12.  (3)  Suetonius,  Coesar,  20. 


454  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  C^SAR. 

which  he  was  the  object,  it  would  be  sufficient  to  be 
reminded,  that  a  year  afterwards  Ariovistus  confessed 
to  him,  in  an  interview  on  the  banks  of  the  Rhine, 
that  many  of  the  important  nobles  of  Rome  had  de- 
signs against  his  life.  (*)  Against  such  animosities  he 
had  the  task,  no  easy  one,  of  directing  the  elections. 
The  Roman  constitution  caused  new  candidates  to 
spring  up  every  year  for  honours;  and  it  was  indis- 
pensable to  have  partisans  amongst  the  two  consuls, 
the  eight  praetors,  and  the  ten  tribunes  named  in  the 
comitia.  At  all  epochs,  even  at  the  time  when  the 
aristocracy  exercised  the  greatest  influence,  it  could 
not  prevent  its  opponents  from  introducing  them- 
selves into  the  public  offices.  Moreover,  the  three 
who  had  made  common  cause  had  reason  to  fear  the 
ambition  and  ingratitude  of  the  men  whom  they  had 
raised,  and  who  would  soon  seek  to  become  their 
equals.  There  was  still  a  last  danger,  and  perhaps 
the  most  serious :  it  was  the  impatience  and  want  of 
discipline  of  the  democratic  party,  of  which  they  were 
the  chiefs. 

In  face  of  these  dangers,  the  triumvirs  agreed  to 
cause  L.  Piso,  the  father-in-law  of  Caesar,  and  A.  Ga- 
binius,  the  devoted  partisan  of  Pompey,  to  be  elected 
to  the  consulship  the  following  year.  They  were,  in 
fact,  designated  consuls  on  the  18th  of  October,  in 
spite  of  the  efforts  of  the  nobles  and  the  accusation 
of  Cato  against  Gabinius. 

At  the  end  of  the  year  695,  Caesar  and  Bibulus 

0)  "  He  (Ariovistus)  knows,  by  his  messengers,  that  in  causing  Caesar's 
death  he  would  gratify  a  number  of  great  persons  at  Rome ;  his  death  would 
win  to  him  their  favour  and  friendship."  (Caesar,  War  in  Gaul,  I.  44.) 


CONSULSHIP  OF  CAESAR  AND  BIBULUS.  455 

ceased  their  functions.  The  latter,  in  reporting  his 
conduct  according  to  custom,  endeavoured  to  paint  in 
the  blackest  colours  the  state  of  the  Republic ;  but 
Clodius  prevented  him  from  speaking.  (a)  As  for 
Caesar,  his  presentiment  of  the  attacks  to  which  he 
was  to  be  subjected  was  only  too  well  founded ;  for 
he  had  hardly  quitted  office,  when  the  praetor  L.  Do- 
niitius  Ahenobarbus,  and  C.  Memmius,  friends  of  Cic- 
ero, (2)  proposed  to  the  Senate  to  prosecute  him  for 
the  acts  committed  during  his  consulate,  and  especial- 
ly for  not  having  paid  attention  to  the  omens.  From 
this  proposal  the  Senate  recoiled.  (3)  Still,  they 
brought  Caesar's  questor  to  trial.  He  himself  was 
cited  by  the  tribune  L.  Antistius.  But  the  whole  col- 
lege refused  to  entertain  the  charge,  in  virtue  of  the 
law  Memmia,  which  forbad  an  accusation  to  be  enter- 
tained against  a  citizen  while  absent  on  the  public 
service.  (*) 

Caesar  found  himself  once  more  at  the  gates  of 
Rome,  invested  with  the  imperium,  and,  according  to 
Cicero's  letters,  (5)  at  the  head  of  numerous  troops, 
composed  apparently  of  veteran  volunteers.  (6)  He 

(')  Dio  Cassias,  XXXVIII.  12. 

(s)  Cicero,  Letters  to  Quintus,  I.  2. 

(3)  Suetonius,  Ccesar,  23 ;  Nero,  2. 

(')  Suetonius,  Ccesar,  23. — Valerius  Maximus,  III.  7,  9, 

(5)  "At  the  gates  of  Rome  there  was  a  general  invested  with  authority  for 
many  years,  and  at  the  head  of  a  great  army  (cum  magno  exercitu).  Was  he 
my  enemy  ?  I  do  not  say  he  was ;  but  I  knew  that  when  people  said  so,  he 
was  silent."  (Cicero,  Oration  after  his  return  in  the  Senate,  13.) — "Oppresses, 
TOS,  inquit,  tenebo  exercitu  Csesaris."  (Cicero,  Letters  to  Atticus,  II.  16.) — 
"  Clodius  said  he  would  invade  the  curia  at  the  head  of  Csesar's  army."  (Cic- 
ero, Oration  on  the  Report  of  the  Augurs,  22.) — "Cffisar  had  already  gone  out 
of  Rome  with  his  army."  (Dio  Cassias,  XXXVIII.  17.) 

(*)  In  several  passages  of  Cicero's  letters,  Caesar  is  represented  as  being  at 


456  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  C^SAR. 

even  remained  there  more  than  two  months,  in  order 
to  watch  that  his  departure  should  not  become  the 
signal  for  the  overthrow  of  his  work. 

VI.  During  this  time,  Clodius,  a  restless  and  tur- 
i  aw  of  ciodius  bulent  spirit,  (T)  proud  of  the  support 
Exile  of  cicero.  ^^  fa  had  ]ent  the  triumvirs,  as  well 

the  gates  of  Rome  at  the  head  of  his  army ;  and  yet  we  know  from  his  Com- 
mentaries that  at  the  beginning  of  the  war  in  Gaul  he  had  only  four  legions, 
of  which  one  was  stationed  on  the  banks  of  the  Rhine,  and  the  three  others  at 
Aquileia,  in  Illyria.  It  is,  therefore,  difficult  to  understand  how  he  could  have 
had  troops  at  the  gates  of  Rome,  of  which  no  further  mention  is  made  in  the 
course  of  his  campaign.  The  only  way  to  reconcile  the  letters  of  Cicero  with 
the  Commentaries  is  to  allow  that  Caesar,  independently  of  the  legions  which  he 
found  beyond  the  frontiers  of  Italy,  summoned  to  his  standard  the  volunteers 
and  Roman  veterans  who  were  desirous  of  following  him.  Mustering  at  the 
gate  of  Rome,  they  joined  him  subsequently  in  Gaul,  and  were  merged  in  the 
legions.  This  supposition  is  the  more  probable,  as  in  700,  when  the  question 
of  re-electing  Pompey  and  Crassus  to  the  consulship  was  brought  forward,  Cae- 
sar sent  to  Rome  a  great  number  of  soldiers  to  vote  in  the  comitia.  Hence,  as 
all  the  legions  had  been  recruited  in  Cisalpine  Gaul,  the  inhabitants  of  which 
did  not  possess  the  right  of  Roman  city,  he  must  have  had  other  Roman  citi- 
zens in  his  army.  Besides,  if  Caesar  appealed  to  the  veterans,  he  only  followed 
the  example  of  nearly  all  the  Roman  generals,  and  among  others  of  Scipio, 
Flamininus,  and  Marius.  In  fact,  when  Cornelius  Scipio  departed  for  the  war 
against  Antiochus,  there  were  five  thousand  volunteers  at  the  gates  of  Rome — 
citizens  as  well  as  allies — who  had  served  in  all  the  campaigns  of  his  brother, 
Scipio  Africanus.  (Titus  Livius,  XXXVII.  4.) — "When  Flamininus  left  to 
join  the  legions  in  Macedonia,  he  took  with  him  three  thousand  veterans  who 
had  fought  against  Hannibal  and  Hasdrubal."  (Plutarch,  Flamininus,  III.) 
— "Marius,  before  leaving  for  the  war  against  Jugurtha,  appealed  to  all  the 
bravest  soldiers  of  Latium.  He  knew  most  of  them  for  having  served  under 
his  eyes,  and  the  rest  by  reputation.  By  force  of  solicitation,  he  obliged  even 
the  veterans  to  go  with  him."  (Sallust,  War  of  Jugurtha,  LXXXIV.) 

(*)  "At  the  present  moment  he  (Clodius)  is  agitating  and  raging ;  he  knows 
not  what  he  wants ;  he  makes  hostile  demonstrations  on  this  side  and  on  that, 
and  seems  to  intend  to  leave  to  chance  where  he  shall  strike.  When  he  gives 
a  thought  to  the  unpopularity  of  the  present  state  of  things,  you  would  say  he 
was  going  to  fly  at  the  authors  of  it ;  but  when  he  sees  on  which  side  are  the 
means  of  action  and  the  armed  force,  he  turns  round  against  us."  (Cicero, 
Letters  to  Atticus,  II.  22.) 


CONSULSHIP  OF  OZESAR  AND  BIBULUS.  457 

as  of  that  lie  had  received  from  them,  listened  only  to 
his  passion,  and  caused  laws  to  be  enacted,  some  of 
which,  flattering  the  populace  and  even  the  slaves, 
menaced  the  State  with  anarchy.  In  virtue  of  these 
laws,  he  re-established  political  associations  (collegia), 
clubs  dangerous  to  public  tranquillity,  (*)  which  Syl- 
la  had  dissolved,  but  which  were  subsequently  re- 
organised to  be  again  suppressed  in  690 ;  (2)  he  made 
gratuitous  distributions  of  wheat  to  the  people ;  took 
from  the  censors  the  right  of  excluding  from  the  Sen- 
ate anybody  they  wished,  allowing  them  only  to  re- 
ject those  who  were  under  condemnation ;  (3)  forbad 
the  magistrates  taking  omens,  or  observing  the  sky  on 
the  day  of  the  deliberation  of  the  comitia ;  (4)  and, 
lastly,  he  inflicted  severe  penalties  on  those  who  had 
condemned  Roman  citizens  to  death  unheard.  This 
last  enactment  was  evidently  directed  against  Cicero, 
although  his  name  was  not  mentioned  in  it.  In  order 
to  ensure  its  adoption,  its  author  desired  the  acqui- 
escence of  Caesar,  who  was  detained  at  the  gates  of 
Rome  by  the  military  command,  which  forbad  him  to 
enter.  Clodius  then  convoked  the  people  outside  the 
walls,  and  when  he  asked  the  proconsul  his  opinion, 
the  latter  replied  that  it  was  well  known  by  his  vote 

(l)  These  clubs  (collegia  compitalitia)  had  an  organisation  which  was  almost 
military,  divided  into  districts,  and  composed  exclusively  of  the  proletaries. 
(See  Mommsen,  Roman  History,  III.  290.) — "The  slaves  enrolled  under  pre- 
tence of  forming  corporations. "  (Cicero,  Oration  after  his  return  in  the  Sen- 
ate, 13.) 

(*)  An  exception,  however,  was  made  in  690,  in  favour  of  the  corporations 
of  artisans.  (Asconius,  In  Pisone,  IV.  p.  7;  In  Cornelians,  p.  75,  edit.  Orelli.) 

(3)  Cicero,  Oration  against  Piso,  4.  —  Asconius,  On  the  Oration  of  Cicero 
against  Piso,  pp.  7,  8,  edit.  Orelli. — Dio  Cassius,  XXXVIII.  13. 

(«)  Dio  Cassius,  XXXVIII.  13. 
20 


458  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

in  the  affair  of  the  accomplices  of  Catiline ;  that,  nev- 
ertheless, he  disapproved  of  a  law  which  pronounced 
penalties  upon  facts  which  belonged  to  the  past.  (!) 

On  this  occasion  the  Senate  went  into  mourning, 
in  order  to  exhibit  its  discontent  to  all  eyes ;  but  the 
consuls  Gabinius  and  Piso  obliged  the  Senate  to  re- 
linquish this  ill-tuned  demonstration. 

Caesar,  in  order  to  defend  Cicero  from  the  danger 
which  threatened  him,  offered  to  take  him  with  him 
to  Gaul  as  his  lieutenant.  (2)  Cicero  rejected  the  offer, 
deceiving  himself  through  his  confidence  in  his  own 
influence,  (3)  and  reckoning,  moreover,  on  the  protec- 
tion of  Pompey.  It  appears  positive  from  this  that 
Clodius  exceeded  Caesar's  views,  a  new  proof  that  such 
instruments  when  employed  are  two-edged  swords, 
which  even  the  most  skilful  hands  find  it  difficult  to 
direct.  It  is  thus  that  later,  Vatinius,  aspiring  to  be- 
come praetor,  received  from  his  old  patron  this  strong 
warning:  "Vatinius  has  done  nothing  gratuitously 

0)  Dio  Cassius,  XXXVIII.  17. 

(3)  "I  receive  from  Caesar  the  most  flattering  invitations,  asking  me  to  join 
him  as  lieutenant."  (Cicero,  Letters  to  Atticus,  II.  17.) — "  He  has  got  my  en- 
emy (Clodius)  transferred  to  the  plebeian  order :  either  because  he  was  irrita- 
ted to  see  that  even  his  kindness  £ould  not  persuade  me  to  join  his  side,  or  be- 
cause he  yielded  to  the  urgency  of  others.  My  refusal  could  not  have  been 
regarded  as  an  insult,  for  subsequently  to  it  he  advised  me,  nay,  even  entreated 
me,  to  serve  him  as  lieutenant.  I  did  not  accept  this  office,  not  because  I 
thought  it  beneath  me,  but  because  I  was  far  from  suspecting  that  the  State 
could  possibly  have,  after  Caesar,  any  consuls  so  infamous  as  these  (Piso  and 
Gabinius)."  (Cicero,  Oration  about  the  Consular  Provinces,  17.) 

(3)  "  Thanks  to  the  pains  I  take,  my  popularity  and  my  strength  increase 
daily.  I  do  not  meddle  with  politics  in  any  way — not  the  least.  My  house  is 
crowded  ;  my  friends  gather  round  me  when  I  go  abroad ;  my  consulate  seems 
to  be  beginning  afresh.  It  rains  protestations  of  attachment ;  and  my  confi- 
dence is  such  that  at  times  I  long  for  the  strife,  which  I  ought  always  to  dread." 
(Cicero,  Letters  to  Atticus,  II.  22.) — "Let  Clodius  bring  his  accusation.  Italy 
will  rise  as  one  man."  (Cicero,  Letters  to  Quintus,  I.  2.) 


CONSULSHIP  OF  C2ESAR  AND  BIBULUS.  459 

during  his  tribuneship ;  he  who  only  looks  for  money 
ought  to  dispense  with  honours."  (l)  In  fact,  Caesar, 
whose  efforts  to  re-establish  the  popular  institutions 
had  never  slackened,  desired  neither  anarchy  nor  dem- 
ocratic laws ;  and  just  as  he  had  not  approved  of  the 
proposal  of  Manilius  for  the  emancipation  of  the  freed- 
men,  so  he  opposed  the  reorganisation  of  the  corpora- 
tions, the  gratuitous  distributions  of  wheat,  and  the 
projects  of  vengeance  entertained  by  Clodius,  who, 
however,  continually  boasted  of  his  support. 

Crassus,  on  his  part,  desiring  to  be  useful  to  Cicero 
without  compromising  himself,  (2)  engaged  his  son  to 
go  to  his  aid.  As  for  Pompey,  wavering  between  fear 
and  friendship,  he  devised  a  pretext  not  to  receive  Cic- 
ero when  he  came  to  seek  his  support.  Deprived  of 
this  last  resource,  the  great  orator  abandoned  his  de- 
lusions, and  after  some  show  of  resistance  voluntarily 
withdrew.  Scarcely  had  he  quitted  Rome  when  the 
law  against  him  was  passed  without  opposition,  with 
the  concurrence  of  those  whom  Cicero  had  looked 
upon  as  his  friends.  (3)  His  goods  were  confiscated, 
his  house  razed,  and  he  was  exiled  to  a  distance  of 
four  hundred  miles. 

Caesar  had  skilfully  taken  precautions  that  his  in- 
fluence should  be  felt  at  Rome  during  his  absence,  as 
much  as  the  instability  of  the  magistracy  would  per- 
mit. By  the  aid  of  his  daughter  Julia,  whose  charms 
and  mental  accomplishments  captivated  her  husband, 
Caesar  retained  his  influence  over  Pompey.  By  his 
favours  to  the  son  of  Crassus,  a  young  man  of  great 

(')  Cicero,  Oration  against  Vatinius,  16. 

(a)  Plutarch,  Pompey,  48.  (')  Plutarch,  Cicero,  41. 


460  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CJESAK. 

merit,  who  was  appointed  his  lieutenant,  he  assured 
himself  of  his  father.  Cicero  is  removed,  but  soon 
Csesar  will  consent  to  his  return,  and  will  conciliate 
him  again  by  taking  into  his  favour  his  brother  Quin- 
tus.  There  remains  the  opposition  of  Cato.  Clodius 
undertakes  to  remove  him  under  the  pretence  of  an 
honourable  mission :  he  is  sent  to  Cyprus  to  dethrone 
King  Ptolemy,  whose  irregularities  excited  the  hatred 
of  his  subjects.  (l)  Finally,  all  the  men  of  importance 
who  had  any  chance  of  obtaining  employment  are 
gained  to  the  cause  of  Caesar;  some  even  engage  them- 
selves to  him  by  writing.  (2)  He  can  thus  proceed  to 
his  province ;  Destiny  is  about  to  open  a  new  path ; 
immortal  glory  awaits  him  beyond  the  Alps,  and  this 
glory,  reflected  upon  Rome,  will  change  the  face  of 
the  world. 

VII.  We  have  shown  Caesar  obeying  only  his  po- 
•me  Explanation  of  litical  convictions,  whether  as  the  ardent 
uct"  promoter  of  all  popular  measures,  or  as 
the  declared  partisan  of  Pompey ;  we  have  shown 
him  aspiring  with  a  noble  ambition  to  power  and 
honours ;  but  we  are  not  ignorant  that  historians  in 
general  give  other  motives  for  his  conduct.  They 
represent  him,  in  684,  as  having  already  his  plans 
denned,  his  schemes  arranged,  his  instruments  all  pre- 
pared. They  attribute  to  him  an  absolute  prescience 
of  the  future,  the  faculty  of  directing  men  and  things 
at  his  will,  and  of  rendering  each  one,  unknowingly, 
the  accomplice  of  his  profound  designs.  All  his 
actions  have  a  hidden  motive,  which  the  historian 

(')  Vellei us  Patemilus,  11.45.  (3)  Suetonius,  XXIII. 


CONSULSHIP  OF  C^SAR  AND  BIBULUS.  4.QI 

boasts  of  having  discovered.  If  Caesar  raises  up 
again  the  standard  of  Marius,  makes  himself  the  de- 
fender of  the  oppressed,  and  the  persecutor  of  the 
hired  assassins  of  past  tyranny,  it  is  to  acquire  a  con- 
currence necessary  to  his  ambition ;  if  he  contends 
with  Cicero  in  favour  of  legality  in  the  trial  of  the 
accomplices  of  Catiline,  or  to  maintain  an  agrarian 
law  of  which  he  approves  the  political  aim,  or  if,  to 
repair  a  great  injustice  of  Sylla,  he  supports  the  res- 
toration of  the  children  of  the  proscribed  to  their 
rights,  it  is  for  the  purpose  of  compromising  the 
great  orator  with  the  popular  party.  If,  on  the  con- 
trary, he  places  his  influence  at  the  service  of  Pom- 
pey ;  if,  on  the  occasion  of  the  war  against  the  pirates, 
he  contributes  to  obtain  for  him  an  authority  consid- 
ered exorbitant ;  if  he  seconds  the  plebiscitum  which 
further  confers  upon  him  the  command  of  the  army 
against  Mithridates ;  if  subsequently  he  causes  extra- 
ordinary honours  to  be  awarded  him,  though  absent, 
it  is  still  with  the  Machiavellian  aim  of  making  the 
greatness  of  Pompey  redound  to  his  own  profit.  So 
that,  if  he  defends  liberty,  it  is  to  ruin  his  adversaries ; 
if  he  defends  power,  it  is  to  accustom  the  Romans  to 
tyranny.  Finally,  if  Caesar  seeks  the  consulate,  like 
all  the  members  of  the  Roman  nobility,  it  is,  say  they, 
because  he  already  foresees,  beyond  the  fasces  of  the 
consul  and  the  dust  of  battles,  the  dictatorship  and 
even  the  throne.  Such  an  interpretation  results  from 
the  too  common  fault  of  not  being  able  to  appreciate 
facts  in  themselves,  but  according  to  the  complexion 
which  subsequent  events  have  given  them. 

Strange  inconsistency,  to  impute  to  great  men  at 


462  HISTORY  OF  JULIUS  CAESAR. 

the  same  time  mean  motives  and  superhuman  fore- 
thought !  No,  it  was  not  the  miserable  thought  of 
checking  Cicero  which  guided  Caesar ;  he  had  not 
recourse  to  a  tactic  more  or  less  skilful :  he  obeyed  a 
profound  conviction,  and  what  proves  it  indisputably 
is,  that,  once  elevated  to  power,  his  first  acts  are  to 
execute,  as  consul  or  dictator,  what  as  a  citizen  he 
had  supported :  witness  the  agrarian  law  and  the  res- 
toration of  the  proscribed.  No,  if  he  supports  Pom- 
pey,  it  is  not  because  he  thinks  that  he  can  degrade 
him  after  having  once  elevated  him,  but  because  this 
illustrious  captain  had  embraced  the  same  cause  as 
himself;  for  it  would  not  have  been  given  to  any  one 
to  read  so  far  into  the  future  as  to  predict  the  use 
which  the  conqueror  of  Mithridates  would  make  of 
his  triumphs  and  veritable  popularity.  In  fact,  when 
he  disembarked  in  Italy,  Home  was  in  anxiety :  will 
he  disband  his  army  ?  (:)  Such  was  from  all  quar- 
ters the  cry  of  alarm.  If  he  returns  as  a  master, 
no  one  is  able  to  resist  him.  Contrary  to  the  gener- 
al expectation,  Ponipey  disbanded  his  troops.  How 
then  could  Caesar  foresee  beforehand  a  moderation 
then  so  unusual  ? 

Is  it  truer  to  say  that  Caesar,  having  become  pro- 
consul, aspired  to  the  sovereign  power  ?  No ;  in  de- 
parting for  Gaul,  he  could  no  more  have  thought  of 
reigning  over  Rome,  than  could  General  Buonaparte, 
starting  for  Italy  in  1796,  have  dreamed  of  the  Em- 

0)  "The  rumonrs  which  preceded  Pompey  had  caused  great  consternation 
there,  because  it  had  been  said  that  he  meant  to  enter  the  city  with  his  army." 
(Plutarch,  Pompey,  45.) — "  However,  every  one  dreaded  Pompey  in  the  great- 
est degree;  no  one  knew  whether  he  would  disband  his  army  or  not."  (Dio 
Cassius,  XXXVII.  44.) 


CONSULSHIP  OF  CAESAR  AND  BIBULUS. 

pire.  Was  it  possible  for  Caesar  to  foresee  that,  dur- 
ing a  sojourn  of  ten  years  in  Gaul,  he  would  there 
link  Fortune  to  him  for  ever,  and  that,  at  the  end  of 
this  long  space  of  time,  the  public  mind  at  Koine 
would  still  be  favourable  to  his  projects  ?  Could  he 
foresee  that  the  death  of  his  daughter  would  break 
the  ties  which  attached  him  to  Poinpey  ?  that  Cras- 
sus,  instead  of  returning  in  triumph  from  the  East, 
would  be  conquered  and  slain  by  the  Parthians? 
that  the  murder  of  Clodius  would  throw  all  Italy 
into  commotion  ?  and,  finally,  that  anarchy,  which  he 
had  sought  to  stifle  by  the  triumvirate,  would  be  the 
cause  of  his  own  elevation  ?  Caesar  had  before  his 
eyes  great  examples  for  his  guidance;  he  marched  in 
the  track  of  the  Scipios  and  of  Paulus  JEmilius ;  the 
hatred  of  his  enemies  forced  him,  like  Sylla,  to  seize 
upon  the  dictatorship,  but  for  a  more  noble  cause,  and 
by  a^  course  of  proceeding  exempt  from  vengeance 
and  cruelty. 

Let  us  not  continually  seek  little  passions  in  great 
souls.  The  success  of  superior  men,  and  it  is  a  con- 
soling thought,  is  due  rather  to  the  loftiness  of  their 
sentiments  than  to  the  speculations  of  selfishness  and 
cunning;  this  success  depends  much  more  on  their 
skill  in  taking  advantage  of  circumstances,  than  on 
that  presumption,  blind  enough  to  believe  itself  capa- 
ble of  creating  events,  which  are  in  the  hands  of  God 
alone.  Certainly,  Caesar  had  faith  in  his  destiny,  and 
confidence  in  his  genius ;  but  faith  is  an  instinct,  not 
a  calculation,  and  genius  foresees  the  future  without 
understanding  its  mysterious  progress. 


END    OF   VOL.  I. 


DC  SB  LIBRARY 


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